Friday, Ocfober 27, 1972 THE MICHIGAN DAILY Page Five Friday, October 27, 1972 THE MICHIGAN DAILY The big founatis oes p aying God really work? THE BIG FOUNDATIONS, by Waldemar A. Nielsen. Columbia University Press, 475 pp., $10.95. A-Twentieth Century Fund Study. e By RUDOLF B. SCHMERL The subject of wealth is in- herently interesting. As has al- ways been acknowledged by ev- eryone everywhere, although more' often in sorrow than in joy, wealth, in sufficient quan- tity, is. power and freedom both. There are a few cavils ("you can't buy happiness," "the best things in life are free") and some old horror stories (like Mi- das, I'd rather have my daugh- ter alive and well than as a gold- en statue), but the cavils sound like sour grapes, not wisdom, and the horror stories are uncon- vincing. 'Money may not buy everything," a friend of mine used to say, "but what it can't buy I don't need." That judg- ment is shared, as far as I can tell, almost universally. The best things in life are not free; in fact, nothing is free. It's just a question of who's to pay for it. And if "it" ldoesn't cost money, it will have another kind of price. To marry the king's daughter and inherit the realm, you have to slay a dragon. To achieve sainthood, you must en- dure the slings and arrows of the outraged mob. And to get a grant, you may have to do both, and write a proposal as well. The psychology of the grant- hunter has riot, I believe, been studied scientifically, but it has been a perennial subject of lit- erature, and no taxonomy of the species, however detailed, could rival the portraits we have of schnorrers and hustlers over the ages and across the world. But what about the grant-giver - a creature whose rarity only heigh- tens his fascination? Wealth, one might think, breeds vanity, and vanity breeds suckers. Or, to be more charitable, wealth confers advantages, may thus heighten sensitivities, and makes one think about noblesse oblige. Or to be still more charitable, wealth gives a mart he chance to do the things' he's wanted to do all along: hire scientists to find cures for cancer or build an art museum in the provinces or es- tablish scholarships for virtuous girls professing the same faith as his sainted mother or publicize the evils of communism or alco- hol or the New Deal-the list is endless. There's one more thing. Given the tax laws and a lust for power stretching beyond the grave, a wealthy man may decide that giving his money away is the best way to keep it. The Big Foundation goes a long way toward documenting that thesis, although Mr. Nielsen also shows that motivations lead- ing to charity are as diverse as the business enterprises that made the charity possible. The one characteristic that America's really rich men seem to have in common is tenacity, not just about piling up money but years too. Charles Kettering died at 82, William L. Moody at 89, Alfred Sloan at 90, and C. S. Mott, still going strong at 97, has the ex- amples of John D. Rockefeller (98) and Sebastian S. Kresge (99) to inspire him. Nielsen's book' is not about these men, although he offers some glimpses of them, or about their money, although it intrudes pleasantly here and there. In- stead, he asks a set of questions about the foundations they and some others like them establish- ed. The ''big" foundations - 33 of them - are those with over $100 million in assets each, as good a way to separate the men from the boys as any, if you're going to talk about money. Niel- sen confined himself to informa- tion available up to 1968, which means that the recently estab- lished (Edna McConnell Clark Foundation, b. 1969, $146 million in shares of Avon Products, Inc.) or recently wealthy (Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, b. 19- 36, received, in 1971, more than $1 billion in securities - Johnson and Johnson Co. makes Band- aids) are not included in his stu- dy. Also excluded are "operat- ing" foundations (Battelle Insti- b 0 0 k s b 0 0 k s tute, Howard Hughes Medical Center, Carnegie Institution), "corporate" foundations (Alcoa), and "community" foundations (Cleveland Foundation). Still, that leaves a juicy list. How much money any one of them has at any moment is specula- tive - literally. What with fluc- tuations in the stock market, re- sources comprised of more than mere assets owned, holdings whose value remains to be seen (in land or oil, for instance)- everything is delightfully impre- cise. But it doesn't matter. They are all rich. Beyond that, why study these 33? Nielsen gives four reasons: (1) "because they are general- purpose, grant-making institu- tions, they have an impact on a broad band of recipients"; (2) because they are very different from one another, "they repre- sent all the major public policy issues raised by modern philan- thropy"; (3) because they have so much money, they have "a range of alternatives . . . in scope of interest and methods of operation not available to small foundations"; and (4) "again be- cause