Thursday, September 7, 1972 ThursdTHE September 7, 1972Y By GENE ROBINSON Supplement Co-Editor A motley assortment of brok- en furniture, stray windows and aged cars surrounds two ramshackle houses on the east side of campus. A large rain- bow painted over yellowish- green shingles, indicates that this is the home of the Rain- bow People's Party (RPP). Less than five miles away in the midst of a heavily forested residential area, three buildings sit atop a hill that overlooks tennis courts, swimming pools and an expansive golf course. No sign is needed here to iden- tify the Barton Hills Country Club. Within the two Rainbow houses live 22 adults and chil- dren. Their lifestyle is com- munal ... "it's more economical that way." A glance inside the party house, located near Hill and Washtenaw, reveals the atmos- phere in which RPP functions. Posters on a dingy wall pro- claim "Use the Power" and ties, the club appears only modishly lavish in comparison to many of the surrounding homes. The grounds, which en- compass . 162 acres across, are neat and tidy. There is a dignified air to the club, comfortable yet re- served. The club is not exclusive, ac- cording to Cooper. "Applicants must only have two current members as sponsors . . . I can't recall ever denying any- one membership." Joining the Country Club set, however, does not appeal to everyone who lives in Ann Ar- bor. Nor do all residents share the philosophies of the Rainbow people. The city swarms with a mul- titude of interest groups, each with their own political and cultural orientation. Some are formally organized, others not. Ann Arbor is in many ways a unique city. It has a popula- tion of well over 100,000, a stu- dent community of nearly 40,- 000, and one of the proportion- ately largest communities of street people in the country. Ann Arbor is nationally re- cognized as a pace-setting city. While much of this prestige is certainly due to the presence of one of the country's most re- spected Universities, a vast ma- jority depends directly on the people student never come in contact with-people who, nev- ertheless, make the city what it is. Ann 'Arbor's cost of living is one of the highest in the coun- try. As a result, the city con- tains few poverty pockets - poor people simply cannot af- ford to reside here with any reasonable standard of living. Many of the University's non- academic labor force - jani- tors, hospital aides, mainten- ance personnel - commute into the city each day from outlying areas: they come in from Mi- lan, Saline, Whitmore Lake, Dexter, or any of the other less prestigious and less expensive smaller communities that sur- round the city. Thus many of the lower in- come areas of the city by most other standards would not be considered low income at all. While there are small ghetto- like areas, the city as a whole is relatively affluent. Ann Arbor has a sizable black population, many of whom live in the relatively resource-poor sections of the city. While Ann Arbor prides itself on being a progressive and open-minded city, its black residents fare lit- tle better than the national av- erage. Many if not most of them are still relegated to the lowest-paid jobs with high rents and property taxes. The highest concentration of blacks in the city live in the First Ward, a ward which con- sistently sends a Democratic black to represent it on City Council. Last spring the elec- tion of a radical Human Rights Party (HRP) candidate as that ward's city council representa- tive shocked political observers. The'black community became embroiled in a controversy ear- lier this year, as the city gov- ernment proposed a traffic re- routing which would have di- rected much of the city's snarl- ed traffic through the black community. The proposed Packard-Beakes bypass (also called Ashley- First) would have turned two streets running through the black community into major thoroughfares. The plan backfired, however, as voters, riding the wave of the HRP victory, defeated the plan at the polls. HRP had op- posed the bypass plan. On the southeastern side of the city. and in suburbs sur- rounding Ann Arbor live the more affluent. Least accessible to the student community, they are perhaps the most influen- tial, as money plays an import- ant role in any city government. These invisible rich are us- ually seen in the city's lavish country clubs, the office build- ings overlooking downtown, or in air-conditioned cars in tran- sit from one setting to the oth- er. The richer sectors of the city have historically voted Repub- lican. Primarily located in the Fourth and Fifth Wards, and to a lesser, extent in the Third, these voters almost always send the GOP to City Council. These people live essentially isolated f r o m the students across town. They resent the college-town student vote which elected two radical City Coun- cil members, and fear the pros- pect that someday the town may be controlled by the students. Washtenaw County is one of the four in the state that George Wallace did not carry in the state' presidential pref- erence primary, due primarily to heavy student turnout at the University and nearby Eastern Michigan University. But never- theless Wallace came in a strong second to George Mc- Govern. This Wallace vote did not materialize out of thin air: In Ann Arbor live more than radical students, liberal pro- fessors and contented Repub- licans, Though most of Wallace's support came from outlying areas of poor, disgruntled work- ing - class white, many of his votes came from inside the city itself. Sprinkled throughout the community in faceless homes live the Faceless People - peo- ple concerned about busing, about property taxes, about giv- ing the "Little Guy" his share of the wealth. Few members of the transient student community recall that until three years ago, Ann Ar- bor was a staunch Republican city; Mayor Robert Harris is the city's first Democratic may- or in recent memory. It is not a liberal college town dominated by "pointey-headed