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Eighty-Seven Years of Editorial Freedom
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Saturday, September 25, 1976

News Phone: 764-0552

Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan
Rhodesian majority rule!

IT WAS ANNOUNCED yesterday aft-
ernoon that after 11 years of in-
tense international pressure, Prime
Minister Ian Smith's white minority
regime in Rhodesia will acquiesce to
demands for black majority rule. The
decision comes after several months
of direct negotiations from Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger.
Apparently, the Kissinger magic
lives on - especially considering the
fact that Smth vowed on numerous
occasions that there would be no ma-
jority rule in the south African coun-
try within his lfetme. No matter how
fragile the agreement is, it has to go
down as one of the all time coup
d'etats for Kissinger.
To be sure, there is no sure way
to know whether the deal will work,
but the secretary of state has stopped,

at least for this moment, he ugly
prospec of a racial war. Unfortunate-
ly, it was this prospect of bloodshed
that resulted in a moral decision that
should have been made long ago.
Let us hope that Smith hands over
the power in a smooth and respect-
able fashion. If he doesn't, the whole
agreement may be an exercise in fu-
tility.
TODAY'S STAFF
News: Jeff Ristine, Bill Turque, Susan
Ades, Karen Schulkins, Jenny Mil-
ler, Laurie Young
Editorial Page: Jon Pansius, Tom Stev-
ens, Rob Meachum, Keith Richburg,
Lisa Zisook, Steve Kursman
Arts Page: Lois Josimovich
Photo Technician: Alan Bilinsky

By SUSAN HILDEBRA
JULIE HAD BEEN difficult t
since the age of seven
father suddenly disappeared.t
children, she found it easy to
few repercussions, yet difficu
her only parent's needed attenti
fection.
By her twelfth year, she
skipped school, sometimes for
four days at a time, and soo
home for comparable periods.
Julie's mother worked two jo
port her children and grew
hopelessly worrying and wonder
her daughter spent her days a
Sadly and reluctantly she si
papers making Julie a ward of
following her second arrest for
and kissed her a long goodbye.
14, became a resident of a sta
ile institution.
Cathy's parents disliked the n
panionship she kept and felt she
sophisticated for her 15 years.
picions of sexual involvement
firmed one evening when a poli
escorted her home from the x
of a young man's parked car.
DESPITE HER parents'

NDT about her conduct and dress, Cathy be-
came pregnant at 16 and, to alleviate
to manage some of the related problems, was sent
when her to a training school for delinquent ado-
rne of six lescents. Marriage was impossible and
rebel with she represented a poor example of young-
It to gain er siblings who would be deprived of
on and af- some parental attention - a reformatory
seemed the only answer. There Cathy
frequently suffered a miscarriage in her fourth
r three or month of pregnancy and returned home
n avoided one year later.
David had been labeled a "juvenile
bs to sup- delinquent" by his neighbors long before
weary of entering a boy's detention center at 15.
ing where His friends looked dirty and encouraged
nd nights. David to loiter. They rarely caused any
igned the real trouble but were considered a nui-
the court, sance and their language disgusting.
r truancy, David seemed to care about little and
. Julie, at used his time unconstructively, accord-
ate juven- ing to his parents. Declaring him "incor-
rigable," they allowed a judge to place
David in the institution to change his at-
nale com- titude and separate him from his unde-
acted too sirable companions. He remained there
Their sus- for 14 months before returning home.
were con- JULIE, CATHY AND David are but
ce officer three of the hundreds of Michigan ju-
back seat veniles incarcerated yearly for commit-
ting no real crimes. They are status of-
fenders who perform acts not considered
warnings criminal if committed by adults, such as
truancy or idleness, and =they are typical
of many Michigan training school resi-
dents.
By next year, it may be impossible
to find a status offender in a juvenile
reformatory if Michigan state Represen-
tative H. Lynn Jondahl has his way.
Jondahl proposed the country's first

