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Page 4-Tuesday, March 21, 1978-The Michigan Daily
Eightv-Eight Years of Editorial Freedom
420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, MI 48109
Vol. LXXXVIII, No. 134 News Phone: 764-0552
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan
When retaliation is invasion

Young:'Candor' at the U.N

By Samuel Koo

N EVER BEFORE have the charges
of Israeli imperialism seemed so
justified as they have during the past
week.
. Since last Tuesday, Israeli forces
have been infiltrating deeper and
deeper into southern Lebanon,
creating, by yesterday, a 15-mile deep
zone of occupation north of the border
between those two countries. Israel has
dubbed this area a "security belt," but
it is beginning to look more and more
like conquered territory. The Jewish
state's activities have now gone far
beyond their originalslated purpose of
'sanitizing' southern Lebanon of
Palestinian guerrilla bases; the
military campaign is now beginning to
threaten Lebanon's very sovereignty.
Despite passage Sunday of a United
Nations Security Council resolution
which calls for immediate withdrawal
of Israeli forces from the area and the
creation of a U.N. peace-keeping force,
Israel has refused to yield on its advan-
ces. And reports say that the country
will not obey the resolution unless
specific actions are taken to prevent
Palestinian terrorists from using
southern Lebanon as a base for their
heinous activities in Israel.
Israel has good reason to make such
demands. Last week's most recent act
of terrorism by Palestinian Liberation
Organization guerrillas was the most
costly in the country's short history in
terms of human lives.
But Israel also has good reason to
accept the terms of the U.N. resolution.

The terms are, in many ways,
favorable to Israel. While the resolution
calls for the recognition of Lebanon's
territorial integrity and withdrawal of
all invasion forces, it provides an in-
terim U.N. force which would maintain
a demilitarized zone in part of the area
now occupied by Israeli forces (and
formerly occupied by Palestinian
guerrillas). Most important, the force
would be armed with defensive
weapons, so that it may enforce its own
presence and prevent the presence of
unauthorized persons.
Israeli officials may insist such
safeguards are not enough, but the
Council's latest action is by far more
conciliatory than actions taken in the
past. Conspicuously absent from the
resolution, for example, is the usual,
vigorous condemnation of Israel for its
military retaliation.
Still, officials for the Jewish state
have been quiet on whether or not they
will respect the generous U.N.
resolution. From the military activities
of the past few days, one might suspect
Israel has no intention to stop advan-
cing until its forces reach Beirut.
Don't Israeli leaders realize that
what they are doing now to Lebanon is
precisely what they insist on protecting
themselves from? When it comes to
territorial integrity and sovereignty,
Lebanon should receive just as much
respect and concern as Israel. Israel
must follow the U.N.'s bidding and im-
mediately withdraw from the land it
has invaded.

UNITED NATIONS - After a year as
America's chief delegate to the United
Nations, Andrew Young believes he has
forged a working partnership between the
United States and the Third World and helped
restore American credibility among African,
Asian and Latin American nations.
His assessment is widely shared by
diplomats and veteran U.N. hands.
NIGERIA'S U.N. Ambassador, Leslie
Harriman, credits Young with being
"singularly responsible for the new bridge of
understanding that now exists between the
United States and black Africa."
A Barbados delegate, who preferred to
remain anonymous, said Young has "taken
out the eleiient of mistrust" that, he says,
had hampered previous U.S. efforts to im-
prove ties with developing countries.
And Dr. Gunter Schutze, spokesman for
the West'German delegation, said the black
American ambassador "has fashioned a new
coalition of Western and developing countries
and enhanced Amerca's prestige, there's no
doubt about it - a far cry from the Moynihan
days."
AS U.S. ambassador here two years ago,
Daniel Patrick Moynihan was known more
for confrontation than compromise with
Third World demands.
Aside from what the delegates say, there
are also visible signs that the United States is
mending fences with less-developed coun-
tries.
Once a catchword in almost any Third
World speech, the phrase "U.S. imperialism"
has disappeared from all but a few Com-
munist and hard-line-Arab statements.
SUCH POTENTIALLY divisive issues as
the status of Puerto Rico and Quam are
defused in back-room negotiations before
they surface for a showdown.
Young says he does not believe in
diplomacy by confrontation. "My job is to get
something done, and I don't get easily
frustrated."
The outspoken former Georgia
congressman and civil rights leader has

