Eighty-Six Years of Editorial Freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan

Military nabs high card in shuffle

Tuesday, November 11, 1975

News Phone: 764-0552

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mi. 48104

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By PETER HOLDEN
SAN FRANCISCO, Nov. 10
(PNS) - Gaining access to the
President is the, name of the
power game in Washington. Two
powerful men, each of whom
monopolized his own field -
Schlesinger in national security
and Kissinger in foreign policy
- were the big losers in Presi-
dent Ford's recent power shuf-
fle. The gainers are the miili-
tary, whoseaccess to the Presi-
dent was effectively blocked by
these two.
Since late 1973, Schlesinger
had monopolized national secur-
ity policy and Kiscsinger had
kept a tight grip on all foreign
policy options. This left the
military only operational mat-
ters as grounds for direct ac-
cess to the President. But with
the end of the Indochina war,
all U. S. active military opera-
tions ceased, and the service
chiefs' access became moot.
Now Ford has given the hold-
over Kissinger, the new De-
fense Secretary Rumsfeid, the
new National Security Council

Chairman Scowcraft and the,
new CIA Director Bush equal
access to him on combined for-
eign and national security mat-
ters. As defense secretary,
Rumsfeld can be counted on to
present the Pentagon viewpoint
-both military and civilian.
And so also will Air Force Gen.
Scowcroft, who is the first mili-
tary man to head the NSC since
its founding in 1947.
SINCE 1947, defense secre-
taries have been either tough
centralizers -or trouble-shooting
conflict resolvers. Unlike the
tough centralizer Schlesinger,
Rumsfeld now promises to be
much more like the trouble-
shooting, politically astute Mel-
vin Laird, Nixon's first-term
defense secretary.
Schlesinger, though respected,
was not liked by the service
chiefs. Just prior to his firing,
rifts over weapons programs
between Schlesinger and the
service chiefs were widening.
Though all the chiefs took the
same hard .line on detente as
Schlesinger, they were not en-
thusiastic about some of his pet
programs. With the defense bud-
get pie getting smaller because
of inflation and congressional
resistance, painful choices had
to be made.
Schlesinger, using his grow-
ing power, was determined to
ram through his own programs,
particularly those dealing with
new strategic weapons systems
aimed at the Russians. That
meant sacrificing other more
conventional systems, to the
chagrin of the chiefs.
Most angry was the Navy
(which takes the bulk of the de-
fense budget) on which Schle-
singer had recently imposed a
new "midi-carrier" program.
Opposed by virtually all Navy
officials, the midi-carrier was
too small for use by the F-14

fighter bomber, the mainstay of
naval air power, and could han-
die only a smaller new F-18 not
yet in production. Naval avia-
tors dominate the Navy, and
the new midi program would
have badly undercut their pow-
er. Chief of Naval Operations
James Holloway in the weeks
preceding Schlesinger's dismis-
sal had publicly aired the dis-
put with Schlesinger over the
midi-carrier and the F-14.
THE RIFT WENT to the heart
of n a t i o n a l security poli-
cy. Schlesinger - a game theo-

als not just to knock $7 billion
from Schlesinger's Pentagon
budget, but to cut out the heart
of his own strategic programs
- the cruise missile and the
long-range maneuverable war-
heads for the Trident subma-
rine. Schlesinger's widely pub-
licized loss of temper at Con-
gress underlined the blow it had
delivered to his entire national
security program.
Three days before the Sunday
massacre, the Russian, well
aware that Schlesinger was bad-
ly weakened ,turned down the
latest U. S. SALT proposals.
With the most outspoken anti-
detente figure in the U. S. un-
der fire from his own service
chiefs and their conservative al-
lies in Congress, Moscow was
not about to accept a set of
SALT proposals Schlesinger had
helped package.
THOUGH SCHLESING-
ER'S hard line on detente was
lately lauded by conservatives,
they were by no means all an-
gered by his firing. Pro-military
conservative publications, like
the Schlaffley-Ward book Kis-
singer on the Couch, had often
attacked Schlesinger in defa-
matory terms, portraying him
as a think-tank professor who
really believed in, strategic
games rather than * military
power.
Rumsfeld, a former naval av-
iator (as Vord carefully point-
ed out in his press conference),
is much more likely to get along
with both the service chiefs and
their conservative allies, and
to present their viewpoint to the
President.
Scowcroft's own history in
the White House belies the por-
trayal of him as Kissinger's er-
rand boy. Washington sources
describe him as a power in his
own right. Like his predeces-
sor Haig, Scowcroft's role as
deputy of the NSC was to en-