of their size, they are looked upon as the leaders in their fields" and since the men involved in running them have influence in other spheres, "they have a significance even larger than their huge resources might suggest." All right, then, to the questions he asks: how were these founda- tions established? what are their dominant characteristics? what have they done? what are they likely to do? what is their relationship to government and society at large? The answers comprise the book. The result, at least for me, is to focus atten- tion again on the big money, which is in Washington. The 33 foundations Nielsen describes have combined assets of about $11 billion. Mr. Nixon's budget is not to exceed (but probably won't fall much below) $250 bil- lion. That's an annual budget, not assets. Add to the federal dollars the resources of state and local government, those of chari- table organizations other than foundations, and the charitable activities of noncharitable organ- izations, and all the foundations, big and small, all 25,000 of them, pale into insignificance. I admit that this was not the thought in my mind on those few occasions when someone at Ford or Rocke- feller or elsewhere listened ever so politely to the little speech I'd been rehearsing on the plane. Still, it's true. The big foun- dations, even were they to com- bine their dollars or plan their programs cooperatively, are too small to do much good. Their dollars are dwarfed, not only by those of the government, but more importantly by the size of the problems to which most of them have chosen to address themselves. Nielsen makes this point well; he makes all his points well. His book is scholarly, informative, well written, occasionally amus- ing. He is not above telling a good story about bad people, and he never shrinks from prais- ing X or blasting Y. What comes clear, not quite above all else, is that Nielsen is a nice man. He criticizes the living as well as the dead; his liberal social val- ues are in obvious conflict with much of what many foundations have done; he has taste, humor, and respect for facts. And yet his book is not really satisfac- tory. The one rule reviewers are to observe is not to complain about the absence of a book the au- thor didn't write. The rule is better honored in the breach than in the observance. As critical as Nielsen is of the performance of most of the big foundations, and as far as his book is from being an apologia, he is still a very sympathetic observer. The 1969 Tax Reform Act does appear to have been more than a little spiteful, despite its needed cor- rections of a number of abuses, and his criticisms of the Act are persuasive - in particular, his point about "the odor of reac- tion and racism given off by the congressional proceedings." But the conclusion of his re- view of those proceedings and that Act is that "it nevertheless could be sensed that something at the very core of the American idea had been touched and tam- pered with and that somehow this curious creature, the private philanthropic foundation, 'w a s fatefully intertwined with the great issues of the nation's fu- ture." What core of what Ameri- can idea? How intertwined with what great issues? Were this a momentary lapse into fatuous- ness, one might shrug it off, but I think Nielsen means every word. He likes, not so much this or that foundation, but rather the idea of a big foundation - with properly diversified investments, an able professional staff, an imaginative B o a r d that trusts and respects that staff, liberal values, and "creative," even "innovative" ideas. "For the best of the things they do," Nielsen writes in his concluding paragraphs, "there is no readily available alternative." Six rhe- torical questions follow: "who else would have-" and he gives examples of genuine accom- plishments. G e n u i n e accomplishments there have been, and no doubt there will be more. This institu- tion - the University of Michi- gan - has been a major bene- ficiary (comparatively speaking) of foundation largesse, and in my years here I've seen buildings go up, programs started, scholar- ships awarded, faculty hired, re- search done, all as the direct re- sult of foundation money. But neither Nielsen's list nor mine, multiplied by all the examples others could provide, amounts to justification for Nielsen's faith that, if foundations "now begin to face their 'problems, accept their responsibilities, and grasp their opportunities," they could make a "truly enormous con- tribution to humanizing and ad- vancing American democracy, possibly even ensuring its surviv- al." The reason for my scepticism, and the book Nielsen didn't write, are suggested by his chap- ter called "Big Philanthrophy and the Race Question: A Case Study of Performance." With few exceptions, that performance amounts to a record of indif- ference to and distaste for in- volvement with Black people. Nielsen's own evidence - which could easily be supplemented- makes this quite