Page 4-Sunday, November 20, 1977-The Michigan Daily OKINGBCK THE WEEK IN REVIEW FE and senators JST BEFORE Gov. William Milli- J-en cleated the slate for Republi- ci to enter the race for Robert Grif- ftif Senate seat by pulling out of the ring the hat he never really threw in, he w in Ann Arbor announcing another uimortant development: the opening of tpeirst facility in the state to provide rof2ge and live-in counseling for the vo Qms of domestic violence. he Shelter Available for Emergen- c i (SAFE), heralded by Milliken and c?hty officials as one of the finest ne sures taken toward the prevention of -lomestic violence in the country, won't actually open its doors to clients ultij Jan. 2. Until then battered women w1 have to depend on the county's only otier available program, which in- volVes volunteers letting victims into their homes for three-day "cooling off periods." However, after the opening of SAFE - which will provide accommodations for battered women and children for up to four weeks at a time - facility di- rectors predict they will counsel over 365 families during the first year of op- eration. "Our main purpose is to help the spouse and provide safe, temporary ac- commodations for her and others who would be in physical danger in their present living conditions," said county Domestic Violence Project Director John Hayes during SAFE's christening. "Otherwise they worry in a place by themselves in a hotel or go back not being any smarter." Later that day Milliken refocused his attention on party considerations. With competition warming up for Griffin's soon to be abandoned Senate seat, many people in the state GOP assumed readily that the governor would represent the Republican on Novem- ber's ballot. Tuesday night, however, the governor said 'no'. The announcement came as a sur- prise to many people, but nobody was more surprised - or pleased - then state Democrats. "When you don't have an incumbent to beat, the race becomes easier," said one Democratic party leader. "Our candidates have had a longer time to get out and get organized." Republican leaders, however, deny a Democratic advantage. "I think we have a number of potentially strong candidates," maintained Dennis Cawthorne, GOP caucus leader for the Michigan house. "No strong candidate has yet emerged for the Democrats." State Sen. John Otterbacher would disagree. He made a non-committment committment to vie for the office several months ago and has been run- ning hard, but cautiously, ever since. Former Detroit City Council President Carl Levin's name has also been men- tioned by Democratic party leaders,. but he has not confirmed (or denied) those rumors yet. As for the GOP, it is now left without a candidate. Left without a candidate, that is, except for University Regent Deane Baker whose name, once again, has been whispered in GOP circles as a possibility. BakeF, however, tried the senate game last year. And if last year's results should'have taught the Republicans anything, it should have been to save Baker, and the party, from election-day humiliation once again. " Just the (frightening) facts, ma 'am " HE RAT," "the spoiler," and Imost recently in a contribution to Esquire by Gordon Liddy, "the prize canary of the Watergate Special Prose- cution Force," have all proceeded John Dean's name since the unveiling of Watergate. Last week in Ann Arbor "banana cream" came before that popular Watergate moniker, but the bold threat of delivering desert to Dean right between the eyes turned out to be an idle one. His speech was just too damn inter- esting. Students of Blind Ambition weren't handed any new revelations of that scornful period in American politics - Dean pretty much said it all in his book, and then repeated a lot of it in his Hill Auditorium address Wednesday night. And he didn't sweat blood, either, while untangling the history of his corrupt in- volvement in Watergate before the rel- atively passive audience. What he did do was strike a quiet note of fear in the hearts of the listeners. Watching Dean, calm and reconciled with his past, it was hard to believe that the eloquent, well-meaning, charming man on stage got himself so messed up with the like of Richard Nixon and com- pany. Indeed, Dean finds it hard to believe himself. "I just wanted to prove myself," he said, describing the men- tality that dominated the thinking of White House fledglings when he first took his post as special counsel. The thinking was: 'Do what you're asked. You're only being tested.' "I'd heard stories of what happened to the careers of people who were black- listed at the White House," Dean re- called. "I didn't want that to happen to me. Nothing wildly complicated, said Dean. It was the promise of prestige that lured his type into the Watergate cover-up, and it is the promise of pres- tige that could guarantee a repeat per- formance with any other White House staff. The thought is frightening. Fig - r - EighIy-E igh I )'CarS (4 Edih.ri(II Free(IomI 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Vol. L XXX VIII No. 64 News Phone: 764-0552 Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan MSA needs our support SOME THINGS never change. Prior -Jto this week's election, all the MSA candidates said one of their priorities was to get more students interested in MSA. There was a lot of fancy talk about changing MSA's focus to proj-. ects that benefit all students, and prom- ises to better inform students of MSA activity. Yet despite the perennial rhetoric, no one seems to care. Bursley RA Eric Arnson topped the field this week with a whopping 320 votes, or about .9 per cent of the