sure the military viewpoint got
adequately represented within
the NSC.
And Scowcroft now also takes
command of the entire intelli-
gence community, centralized
under the NSC during the six
year rule of Kissinger. With a
military man heading the NSC,
this may give the military the
upper hand after years of com-
petition with the CIA.
WITH RUMSFELD and Scow-
croft representing growing mili-
tary influence on the President,
only two other men have access
for other views. Kissinger will
presumably continue to argue
forcefully for his well known
policies - notably detente.
But the CIA access will be
manned by the lame-duck Colby
until the end of the year, and
then by a politician, George
Bush, with no prior experience
in foreign policy - making or
intelligence.

retician - sees weapons as
"bargaining chips" in an intri-
cate nuclear chess game with
the Soviet Union and has there-
fore pushed strategic weapons
programs like counterforce and
cruise missiles.
The service chiefs take the
more traditional view of wea-
pons as instruments of offense
and defense in conflict, not as
bargaining chips to be traded
off in negotiations for an arms
control accord. .
The chiefs got a powerful
boost in Congress when conser-
vatives teamed up with liber-

m~, a~ih, Z3- be ym #vaa1tnmd o~t Amz ,ntkAC
Judge's ruling upholds PY

Peter Holden, a
monitors foreign
military affairs.

PNS editor,
policy and


THE LOCAL PREFERENTIAL voting
(PV) law was certified legally
fit, in a ruling last week by visiting
Circuit Court Judge James Fleming.'
After a long wait, he finally issued
an opinion in the case prompted by
a Republican Party lawsuit challeng-
ing the validity of the PV system.
In last April's election Democrat
Albert Wheeler won the election
thanks to the somewhat confusing
and slightly cumbersome process.
The local GOP argued that its can-
didate, then Incumbent Mayor James
Stephenson, had. been plain snooker-
ed out of the election thanks to an
unconstitutional voting system.
But Fleming's ruling should silence
that voice crying "unfair, illegal, im-
moral" once and for all.
"The form of majority preferential
voting employed in the City of Ann
TODAY'S STAFF:
News: Gordon Atcheson, Mitch Dun-
itz, Stephen Hersh, Ann Marie Li-
pinski, Jo Marcotty, Cheryl Pilate,
Cathy Reutter.
Editorial Page: March Basson, Debra
Hurwitz, Ted Lambert, Jon Pansius,
Tom Stevens.
Arts Page: David Blomquist
Photo Technician: Ken Fink

Arbor . . . does not violate the one-
man, one-vote nor does it deprive
anyone of equal protection under
the Michigan and United States Con-
stitutions," the judge stated.
THAT ONE SENTENCE knocks the
stuffing out the Republicans'
main arguments against the voting
system approved by city residents just
over a year ago.
Under PV, voters can cast ballots
for both first and second choice may-
oral candidates. In the event no can-
didate wins a clear majority of first
choice votes, the second choice votes
of those voting for the last place
candidate are counted.
Last April, Stephenson barely lost
to Wheeler as a result of this process,
and his party has been crying sour
grapes ever since.
There has been talk of an appeal of
Fleming's decision, but that would be
sheer folly.
There is nothing illegal about pre-
ferential voting now nor has there
ever been - in fact it was effective-
ly used in a number of cities in the
state during the early part of the
century.
Maybe now - seven months after
the election - the Republican Party
ou i'ht to throw in the towel and ad-
mit that its candidate was beaten
fair and square... and legally.

demostration
To The Daily:
T H E DEMONSTRATION
which will take place today will
be the first visible sign of a
new student movement which is
emerging here at Michigan and
and at other universities across
the country. The specific issue
of today's action is the Univer-
sity's cooperation with the in-
telligence community in the
area of recruitment. Inherent
in this issue is the question of
student involvement in the de-
cisions which allocate Univer-
sity resources tovarious organ-
izations, corporations and indi-
viduals.
The fact that the Central In-
telligence Agency andthe Na-
tional Security Agency have
deemed it wise to avoid this
particular campus at this par-
ticular time does not negate the
fact that the University has
offered its facilities to these or-
ganizations. When juxtaposed
with the unwillingness of the
administration to support a
teach-in which offered a critical
view of these intelligence agen-
cies, serious questions must be
raised concerning the adminis-
tration's commitment th provid-