00
biladi
Iquent
progressive juvenile code revision in Au-
gust, 1974, which, if passed, would re-
move status offenses from the juvenile
court's jurisdiction.
The current Michigan Juvenile Justice
Code outlines status offenses as desert-
ing home without sufficient cause, re-
peated or willful disobedience or failure
to attend school, habitual idleness, re-
peated frequenting of bars or taverns,
and drug or alcohol addiction.
JUVENILES ARE, IN addition, insti-
tutionalized for associating with immoral
or lascivious persons, leading an immoral
life or being in danger of doing so, asso-
ciating with criminals, thieves, pimps or
prostitutes, or if found in a house of pro-
stitution.
Status offenders made up nearly 60 per
cent of the total Michigan training school
population in 1975, according to the Michi-
gan Council on Crime and Delinquency
(MCCD).
Jondahl's bill, labeled House Bill 4704,
is presently under investigation by a se-
lect state senate subcommittee under
Representative Mark Clodfelter's direc-
tion, following a series of public hearings
last September. A redraft of the bill is
being prepared and, upon completion,
further, public hearings will take place.
Jondahl does not condone the behavior
of status offenders, but believes their ac-
tions often reflect serious family prob-
lems which could benefit from outside
resources. He finds it unnecessary and
undesirable for the state to intervene.
"IT IS TIME to recognize that society
should not move with the full power of
the court against an individual unless

plans
that person has committed an
that injures persons or damages
ty," Jondahl asserted.

Alternative, therapeutic community
settings and counseling programs for
status offenders are preferrable to train-
ing schools, in Jondahl's opinion. Adoles-
cents who are incarcerated for commit-
ting status offenses are characteristic-
ally of large, low socio-economic fami-
lies, often lacking one parent, and ex-
perts believe they infrequently act out
of survival and to gain attention. That is
why alternative treatment is necessary,
Jondahl says.
It costs the state of Michigan approxi-
mately $35,000 per year to detain one sta-
tus offender in a training school, accord-
ing to the National Assessment of Juve-
nile Corrections (NAJC). This money,
Jondahl contends, can finance construc-
tive treatment to replace institutionaliz-
ation in a reformatory.
Placing non-delinquent, juveniles in
training schools causes psychological
damage, according to Jondahl.
ENTRY INTO A juvenile court can eas-
ily cause a minor to view himself in a
negative fashion, forcing him out of in-
teractions with non-delinquents and into
associating with juveniles labeled delin-
quent," he assessed. "A delinquent ad-
judication has many of the same societal
consequences for a minor that a criminal
conviction has for an adult. The delin-
quent child learns to think of himself as
an illegal person and acts accordingly,
even though the behavior which was the
subject of the adjudication was not crimi-
nal," Jondahl added.

offense
proper-

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Letters

to

the

Daily

4

I

" I NAt O FT

L.

I')

recreational sports
To The Daily:
The Department of Recrea-
tional Sports has instituted a
new fee system for non-students
using University facilities. Fac-
ulty and staff must pay $30,
alumni $75, and non-affiliated
people $150.
The new fee policy will ad-
versely affect student groups
which use these facilities. The
new fees may be reasonable
for someone who will use the
buildings daily; the fees, how-
ever, will effectively prohibit
a non-student from using the
buildings only once a week,
solely as a contributing mem-
ber of a registered student or-
ganization. The International
Folk Dance Club, one of the
oldest, largest, and most suc-
cessful of these organizations
on campus, is one group which
will be hurt by the new fees.
Our group and others, though
largely composed of students,
have traditionally been open
to all members of the commun-
ity. The weekly participation
and long-term commitment of
fears of

our non-student members have
greatly enhanced the quality of
our group. The regulations gov-
erning student organizations re-
cognize the importance of non-
student contributions.
THE NEW FEES will require
our club to come up with a sig-
nificant amount of added funds
just to use the new Central
Campus Facility. Last year we
barely broke even. We have not
been given any additional ser-
vices from the Department of
Recreational Sports. We have
been fortunate in the past to
have the use of Barbour Gym at
little or no cost, but other uni-
versities with similar groups
have provided them with low
cost space-
Our group serves a specific-
ally educational function as well
as a social one. As mentioned
above, dancing has always been
open to everyone. A part of each
evening is devoted to teaching,
and the group welcomes begin-
ning dancers. Instructors have
come from the members of the
group who have a thorough
knowledge of dancing from the