electorate. Not exactly an overwhelming mandate of the masses. And worse still, the second place finisher had only slightly more than 100 votes. In all, less than 2,000. NKi11ers' shou OR ALMOST a week, 74 residents of East Quad have been cavorting around their dorm, shooting each other dead with great eagerness 'and gaity. It's a game, they tell us. The Killer Contest. Participants arm themselves with dart guns and play "hit man" un- til all of their friends are assassinated. "The whole thing is based on fair play," said the coordinator of the event, and he promptly analyzed three different methods used to survive the ordeal. The contest is no doubt harm- less, but at-the same time, it is an indi- cation of the sickness and hypocrisy contained in our society. At one in- stant, an individual can be upset by the so-called Son-of-Sam atrocities in New York City, and at another instant they can be pretending they themselves are Son-of-Sam in a "game" played at East Quad. But attempts to compare the shoot- ings at the dorm to a game, are misguided, to say the least. Beating an opponent at a game of chess is quite students took the time to cast a ballot. MSA is now at the stage where it can shuch the image of an ineffective bun- ch of power-seeking kids, and make some significant contributions to stud- ent life, but it needs voter support. If MSA is to lobby effectively with the administration, it must be able to show .it represents a majority of students. As long as students remain apathetic about MSA, the Regents and the ad- ministration will continue to take MSA with a grain of salt, and students will still have no effective means of com- munication with the University powers. id return to TV different from pointing a gun at some- one - whether it is real or not - and shooting to kill. In the instant between pulling that trigger and hitting the target, the East Quad "hit man" is en- joying the same' sensations which a real killer - like Son-of-Sam - enjoys. In that instant, the dart gun's ammu- nition might as well be real. This is not to say that participants in such elimination contests are po- tential killers. They are instead poten- tial hypocrites. The hypocrisy emerges in its truest form when a TV viewer gasps and shakes their head through the evening news and subsequently sits through a weekly episode of S.W.A.T. without the slightest twitch. In the meantime it is useless to con- demn the 2nd annual East Quad Killer Contest, since everyone obviously en- joys it so much. With some luck, if enough people are "killed" in this year's contest, there will be no one left alive next year to organize the 3rd an- nual Killer Contest. By The Associated Press CAIRO-Asked seven years ago if he was prepared to recognize Israel if it withdrew from Arab territory captured in 1967, Egypt's newly chosen president snapped: "Never. Our people here will crush anyone who would decide this." Yesterday, that same president, Anwar Sedat, bucking a gathering storm of protest in the Arab world but apparently supported at home, embarked on an unprecedented 36- hour visit to Israel-the first by a leader of an Arab nation. SOME OF THE roots of the trip can be seen in the changes that have come about in the policy of a man who is making it. Flushed with the partial success of Egyp- tian forces during the October 1973 war, Sadat's hard-line position toward Israel sof- tened-but not to the point where he could for- see eventual diplomatic relations with the Jewish state. "How could you visualize that, after 26 years of bitterness, belligerency, hatred and violence?" He responded to an interviewer in March 1974. "It cannot be . . let our aim be to end this state of belligerency officially and openly. That will be a big achievement . we cannot say what will happen after that." TWO YEARS later, with the Suez Canal reopened and Israeli troops withdrawn behind the mountain passes in the Sinai desert, Sadat was talking about indefinite coexistence between Arabs and Israelis. But he still was not prepared to remotely consider an exchange of ambassadors between Cairo natomy of, a turnabout and Tel Aviv. "I would say that after ending the state of beligerency, our relations with Israel would be like America's relations with China," Sadat said in November 1976. "You ended your Korean war and coexisted with China for a couple of decades, but during that time you had no relations. In time, circumstances brought you together. The same could happen here." During a visit to Washington a month before last May's Israeli election, Sadat told reporters that "for sure there will be nor- malization" of relations with Israel after a Mideast settlement. Significantly, he gave no timetable for establishing ties. AFTER THE rightist victory in Israel and the election of Menahem Begin as prime minister, Sadat's position hardened somewhat. In an interview with a Beirut magazine early last summer, the Egyptian said he had told President Carter during their Washington meeting that, "if we resurrected Jesus Christ and the Prophet Mohammed together, they would not be able to persuade Moslem or Christian Arabs to open the bor- ders with Israel after 29 years of hatred, four wars, rivers of blood and massacres." He also dismissed Begin's role in the Middle East peace process. "Begin or no Begin," Sadat said, "it is the United States that counts. America is 100 per cent responsible for Israel's existence and survival. So America also is 100 percent responsible for peace in the Mideast." BY JULY, Sadat was telling a U.S. congressional delegation visiting in Alexan- dria that "we should not start with open bor- ders