aIZie Swpan Daun Eighty-Six Years of Editorial Freedom 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mt 48, 04 Thursday, January 22, 1976 News Phone: 764-0552 Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan No more Vietnams: Angola for the An golans 'U' prof. analyzes Angolan con fllct THE UNITED STATES' involvement in Angola's civil war has been wrong from top to bottom. Our action is not the result of some error, mis- calculation or snafu. It is, much like Vietnam, the direct, inevitable result of American policymakers' militaris- tic world view and strategy. From the earliest days of the Cold War, American leaders have, with little variation, used subtle interfer- ence and blatant intervention in other nations' affairs to increase our grip on the worjd and contain the hobgoblin of Communism. When the U. S. takes sides in a civil conflict, the relative ideological and structur- al merits of the factions are irrele- vant: the choice is whichever group capitulates easiest to our needs. In Korea, Vietnam, Spain Chile and now Angola, what America has wanted - more than humane, pro- gressive governments as espoused in our propaganda - is governments that lean to the West. - Whether one believes in cold- blooded anti-Soviet pragmatism or compassionate, humanitarian poli- cies, America's approach is reprehen- sible. With money and arms, we are supporting the Angola faction with the least claim to popular sovereign- ty, Holden Roberto's National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). In Africa, Roberto has a reputation of self-serving opportunism and shallow ideological base; most re- cently he has shown his colors by threaitening full-force terrorism if his faction loses, which is likely. For the group dubbed most representa- tive of "the local population" by President Ford, it seems he cares for little but political power. AMERICA'S other Angolan ally is UNITA, the faction whose mili- tary might lies in its use of South African arms and mercenary troops. Even the Pentagon's observers agree that nothing damages the U. S. im- age on the continent more than our support for South Africa's racist re- gime. More important than backing for UNITA, this support is tacitly ac- knowledged as a key reason for our very presence in Angola: to prevent the rise of a leftist government so threateningly close to South Africa. TODAY'S STAFF: NEWS: Barb Cornell, Ann Marie Li- pinski, Cheryl Pilate, Cathy Reutter, Sara Rimer, Karen Schulkins, Bill Turque.. EDITORIAL PAGE: Mark Basson, Dan Biddle, Stephen Hersh, Jon Pansius. PHOTO TECHNICIAN: Pauline Lub.. ens. THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCED THAT PRESIDENT FORD WILL ASK CONGRESS TO LIFT ITS BAN ON U.S. ASSISTANCE TO ANGOLA! - IF ANGOLA GOES, ZAMBIA WILL BE NEXT ... THEN TANZANIA, JGANDA AND THE CONGO! YOU THINK WE CAN SIT IDLY BY AND LET TARZAN-BE FORCED TO LIVE UNDER COMMUNISM? (EDITOR'S NOTE: University Prof. Godfrey Uzoigwe's expertise in African political affairs makes him unusually qualified to analyze the current Angolan civil war. Born in Nigeria, Uzoigwe be- came a professor of African history at the University in 1970 after teaching at Makerera University in Uganda. It was at Makerera that he "got to know a number of African leaders," including Julius Nyerere, the president of Tan- zania and a prominent African social- ist. Uzoigwe presented his view of the Angolan conflict in a two-hour inter- view last week in his Haven Hall of- fice. "I keep in touch with what is going on in Angola," he said, "through journals, conference papers and the news broadcasts. I also get information from other Africanists, and through connec- tions in Washington." i The professor spoke in an almost melodic accent, an accent which com- bines the intonations of his Nigerian mother tongue with tinges of the speech of Dublin and Oxford, where he was educated. Espousing a radical view of Third World politics, his dramatic tone under- scored the conviction of his support for the 'MPLA. He described with a be- mused air the American leadership's "amazing ignorance when it comes to Africa" and the problems American involvement in the conflict has caused. The 15-year-long Angolan war, which recently came into prominence, is be- ing fought among three groups: the MPLA, or Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, led by Agostino Neto; the FNLA, or National Front for the Liberation of Angola, led by Holden Roberto; and UNITA, or the National Union for the Total Independ- ence of Angola, led by Jonas Savimbi. The MPLA is receiving the support of the Soviet Union, and is fighting with the aid of some 9,000 Cuban troops. The other two factions are being backed by the United States, with Savimbi's UNITA relying heavily on South African forces for military support.) J."."{..rm: s.. 'h{". .al. :.h.. ::"'r,}Y;:{:{i;::;:;{.;a^h::i"}:":v}3 i.. l....... ......v .....; ..... r.... ... ;::.::v:.::":::..: $:......:.wada.o...v!%: n.....m.2":",.ve":v:."..".ivo".l.etir."o:.".".".v.h:.i."}:".:".:.4"l:.c:v.sv.M1r .l....l. J::':ti $.1......M1.....:ti::.. '."r.};C"::{.::.,'!::{.; }.. ::v?:^:" Daily Photo by PAULINE LUBENS GODFREY UZOIGWE: 'The traditional 'I know why Holden Roberto is fight- African structure has n e v e r really ing. If you were in his position, you'd been capitalist . . . it's been more do what he's doing. He had a lovely communal. And it seems to me a villa in the ,Congo, paid for by the government has to operate in the United States.' idiom of the governed.' ..... .:... :".....'r:.......^;..Vr1........ ..... Agostino Neto ing for a modus vivendi, an escape route. I know that Neto doesn't give a damn about OAU. He knows that the foreigners are telling them what to do. Many of these countries can- not survive without France or Britain. Most of these European countries that are on the side of the United States have done their work. If little Chad, or another country from this area went to the OAU and voted against France, that may mepn star- vation for some of them. Nigeria can afford not to shut up, because Nigeria needs nothing from the United States, except expertise, which we pay for. Even if you don't like me and we want your stuff, you'll still sell it and make your profit. So Nigeria can af- ford to do that. But how many other African countries can? What is the history of the involvement of South African forces in the wear? UZOIGWE: The involvement of South Africa was inevitable in the conflict. If I were South Africa I would be worried. About Communism? UZOIGWE: No. South Africa is using Communism and all these things to get international support. I'd be worried because Angola is very strategic. Nami- bia, or what they call South-West Africa, berto, and Jonas Savimbi find themselves in the position of having to deal with a devil they don't like. I don't believe that Jonas Savimbi likes South Africa any more than Roberto. But here you are fighting vigorously, you want to be president, and South Africa comes out of the blue to help you. Why not use them? And then after that tell them to go to hell. If Savimbi should win, is he going to be able to do that? UZOIGWE: He'll be able to do that because there's nothing South Africa can really do about it. Will South Africa occupy Angola? And will all the African countries that are supporting Angola in the Organization of African Unity just simply sit quietly and allow South Africa to do this? South Africa will have to justify this internationally. provide to Angola after an MPLA vic- tory? UZOIGWE: We have to review the per- formance of the Angolan groups. The war started around 1961. Who were our friends? That is, the friends of Angola? The Soviet Uni- since 1961 has helped with expert advice, with training, with money, with weapons. Cuba has helped. So many of the Angolans have been trained in Cuba. Not only in Angola, but in so many other revolutionary areas in Africa, Cuba has been help- ing. For 15 years, the Russians and the Cubans have helped. We did not go the the Russians and the Cubans first. We went to the United States first, and the European countries, because for one reason or another our people have been scared stiff of Com- munism. Why? Because of the Catholic and Protestant churches. If you heard what they preach in their churches in Africa about Communism, you probably wouldn't want to go near those devils either, and there are many of us, what we feel is that though we do not want any Russian presence in Africa, we will not be so unfair to the Russians as to put tem in the same category as the United States. When the three movements became very clear-cut in their goals, the United States then bought the support of FNLA, which had not been declared socialist, giving money for the use in the street fights between the MPLA supporters and the FNLA. After 15 years, the Portuguese de- cided to throw in the towel, no thanks to the United States. Out of the blue, the United States shows up as a de- fender of African interests. And the United States begins to accuse the Ru- sians of re-colonization of Africa. The United States was playing on our fears of Communism. This is the way we look at it: the way your newspapers talk about de- tente and cold war - we do not see it in such terms. When the Russians were kicked out of Egypt, we all drank to it. We all were very happy. We did not get out of the clutches of ,Portugal to transfer ourselves to the clutches of the Soviet Union, or even to the clutch- es of the United States. Basically, I would argue, we are Af- ricans first and last. We are not an insular people, but after many years of colonialism, you want to at least know how it" is to rule yourself, even if you kill yourself doingif. How likely is MPLA, if it wins, to accept American capital, to develop the country? If the capital comes from pri- vate companies, it usually takes more out than it puts into the economy, but if it comes from the U.S. government, might it be more fairly given? Wouldn't it be more consistent for a socialist-style government to expropriate Gulf? UZOIGWE: Yeah, but which African -country has expropriated the oil com- panies? None, I think. Perhaps Libya has. But it will take time. I talked to many American businessmen when I was in Africa, and you know, in many cases, they prefer expropriation now? Because it's just like putting your shares in the stock exchange and somebody does all your meddling and pays you the bill. So you do no work and get all the money. So if you talk to businessmen in the United States, they are no longer afraid of nationalization. But nationaliza- tion in Africa has not really worked. What we did in Nigeria was simple. The middle and lower range business must be owned by Nigerians, from 50,000 pounds (about $140,000) down. The middle range now will be owned by Nigerians and foreigners. The upper level will be owned by foreigners and the government, so that we keep an eye on what is going on, until we are in a * * * Which of the factions in the Angolan war is the one you feel should win? UZOIGWE: The question I suppose I would ask myself, as an African, is which of the movements will prove to be more beneficial to the African cause. I know why Holden Roberto is fight- ing. If you were in his position you'd do what he's doing. If people like me support Agostino Neto and the MPLA, What is the ideology of the how is it different from the the other two groups? MPLA, and ideology of Holden Roberto The state department argues that the Popular