stirred controversy with free-wheeling views
on sensitive issues. But if his "verbal
overkill," as Schutze puts it, has proved em-
barrassing, it also has won plaudits from
many delegates for "candor."
YOUNG, WHO has taken personal charge
of the Carter administration's drive for
majority rule in southern Africa, has concen-
trated on building trust for the West and iden-
tifying common ground with Third World
nations, especially the Africans, in an effort
to enlist their support for Western initiatives.
By producing solid evidence of a Western
shift to the African cause, Young has proved
wrong those critics who predicted that his fir-
st veto on a key African-backed resolution in
the Security Council might cost him the U.lN.
job.
During his first year as ambassador,
Young has cast three vetoes to kill resolutions
demanding an economic boycott of South
Africa and has refused to go along with an
African condemnation ofRhodesia's "inter-
nal" settlement plan.
YET YOUNG'S position in the United
Nations appears more secure than ever and
his aides insist his stock remains high at the
White House.
Young concedes that he and Zbigniew
iBrzezinski, President Carter's national
security adviser, differ over America's policy
toward Africa. But he says their
disagreements over such issues as the Cuban
presence in Africa result from different per-
spectives.
"He (Brzezinski) has to view the world
from the toughest and most determined
strategic standpoint possible because finally
he is the one to advise the president on
security affairs," Young said on a recent
television show.
"But my job by its very nature is quite dif-
ferent, and it is at the United Nations. If there
is a creative and flexible possibility to
negotiate an alternative to violence, then it is
our job to find it, and so you find me quite of-
ten trying things out."
"
Samuel Koo is a correspondent for
The Associated Press.

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AN "' FOR Al 6Y'E....

PresidentCarter's long-awaited
announcement of a national ur-
ban policy, scheduled for
tomorrow, has already set off a
round of debate on the problems
of American cities unmatched in
volume since the riots of the early
1960s.
The debate, itself, can be coun-
ted the first positive result of
whatever the Administration
plans are for attacking the moun-
ting crisis.
BUT FOR the new policy (if,
indeed, it is new) to achieve fur-
ther results, it will have to
recognize and cope with a few
simple but devastating facts -
something that past ad-
ministrations have been
singularly unwilling to do. These
include:
" The need to rectify gover-
nment policies, on all levels,
which have simultaneously ac-
celerated the flow of unskilled
rural and foreign migrants into
American cities, while inducing,
major urban employers to move
out pf the cities;
" the constant degrading of ur-
ban employment, not only in
terms of numbers of jobs
available, but of the quality and
opportunity for upward mobility
of those jobs remaining;
" and the continuing effect of
racial discrimination in urban
housing and employment which,
10 years after the celebrated
Kerner Report on racism, still is
dividing America into two
separate nations, one poor and
mostly non-white, the other af-
fluent and predominantly white.
The thread that binds all three
issues is the crisis in jobs. As em-
ployers, particularly manufac-
turers, have left the city,
residents have had to make do
with fewer and poorer jobs that
have forced many, especially un-
skilled minorities, to depend in-
creasingly on city services. But
compounding the dilemma, the
job shrinkage has also eaten
away at the revenue base that
funds those services.
New York City's recent
problems are more easily under-
stood when one considers that the
city lost an average of 68,000 jobs
each year between 1969 and 1974.
But the jobs crisis exists in other
cities as well, and its symptoms
began appearing long before this
decade. In the 1960s, cities were
already exhibiting a slower rate
of job growth relative to
population increases than the
rest of the country. With the
coming of the 1970s, these danger
signs quickly turned into a
calamity.
WHILE JOBS nationwide grew
almost twice as fast as the
population between 1970 and 1975,

What makes
cities die?
By Elliott Currie and Paul Rosensteil

172,000 while jobs declined 26,000.
New York's job 1 oss was one-and-
a-half times brisker than its
population loss.
Isolating the central cities,
where many of the newly arrived
rural and foreign immigrants
live, the picture is even more
grim. Employment dropped

For the cities, the decline in
quality and quantity of jobs
inevitable spells burgeoning,
debilitating poverty. An . astoun-
ding 66.2 per cent of Detroit's
residents either working or
wishing to work in the fall of 1970
were either not working, working
part-time because they couldn't

For Carter's new policy to
achieve further results, it will have
to recognize and cope with a few
simple but devastating facts.

Still learning from Vietnam

HI AS AMERICA learned the lesson
of Vietnam? And if so, what is that
lesson?
This week's teach-in, titled "What
War? What Now?" examines these
and other issues stemming from the 20
year long U.S. involvement in Viet-
nam.
It is fitting that this teach-in occur
this week. Some 13 years ago almost to
the day, the first campus teach-in on
the American role in the Vietnam War
took place at the University.
That teach-in represented the first
rumblings of the anti-war movement
which engulfed the nation's univer-
sities as the decade progressed.
A majority of Americans eventually
came to see the Indochina involvement
as a costly mistake and forced U.S.
withdrawal from the area.
Some basic questions about the war
still beg for answers, however. One of
the most important is whether U.S. in-