and exchange of trade and diplomatic relations after 29 years of Arab-Israeli hostilities. But we can open everything within five years after a peace treaty is signed." However, he added, he could not end the existing state of war until the last Israeli soldier left Arab land. "How can I end the state of war while there are Israeli soldiers on my land," Sadat told the congressmen. "This would ,lie an official invitation to them to stay." Then, 10 days ago, Sadat made his historic announcement to the People's Assembly, Egypt's parliament. "Israel would be astonished when they hear me say this. But I say it. I am ready to even go to their home . . . to the Knesset parliament and discuss peace with them if need be." Sadat is scheduled to make that speech in the Knesset at4p.m. (9a.m. EST) today. Few observers expect him to shift from often repeated Arab demands for full Israeli with- drawal and a homeland for the Palestinians, but most see the visit as a major breakthrough in itself. Un4imitn-ukeplan liabilities ATO HELL WITH ITI ~$ SOMEBODY GIVE ME A KNIFE! 4nx i 1 1 c 1 r G i t n1 J r X c r By ROD KOSANN A mishap occurs at an atomic energy plant affecting an area of hundreds of square miles. Damages to people and property total into the billions of dollars, and suits for that amount are filed against the power company responsible. In accordance with federal law the company deposits with the court a check for $560 million, and asserts that this amount should be distributed among the victims in settlement of all their claims. Those trying to collect beyond that are helpless. It is the possibility that the scenario could go beyond fiction which has prompted the Supreme Court to agree to hear a suit brought by neighbors of a nuclear power plant in North Carolina. The suit challenges the con- stitutionality of the Price- Anderson Act (1957) which places a liability ceiling of $660 million on the total damages that may be collected from a power company in the event of a nuclear accident. This liability limit has been ter- med unconstitutional by a Federal District Court on the grounds that it violates both the "due process" and "equal protection" rights of potential victims. It is their ruling which the Supreme Court has chosen to review. to involve themselves in such an endeavor. However, once Price- Anderson became law it enabled the power companies to embark on nuclear projects with the knowledge that only up to a cer- tain sum would they be held ac- countable for their negligence. This lack of accountability in- sured that atomic energy, and the safety standards that accompan- ty it, would develop not in the laboratories of private com- panies, but instead in the cham- bers of the Capitol. What the legislators failed to realize was that their edict, making finan- cially unfeasible power plants possible, might well have breached the constitutional rights of those affected by a nuclear accident. As the lower court found, the principle of "due process" was violated in that liability limits allowed "the destruction of property or lives without reasonable certainty that victims will be justly compen- sated." At the same time "equal protection" was abandoned sinep what "Congress deemed to be a benefit to the whole society" was achieved at "the cost of an ar- bitrarily chosen segment of society-those injured by nuclear; catastrophe." Yet, it was not only these con- stitutional rights which the Congress ignored. Price- Anderson effectively abolished dealing with environmental hazards than that which is currently being followed. THE MEANS USED most frequently to cope with virtually every form of pollution has been some type of government regulation. Whether the en- vironmental element involved is one of air, land, or water, it is seemingly protected by an ap- propriate regulatory agency. Although it is still at a stage of relative infancy, the state's role in assuming these respon- sibilities appears to be maturing rapidly. As the government bears a greater share of this burden, one can expect a corresponding decline in private initiatives directed at alleviating environ- mental wrongs. Individual efforts will focus not on the polluter, but instead will act primarily as a catalyst to a more stringent set of state guidelines. It is this idea which clarifies the folly of establishing liability limits on atomic energy plants. By setting a $560 million ceiling, Congress deprived the private sector of its sole means of influencing safety standards. The threat of a lawsuit, crip- pling in its impact on would-be atomic polluters, met its demise with the passage of Price- Anderson. -41L dividual's holdings. The penalties which exist for expropriating another's property, could be ap- plied on an equally stringent basis to those who dump their refuse on others without in- vitation. An exercise of legal ac- tion by private parties would ser- ve not only to penalize the polluter, but would also act as a deterrent to those future com- panies which own equipment not meeting the standards of cleanliness upheld by the courts. To shift the burden of environ- mental clean-up from gover- nment edict to private lawsuit would help retard the growth of the bureaucratic regulatory machine. - A Supreme court decision that lifts the liability ceilings on nuclear plants would move us one step closer to effec- ting this transition. More impor- tantly, that decision might serve to shift more environmental bat- tles into the private sector,- while at the same time saddling gover- nment with the role of just a curious onlooker. Rod Kosann is a freqiient contributor to the aIiis editorialpage. i