Letters
ing an open forum in which to
discuss one of the most press-
ing issues of our time.
THE LESSON OF the Teach-
In for those in attendance was
that the need for activism is
now stronger than it has ever
been. The lesson for the Re-
gents and administrators of this
University should be that stu-
dents are able and willing to or-
ganize, with or without their
consent. We urge all members
of the University community to
participate in today's action.
A2 Teach-In Committee
November 11
Spain
To The Daily:
WE WOULD LIKE TO issue
a rejoinder to Prof. James
Maharg's letter to the Daily
(October 29, 1975) on the issue
of Spain.
Prof. Maharg's vision of Spain
is neatly fashioned. He does not
contest the depiction of the
Franco regime as cruel and
oppressive. But, we find, the
vast majority of the Spanish
people are devoid of "politi-
cal consciousness," "apathetic,"
and possess a strong "ethnic
pride." This results, he says,
from the "impressive economic

to

The

record of the last 15 years."
In this situation protests in fore-
ign countries against the regime
have engendered a "wave of
xenophobia" and "put back
years" the cause of the opposi-
tion within Spain. But lest one
dismay at the seemingly help-
less situation, Maharg tells us
that the regime's days are num-
bered. How can this be? Well,
"the regime has no where to
go." It exists in an "ideological
vacuum." It seems it must "fall
of its own weight." But enough
of this Through the Looking
Glass view of social relation in
Spain.
IN FACT, THE VAST majori-
ty of Spaniards, 80% according
to a recent secret government
survey which was leaked out,
are oppossed to the regime. The
majority of the Spanish people
are politically united around a
desire for political self-determin-
ation; opposition to self-interest-
ed interference by foreign pow-
ers, especially the U.S., because
of Spain's strategic military and
economic importance; and the
right of workers to organize.
For many the political demands
are more far reaching - 40%,
according to the survey, support
either the Spanish socialists or

Debate: Bottled indecision

communists. A broad coalition
in Spain has recently issued a
demand for democratic rights.
Undoubtedly this fight will in-
tensify in the period ahead.
Prof. Maharg would have us
believe that any opposition to
the Franco regime is viewed by
the people in Spain as opposi-
tion to them. But this is not
the case. People in this country
should recognize the important
role that the U.S. government
has played mainly through eco-
nomic and military aid in prop-
ping up the regime and oppress-
ing the Spanish people and also
withinethe continuing contention
between the U.S. and Soviet
Union for world hegemony, poli-
tical conditions in Spain take
on world-wide significance. The
U.S. position in Southern Europe
has been seriously weakened by
recent events in Portugal, Italy,
Greece and Turkey. This has
only aggravated the overall con-
tention between the Soviet Union
and the U.S., and Spain is at
least potentially the future arena
of this international conflict. In
short, we should oppose inter-
vention by the U.S. or the Soviet
Union in Spain's internal affairs,
and take action to oppose such
intervention by the U.S.
AS A STEP in this direction
a group of concerned students
and faculty on this campus have
formed a Free Spain Commit-
tee. We have organized the first
two events in a Spain Forum
series. On Thursday, November
13, at 7:30 p.m., we will show
To Die in Madrid, a documen-
tary on the Spanish Civil War,
in Auditorium D of Angell Hall.
At the same time on the next
Thursday, November 20, we will
present a short film and a panel
discussion. The film will be
Dreams and Nightmares, on
U.S. involvement in Spain from
the Abraham Lincoln Brigade
in the Spanish Civil War to the
recent executive agreement con-
tinuing U.S. military presence
there, and conditions within
Spain. The presentation will be
the first showing in Ann Arbor
of this 1975 film. The panel dis-
cussion will include a sneaker
from the Abraham Lincoln Bri-
gade, Saul Wellman, on his ex-,
neriences in Spain, two people
from the Spanish Denartment,
Francis Weber and Francisco
Fernandes, a professor and stu-
dent, sneaking about the Basaiie
separatist movement and the
political situation within Snain,
and a speaker on the strategic
military and economic import-
ance of Spain to the U.S. gov-
ernment and corporations.
We extend our invitation to at-
tend to all.
Free Snain Committee
November 7
women
To The Daily:
ALTHOUGH WE ARE grate-