clear. How Niel- sen can reconcile his faith in the idea of foundations with their actual performance in the one area he himself chooses for ex- amination is not clear at all. The book I wish he had written would have been comprised of 33 case studies - medical research, cultural activities, support for university buildings, whatever. Nielsen thinks that such areas are too "safe" for "creative" grant - making, but safe or not, they represent most of the direc- tions in which foundation dollars have been flowing, and it would be useful to know how effective foundations have been in them. My suspicions are that founda- tion executives like to do busi- ness with their counterparts, i.e., university presidents and civic leaders, and that this predilec- tion is responsible for the va- cuum in which so many founda- tions seem to be made. Take one of Nielsen's own examples, the announcement by the Ford Foun- dation in the fall of 1971 that it had selected ten black colleges to receive $10 million over a per- iod of ten years (not six, as Niel- sen says). Aside from pointing out that this is very little money -$100,000 per year per school-- one can ask what basis existed for this decision and what effect it had. Where were the studies of student enrollment by pro- gram, projections, priorities? The Ford grant was seen by more than one Black college not included in the ten recipients as something like the kiss of death. Shortly after the grant had made headlines everywhere, the Direc- tor of Development at Lincoln University (Pennsylvania) walk- ed ;into the office of a Philadel- phia "prospect" he had been "cultivating" for some time. He was greeted with a blunt ques- tion- "where are you on the Ford list?" Or take an example closer to home. In 1969, Wayne County Community College, which had opened its doors that fall to over 9,000 students, almost half of them Black, approached the Kresge Foundation' for money with which to buy the Kresge , Company's administration build- ing, a magnificent structure on Second Avenue. The idea was that the College needed a per- manent home in the heart of De- troit, a building sufficiently large to meet the needs of thousands of students yet to come, and suf- ficiently impressive to build some credibility for the school among the voters, who had al- ready rejected the millage pro- posal twice. The College was told that the Foundation could not possibly participate in a transaction which would benefit its parent company. Not long ago, the Foundation gave the College about a third of the mon- ey originally requested to buy the outmoded and questionably located facilities of the Detroit Institute of Technology, a priyate school with perhaps 15 percent of the enrollment of the commun- ity college. First, however, DIT had been given the Kresge build- ing on Second Avenue by the company. How do such decisions get made? Why can't foundations work cooperatively? Why should they cast about for "creative" ways to spend their money when they are surrounded by obdurate and all-to-ordinary needs? If "creativity" in grant - making means to spend a fortune on a few well-credentialed scientists or community leaders or college presidents in the name of an un- specified population they claim to represent, I prefer unimagina- tive things like Social Security payments and Medicare. Still, as long as foundations are giving money away, I'll just hap- pen to have a proposal . Up from under: women, children in China WOMEN AND CHILD CARE IN CHINA: A FIRSTHAND RE- PORT, by Ruth Sidel, Hill & Wang, 207 pp., $6.95. By BARBARA SUROVELL One way to gain a perspective on one's own society is to look at another society. Ruth Sidel, a psychiatric social worker, spent a month in China investigating the interrelated issues of work, the role of women, and the care of preschool children. For any- one interested in these issues and looking for alternatives to our own society's handling of them, the Chinese offer an exhil- irating example. China has not yet achieved the perfect society (when employment drops, wo- men workers are the first to be laid off: child care in that vast and decentralized country is not always uniformly available, nor is it free; hard manual labor done by men receives higher pay than lighter manual labor), but the Chinese have made astonish- ing progress in these areas. They -believe that perfection is attain- able, that no goal is too lofty, that human nature and the hu- man condition are perfectable, primarily through education. Before the Communists came to power in 1949, women were worse than second-class citizens; they were very nearly slaves. If a female child escaped infanti- cide and was not sold to another family as a daughter or child bride, she would probably be married between the ages of 15 and 17 to a man she did not know beforehand. The marriage was arranged to be advantageous to the husband's family. The young bride belonged to her hus- band's family and was discour- aged from even visiting