many dance workshops they
have attended. Because of the
quality of our teachers, we have
not found it necessary to hire
outside people on a regular ba-
sis. Many of our teachers are
former students, alumni, staff
and non - affiliates, the very
people that will be effectively
barred from participation.
The Folk Dance club has also
offered many workshops given
by natives of other countries,
scholars, and collectors of folk
music and dance. Last year, the
club sponsored workshops by
Martin Koenig, director of the
Balkan Arts Center and a col-
lector for the Smithsonian In-
stitution, and by Glenn Banner-
man, an acknowledged authority
on the music and clog dancing
of the Southern Appalachians.
These workshops have been suc-
cessful because of the efforts of
not only the students in our
group, but other members
whose dance experience and in-
ternational contacts have been
valuable. We have received
only token support for these
activities in past years by the
University and it is unlikely

.( $ - 2

I

AFTER PANMUNJOM:
Park capitalizes on

that they would continue with
the membership and finances
we will have this year under
the new policy.
The Folk Dance Club will
continue to meet under the pre-
sent policy, but the range of
activities available to its mem-
bers and the overall quality of
the group will be severely lim-
ited. We believe that other stu-
dent organizations will be sim-
ilarly affected. We cannot speak
for these groups, but hope that
they will make their opinions
known. We offer our coopera-
tion to the Department of Re-
creational Sports and will help
in any way possible to work cut
a more equitable policy.
David E. Baker
David A. Rigan
September 13
on socialism
To The Daily:
What is Socialism? How many
times has that question been
asked? Unless the question was
anewered by the Socialist Labor
Party - you heard wrong. So-
cialism is the collective owner-
ship by all the people of the
factories, mills, mines, rail-
roads, lands and all other in-
struments of production. Social-
ism means production to satis-
fy human needs, not as under
capitalism, for sale and profit.
Socialism means direct control
and management of the indus-
tries and social services by the
workers through a democratic
government based on their na-
tionwide economic organization.
Under Socialism, all authority
will originate from the work-
ers, integrally united in socialist
industrial unions. In each work-
place, the rank and file will
elect whatever committees are
needed to facilitate and coordin-
ate production. Socialism means
a classless society that guaran-
tees full democratic rights for
all workers - not a political
state bureaucracy with its op-
pression such as they have in
Russia.
In 1976, the national candidates
of the Socialist Labor Party,
Jules Levin for President and
Connie Blomen for Vice-Presi-
dent, are campaigning on the
above program. Consider vot-
ing for them' in November.
Archie Sim
September 20

invasion

By JAMES STENTZEL
Pacific News Service
THOUGH INTERNATIONAL TENSIONS over the death of two
American soldiers in Korea's demilitarized zone have sub-
sided, South Korea's 33 million citizens may 'be just beginning
to feel the repercussions of what happened at Panmunjom.
For it is the threat of North Korean invasion or infiltration
that President Park Chung Hee has used to justify - to the
U.S. as well as the people of South Korea - the web of fear
he has spun over his nation. And the Panmunjom incident could
provide his with a new chance to strengthen his dictatorial rule.
Fear is the real ruler of South Koren: fear of being grilled,
tortured or imprisoned under Emergency Measure No. 9, ban-
ning all criticism of the government; fear of unemployment and
hunger; and fear induced by a daily barrage of government
warnings of an "imminent communist invasion."
So far, Park has kept the balance of terror in his favor.
The spectre of invasion from the north still weighs more heavily
than the reality of the Park dictatorship.
BUT" EVEN AS the Panmunjom incident hit the news, South
Korea was awaiting the outcome of one of the greatest recent
confrontations between Park and his opposition: the trial of a
group of prominent South Koreans who in a 1,500-word "Declara-
tion for Democratic National Salvation" last March called for
Park's resignation and the return of parliamentary democracy.
The group included a former South Korean president; a
presidential candidate who almost defeated Park in 1971 be-