Daily

problems and lack of financial
support, they are distinct enti-
ties. We of course, actively sup-
port the goals and efforts of the
Women's Sports Program; how-
ever, we are, in fact, an aca-
demic unit of LS&A. We offer a
variety of courses and a major.
We are seriously committed to
our academic mission. We re-
sent the implication that our ef-
forts to extend 'the traditional
academic strengths of our cur-
riculum are merely for the pur-
pose of appeasing bureaucrats.
Horeover, the Program was
misrepresented in more specific
ways. The onl3 Women's Studies
student who was quoted was the
lone male major. Laurie Levin-
ger was mistakenly ie-itified as
the coordinator of all Women's
Studies courses, rather than as
coordinator of Women's Studies
200. "Carney" was never iden-
tified as, in fact, Ann Carney,
Director of Women's Division of
the Intramural Sports Program.
THE ARTICLE NEVER ade-
quately described Women's Stu-
dies 200. The quotes 'about this
course are takenentirely out of
.context implying that the course
is a .non-academic offering. In
fact, Women's Studies 200 is an
introductory course taught in
small discussion groups in the
dorm. Students are required to
read and write about various
aspects of women's experience,
and to discuss them in a man-
ner that integrates personal ex-
perience and traditional aca-
demic approaches. While we
support the use of innovative
and non-traditional educational
techniques, and the inclusion of
the controversial subject mat-
ters of sexuality and lesbian-
ism, the article gives the im-
pression that these are the pri-
mary foci of the program. The
article does not mention other
Women's Studies courses, such
as those dealing with women's
history, psychology of women,
women in art,research meth-
ods, women in the law, theories
of feminism, women in anthro-
pology, women in literature,
etc.
The article ends in an incon-
clusive muddle on the question
of the future of women's stu-
dies vis a vis the inclusion of
material on women within the
confines of the more traditional
disciplines. It is crucially im-
portant that other disciplines
include more material on wom-
en, each from its own perspec-
tive and area of concern. Nev-
ertheless, we do not believe that
study of women can or should
be subsumed under the estab-
lished disciplinary categories.
We feel that our interdisciplin-
ary approach is called for by
the multifold dimensions of
what we study. This is the
uniiue contribution of the Wo-
men's Studies Program to the

By CATHERINE REUTTER .
REMEMBER WHEN YOU were a kid, the
Faygo commercial urges us. Do you re-
member that time, decades and decades ago,
when drinking 12 ounces of sugary red fizz
was only half the fun? The other half was
taking the bottle back for the two cent re-
fund that was automatically converted into
a piece of Bazooka.
Hopefully, we have progressed past that
capitalistic view of the pleasures of life and
its rewards. Unfortunately, the same cannot
be said about the bottling and canning in-
dustries. In our throw-away, non-returnable,
non-recyclable, non-refundable economy, the
deposit bottle has become a thing of the past.
Or has it?
A returnable bottle bill (House Bill 4296
and Senate Bill 233) has been submitted to
the Michigan legislature. It should come out
of the House committee this week. Similar to
successful acts in Oregon and other states,
the bill aims to resurrect deposit bottles and
abolish pull-tab cans.
In the face of opposition from container
proponents, PIRGIM launched a campus let-
ter writing campaign last week. If you live
in a dorm or pass through the fish bowl,
you have probably been requested to drop
a line or two to your friendly neighborhood
Representative.
ACCORDING TO PIRGIM, HB 4296 is eco-
logically and economically sound. The citizens'
lobby downplays fears of container industry
laborers that their jobs would be endangered.
Steel and glass workers worry that passage
of HB-4296 could cost them their jobs. In some

ing to an Oregon Highway Department sur-
vey, the number of beverage containers lit-
tered per mile dropped 90 per cent in the
months after the bill's passage.
Even when unthinking adults used the in-
terstates and byways as garbage cans for
their beverage containers, the kids picked
them up for pocket money. According to the
Michigan bill, stores that sell drinks must
also give refunds on bottles of the same
brands.
REGARDLESS OF THE BILL'S merits or
faults, many Representatives are dubious about
supporting the bill, fearing they might anger
constituents. "There's a lot of people sitting
on the fences in the House," says Tom Moran,
PIRGIM coordinator of the Ann Arbor cam-
paign. To help convince some of the more
timid legislators, car-loads of student lobby-
ists plan to descend on Lansing Wednesday
to present the facts to their home district
representatives.
Although the bill should clear its committee
with no difficulty, it faces a floor fight which
could send it to the Appropriations Committee.
Such a move would effectively kill the bill.
It would also take the heat off active or,
hidden opponents of the measure. People who
voted to send the bill to committee could
say honestly that they had never voted against
the bill, although they helped kill it.
Who says you can't have your cake and
eat it, too?
Last weeks' letter writing campaign could
be only half the battle. A second series of
letters would help convince recalcitrant con-
gresspeople that the bill should be passed.
ACCORDING TO ITS BACKERS, the bill

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