intellectu- als" but has historically voted much as most other southeast- ern Michigan cities. -- The student community gain- ed considerable power with the em rgence of the 18-year-old vote and the college-town vote. Students certainly played the key role in electing the two HRP Council members. How- ever, many students fail to rea- lize that non-student residents outnumber them by a margin of over 3-1. The student community is cer- tainly the most insular of all. Naturally located around the University campus, most stu- dents have little reason to ever venture into the city itself and th-refore have little idea of its true nature. The stud-nt community en- compasses not only University students but also a large popu- lation of street people. Almost all residents of the centrally- located student ghetto can be traced in one way or another to the University: They are either students, former students, or merelypeople whotgravitated hie because of the prospects of livinm among a large number of young people. This student com- munity. the most radical ele- ment in the city, has only re- cently begun to participate in the city activities. These, then, are the people of Ann Arbor: the white, the black and the less rich; the se- cure and the disenfranchised. Their lifestyles are all as dif- ferent as if they lived in dif- ferent countries, the only com- mon factor being that each group's "country" is called Ann Arbor. There are no country clubs. no private schools, no golf courses in the city's central areas where most of the blacks and relatively poor whites and students live. These people in- stead resort to bars for drink and relaxation, public schools for education, anti local basket- ball courts or an occasional game of baseball in the streets or a city recreation area for sport. As an early settlement, Ann Arbor had a thriving population of 50 people. By 1851, when it incorporated as a city, it had grown almost 9.000 per cent to 4500. One hundred years later, 43,000 people called Ann Arbor home; and by the 1970 census, the city reached a population of a'mcst 100.000. The city is destined to con- tinue growing, since it lies in the growth patterns of the greater Detroit metropolitan area and, more generally, lies directly in an urban growth cor-' ridor that, extends from Pitts- burgh to Chicago. This continued population growth will necessitate not only additional housing and related Despite arguments by many residents who would like to see their city remain a small, rela- tively wealthy, and distinctively attractive place to live, expan- sion and population growth is inevitable. Great attention has been paid to city planning in the hopes that a carefully directed growth will make it more pos- sible for the city to retain its character. In a report issued la;: year by the City Planning Commission, the city was advised to follow a district center form, which would create a centrai district core surrounded by various neighborhood units. These units would include a wide range of housing types and costs, including lowand mod- erate income housing, in all areas of the city. It is hoped the units will permit the imme- diate and long term residency of a broad range of economic, racial, social and cultural groups as well as permitting the full family cycle to evolve with- in the same neighborhood. In the city now, this is not the case. Individual residential areas are very similarinnature, being either low-income hous- ing with many homes per acre, or high-income housing with few homes per acre. An eventual reorganization of the housingasituation inAnn Arbor, could possibly change the city's tone. It could also bring some disturbed cries from those who, zoning codes in hand, pre- fer to remain secluded from the rest of the community. But at any rate, Ann Arbor today remains a distinctly seg- mented city-economically, so- cially, politically, culturally and racially divided. To permanent residents, the divisions are apparent. To the student; a pseudo-resident, the community often remains very distant, far away and its dis- tinctions relatively unknown. This article was partially compiled and written by Supplement Co-Editor~ Gloria Jane Smith and Daily Re- porter Jill Lawrence. facilities but an eventual ex- pansion of city boundaries. The increased urbanization of Ann Arbor is not viewed by all residents as progress. Efforts to construct additional low-income housing and various bustess buildings have met with opposi- tion from many citizens. A recent controversy flared over plans to build the Briar- wood shopping center, located on the city's west side. The issue was debated at great length for' almost a year, followed by a decision to con- tinue with plans to build the center. Many Ann 'Arbor citizens have also opposed the construc- tion of low-rent housing, since such constru6tion would inevit- ably lower the assessed value of their property. "Re-Legalize Marijuana." Psy- chedelic advertisements an- nounce local community events, including a clean-in and a pot- luck dinner. The organization itself is the former White Panther Party, a political and cultural revolu- tionary group initiated by John Sinclair in the early sixties. The group changed its name almost two years ago when they. realized the need to re-define their image and purpose. "The White Panther era is dead now," explains party mem- ber Jeannie Walsh. "We were alienating a lot of people who couldn't relate to us. If we were turning the community off, there was something we were doing wrong." The present emphasis is on solid community work, and community response has' chang- ed enormously and is now very positive. Walsh attributes this to the fact that RPP members are "just as poor as everyone else, if not poorer." The Barton Hills Country Club, secluded among spacious patches of land where homes nestle at the close of long wind- ing private drives, finds it must also relate to its immediate community. An affluent whirlpool of re- creation, the club offers facili-