fore Park declared himself president for life; a former min-
ister of foreign affairs and a number of the country's Christian
leaders.
Such a risky public show of opposition - almost certain
to bring a guilty verdict on charges of subversion and seek-
ing to overthrow the government - was motivated by a sharp
rise in government repression and the near collapse of South
Korea's economy.
The world recession hit South Korea, heavily dependent on
foreign investment, extremely hard last year. As foreign debts
brought the nation to the bring of bankruptcy, inflation ranging
between 20 and 40 per cent forced real wages down for the
third year in a row.
ONLY 13 PER CENT of the workforce remained above the
government's estimated minimum urban standard of living.
Perhaps fearing rising dissent over economic issues, the
Park regime launched a sharp attack on its critics. In 1975
it took over the last vestige of a free press, the Donga Ilbo
newspaper; decreed Emergency Measure No. 9; converted the
nation's college campuses into military garrisons under the "Stu-
dent Defense Corps;" and expelled or suspended several hundred
students, many for distributing reports of Gulf Oil's huge secret
contributions to Park's 1971 campaign.
In February of this year, Park's education minister fired
more than 400 professors, largely for political reasons. And in
June a dozen ministers and social workers were arrested and
charged with communist agitation in their work with Seoul slum
dwellers and laborers.

Today South Koreans cannot speak to foreign journalists
without risking later questioning by police, and buses traveling
between South Korea's cities are regularly stopped for identity
checks. Verbal reports of the torture of political prisoners -
though dangerous under Emergency Measure No. 9 - circu-
late consistently.
THE CREATION OF such a police state has, by now, painted
Park into a corner - an explosive one. Having justified
his repressive apparatus as the necessary price of vigilance
against the communist threat, his survival is now dependent
on public belief in that threat.
Should it diminish, his government would quickly lose what-
ever legitimacy it now has - both in the eyes of the South
Korean people and the U.S. Congress, where Park's violation
of human rights has come under increasing criticism.
So incidents like that at Panmunjom are in some ways
Park's lifeblood. Some observers in Seoul even fear that should
resistance to his regime grow strong enough to threaten him,
Park might launch a "pre-emptive" strike against the north as
the ultimate means to rally his people.
But with 40,000 U.S. troops and tactical nuclear weapons
in South Korea, and two of the best trained, best equipped
armies in the world facing each other across the demilitarized
zone, this dependence on north-south tension has become ex-
tremely dangerous - for the world as well as the people of
South Korea.
james Stentzel is a missionary-journalist who has covered
events in South Korea from Tokyo and Seoul for the past five years.


wmwwlibmmm

OP

45 71 e
30

THE LEAP YEAR rolled around
and the populace began to focus
their attentions on the election of a
new leader. The party of the masses
had not been in power for years, and
was badly divided. Numerous men of
visions yearned to be their party's
choice to try and overthrow the inept
incumbent of the scandal racked re-
gime. One of these men came from
the deepest part of the deep south,
bearing a smile and a prophecy that
he wnld h the nne to carrv his

One by one, the other men of vision
began falling into the throws of the
giant snowball, growing bigger and
bigger as the masses began to be-
lieve the gospel of this man.
"Vote for me, because the govern-
ment is too large to meet the needs
of the people," said the man as he
bared his teeth and smiled.
AND THE PEOPLE cried, "Yes
we can!"
And the mediolnoists haan to take

he believed in the ethnic purity of
neighborhoods, and he smiled and
bared his teeth, and all the minority
leaders of the oppressed masses of
the land, gazed stupefied at the cloud
and cried, "Yes we can!"
But his opponent, the champion of
the business interests shouted that
this man hasn't said anything. But
the people were tired of this man
and of all the evil which he and his
party stood for did not listen. And
when the man said "I will cnae

BUT THE OPPONENT again as-
sailed this man and said, "This man
has no concern for our vital defenses,
he will reduce us to a second rate
power."
But this man said, '"Not so, for
while I will be spending less money
on defense, I will increase our nu-
clear strike capability, for no land
should be as mighty in the cause
of peace as ours." And he bared his
teeth and smiled and all the draft
resistors and the relatives of those

At the inauguration the man bared
his teeth and smiled and thanked the,
people who had helped make his
prophecy come true.
TWO YEARS LATER, when this
man was talking about the things he
was hoping to accomplish in his first
term of office, he dismissed the in-
creases in the size of his bureau-
cracy, the widespread inflation and un-
employment, and the tax increase to
nav for the rise in defense exDendi-

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