present day issues, such people would
argue.
If, instead, Vietnam was only an ex-
treme example of the mainstream of
American foreign policy, then this
week's teach-in plays a very important
role. By dissecting the underlying for-
ces which lead to the Vietnam debacle,
the teach-in can help prevent future
Vietnams.
A broad view of recent U.S. history
tends to support the second inter-
pretation.
U.S. interference in Allende's Chile,
the American Marine invasion of the
Dominican Republic in 1965 and
American subsidy of rightist parties in
Italy were cast in the, same mold as
Vietnam.
Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik put
it aptly during his visit to Ann Arbor:
"The U.S. fights communism where
the people support it (as in Vietnam)
and supports Communism where they

three times as fast as population
in central Detroit, over five times
as fast in inner New York City,
and nearly seven times as fast in
the core of Philadelphia.
But not only are urban residen-
ts scrambling for fewer jobs,
what they are fighting over are'
poorer jobs than before. In-
creasingly, urban manufacturing
employment, which once made
cities centers of production and
generators of wealth, has
declined as employers have
moved to the suburbs, the South
and overseas in search of
cheaper, less unionized labor and
profitable amenities.
In Detroit, manufacturing jobs
outnumbered service and gover-
nment jobs nearly two to one in
1960. But by 1975 there were ac-
tually fewer manufacturing jobs
than government and service
jobs. In Philadelphia, manufac-
turing accounted for 37 per cent
of the jobs while service and
government contributed 2.6 per-
cent in 1960. By 1975 the numbers
were nearly reversed: 25 percent
manufacturing and 37 percent
service and government. Since
1975, the picture has changed
again as city governments,
afraid of going the way of New
York, have begun reversing the
increase in local government jobs
that once made up for part of the
loss in manufacturing.
WHAT THESE developments-
especially the increasing impor-
tance of service employment -
mean for city residents is clear
from the wages paid each of these

find full-time work, or working
full-time at wages that didn't
bring them above the Depar-
tment of Labor's "lower" budget
for an urban family of four. And
the cities must increasingly bear
the costs - in welfare payments,
public safety, housing - for this
enormous number of people who
are basically willing but unable
to provide for themselves.
The post-World War-II arrivals
to American cities thus face a
much less promising job situation
than their turn-of-the-century
counterparts faced. But their
problems don't stop there, unlike
the European immigrants of a
few generations ago, recent
arrivals are overwhelmingly non-
white. New city dwellers from
Mexico, Hong Kong and the
Phillippines, Jamaica and the
black rural South find that racial
discrimination is still a barrier to
those few jobs that exist.
TO MAKE matters worse, the
resulting "white flag" of both
residents and businesses further
decreases job opportunities while
undermining the ability of cities
to provide social services for
their new residents.
The influx of non-whites into
cities is the result, most impor-
tantly, of a revolutionary trans-
formation of agricultural life,
both in the U.S. itself and abroad
- a transformation that has been
systematically fos.tered by
government incentives and sub-
sidies. The farm population of the
United States was about a quar-

ter of the nation's total in 1940,
but only about one-twenty-fifth in
1975.
The mechanization of
agriculture that produced this
change had a particularly
dramatic impact on the South,
throwing millions of farm
workers off the land and into the
cities. Many of these were black
- the number of black farm
operators in the South in 1969 was
only a third the number of just 10
years before.
Altogether, between the end of
World War II and 1970, roughly
four million blacks emigrated
from the South. As a result,
blacks became an urban people
almost overnight. Between 1950
and 1970 the proportion of the
black population living in cities
jumped from 44 per cent to 58 per
cent.
A SIMILAR process of
agricultural disruption funneling
massive numbers of low-skilled
workers into American cities
took place in Puerto Rico, and,
most recently and dramatically,
in Mexico.
The result is familiar. As
minorities moved in, lured by
suburban amenities and
propelled by social disintegration
and racial fears, moved out.
Between 1960 and 1974, the num-
ber of whites living in central
cities dropped by about 3 million,
or 6 percent, while the number of
blacks rose by 3.8 million, or 38
percent.
The departing residents were
not only predominantly white,
they were also generally richer
than those moving into the cities
- by 10 percent by 1973. Thus,
between 1970 and 1974, the
aggregate income of families
moving out of the cities was
almost $30 billion more than that
of the families moving in.
Coupled with the loss of revenues
and fleeing industries, this left
cities with a shrinking capacity to
meet the even greater service
needs of an increasingly poor
population.
It is against this basically sim-
ple but bleak reality that the Car-
ter Administration now seeks to
pattern an attack, and rally a
national commitment, to-rpverse
the on-going trends. The very
simplicity and bleakness of the
problem would seem to require
nothing short of an imaginative,
top-priority revamping of ur-
ban policy through all levels of
government.
Elliott Currie and Paul
Rosensteil monitor urban
issuesfor the Pacific News Ser-
ire.

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