Movement for the Liber- ation of Angola (MPLA) would form such a government and permit a Rus- sian presence in Africa, but the So- viet Union passed up similar oppor- tunities in Ghana and Guinea. Even some Pentagon analysts agree that U. S. support for an MPLA govern- ment would provide a wedge to offset Russian.influence. MPLA IS DEMONSTRABLY the most supportable group: it has a sensible socialist program, a hatred for foreign control of any stripe, and a broad ethnic-urban base. Its lead- er, Dr. Agostino Neto, says 'he will fight any Russian attempt to make Angola a satellite state. The Soviet Union's role must be viewed with as much suspicion as our own. But the practical answer to Russia - laying aside moral consid- erations -- is simply not found in alliance with racist South Africa. Finally, America must stop shed- ding other people's blood in the' name of pride and pragmatism. Editorial positions represent consensus of the Daily staff. 'We are Africans first and last. We are not an insular people, but after many years of colonialism, you want to at least know how it is to rule yourself, even if you kill your- self doing it.' ....... .....Y ^.^w.:..:f::4::.:: .w.,. .:4t:"? r . . . ..Y.w"..:::.... "i... UZOIGWE: Agostino Neto in my view is an African first and last. He uses socialist rhetoric. I would argue that he's a convinced socialist, but he is not a Russian-type socialist. Nor is he a Chinese-type socialist. He may be nearer to the Chinese than to the Rus- sians when it comes time for him to perform. I think he will be more in the tradition of Afrfcan socialism, of trying to Africanize the socialist ideas. It seems that the three of them (Neto, Sovimbi and Roberto), if they are given a free hand, what they would prefer is a system that will feed their people first, improvethe standard of living of their people, and of course of themselves, that all these ideologies are nit as serious in the contest as some of the more mundane, more basic problems. Has Neto presented an economic pro- gram? UZOIGWE: No, he has not. It is dif- ficult to develop an economic program when you are not in power. You may have the general outlines. I suppose his economic program will be socialist- oriented. I think nationalization will be part of it. I don't think capitalism will get looked into seriously. The reason is very clear. The traditional African structure has never really been capitalist. Lk.d9sauhixo Nor has it been Marxist, but it's been more communal. And it seems to me that for a government to work, it has to operate in the idiom of the gov- erned. IS ANGOLA REALLY VITAL TO US? CERTAINLY! h .r' we are supporting them for the simple reason that from our view, he seems to draw from a cross-section of the Angolan people. He has also an ideolo- gy to pursue independence with. Jonas Savimbi of UNITA seems to me to be an opportunist. It is true that he comes from a large group, the largest group in Angola called Ovim- bundu. But he is a late-comer to the struggle. His organization practically doesn't really exist; he doesn't have a strong military organization. Independ- ence comes in November 1975 and Jonas wants to get into the act, as anybody would, because it would look odd that the leader of the largest group in this area did not get into the act. Could you give a percentage figure for how much of the Angolan popula- tion is comprised of the Ovimbundu people? UZOIG WE: I think they would be near a half or more than a third. It is the largest group, and they are a very well- known group in African history. Now you look at Holden Roberto and his FNLA. Around the early 60's, the CIA, acting under your government, got Roberto under your payroll. Not to fight against the Portuguese, but to keep an eye on Agostino Neto, and MPLA. The figure we have is $10,000 per annum, under the general head of intelligence gathering. And Holden, never stepped into Angola. He had a lovely villa in the Congo, paid for by the United States, travelling a lot. But his people were not fighting. Initially the Organization of African Unity (OAU) recognized Roberto's as the official movement in Angola. But by the late sixties, that recognition was revoked. And Agostino Neto was recognized. He was prosecuting the war effectively. Jonas came in and broke away from FNLA and Roberto because he accused Roberto of taking money from the neo- colonialists, the Americans. Were you surprised that the OAU did pre-empt the situation, by sending troops to insure that a moderate government, in What will the S their view, will be in power. Then, Ro- pect in return for mannammammmmagmenssmmmenammsat .. _,, Soviets be able to ex- r any aid they would (Continued on following page) the liberation movement there is working. Sooner or later they will be independent, whether South Africa likes it or not. Angola then becomes independent. Mo- zamzique is already independent. Rho- desia (Zimbabwe) is already throttled and very soon will become independent. So it becomes of interest' to South Africa that a moderate government is in power in this area. But Neto, if he comes to power, is not going to talk to South Africa. He'll be like me. When he con- solidates his power,, he may be able to use Angola as a springboard for attacks or landings for whatever will happen in South Africa. So what South Africa did was try to 'I don't know if you have met any mercenaries before. They're not like you and me. They are like hit men. I don't think they give a damn z'hetlh er Coi nmunisicomnes to Africa or wthat. They just ivanit jJ 4 10 m i NOT TO MENTION JANE AND CHEETj DAMNED RIGHT! }I 7r~vn$ the price, and they fare cri-tee .. 0 They will not fight to the death. No mercenary ever does.' . .. ..... ,.' .' F , . it ' ^; :s 'sly<~ : .