her own family. . . . She was the last to eat and ate the most inferior foods available to the family; the clothing she was given was in- adeuate, and often she. was cold in the winter. She was beaten at will by her husband and by others in his family. Most of all, she was a slave to her mother- in-law, who, similarly enslaved for years by her mother-in-law, perpetuated the tradition. Be- cause she knew no trade and had no means of support, she was in bondage to her husband and his family. . . . Divorce was not permitted. Eventually her lot might improve if she bore her husband a son. After her -child-bearing years, she attained the position of mother-in-law, with its attendant domination over lower-placed members of the family. Her life had reached its zenith. The Chinese don't refer to the past, only to the "bitter past.'' I-low did they achieve such extraordinary improvement , in the position of women, indeed of all people, for it obviously did not come at the instant of Liber- ation? After 1900 the lives of some urban upper-class women began to show a gradual improve- ment. They obtained an educa- tion, had careers, were political- ly influential. But these women were the exceptions to the gen- eral status of women even of their own class and certainly in society at large. The Communist Party in China has always been explicitly com- mitted to the equality of women. They accomplished this in two ways: by passing laws such as the Marriage Law of 1950, which outlawdd child marriage, polyg- amy, concubines, arranged mar- ri ge, any sort of payment for a bride, and guaranteed the right of divorce to women as well as to men; and by educating the people to bring about a change in attit-ides. The consciousness- raising group was one form of education. During the 1940s the army of Mao was liberating areas of the couintryside from Japanese control. One of the first t:sks they would undertake when the' entered a village was to or- galize the women. A cadre (political w o r k e r) would round up some of the women and tell them that they need no longer live under bond- age, that they had a right to equality with men, that they had a right to eat as well as the men end should not be -beaten by their in-laws. The women were reluctant to speak up or to be- come part of such an associa- tion, because they were afraid. But the cadre would encourage a few to meet together and to tell the stories of their lives. This was the beginning of the "Speak Bitterness" sessions that were so successful in getting the villages to rally behind the Eighth Route Army of Mao. ..-. From accounts of the "Speak Bitterness" meetings, it is clear that the effect was electric not only upon the person telling her story but upon those who listened as well. "But the key factor in the lib- eration of women was work." Considerable effort has gone into getting women' into traditionally male professions, but there has been no attempt to recruit meni into fields traditionally staffed by women such as nursing and teaching. Today 90 per cent of Chinese women work. To make this pos- sible, nursing rooms (which are located in places of employ- ment), nurseries and kindergar- tens were established. There are alternatives to public child-care facilties. A woman can choose not to work and to care for her child herself, or allow the child to be cared for by a grandparent or friend' or neighbor. Maternity leave is granted for 56 days and nursing rooms take infants of that age. The mother is allowed to leave her worok to feed her infant twice a day. When the child is about 18 months she or he can attend a nursery school. In the cities about half of the children attend nursery schools. Most of the others are cared 'for at home by grandparents. In the countryside fewer children at- tend nurseries. About 80 percent of urban children attend kinder- gartens, which take children ages 3-7, and again the figure is low- er for rural children. At the age of 7 the child enters primary school. Several nurseries and kinder- gartens are described in detail. Some facilities are half-time (which means from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m.) and some provide 24-hour care. Children who stay over- night go home on weekends. Children would need to have 24- hour day care when their par- ents' jobs require them to be away from home a great deal. Child care is not free. The av- erage salary of a factory worker or a teacher is 50-60 yuan a month. The cost for a child to live at a particular 24-hour kin- dergarten in Peking is 20.20 yuan a month. Even with both parents working the cost is a substantial part of their income. If parents cannot afford to pay the full fee, their employer will pay part of it. push another child, never saw a child grab a toyfrom another child, never saw any hostile' in- teraction between children or be- tween adults and children." Abortions are, available and free, but the emphasis is on con- traception (also free). Abortions for unmarried women are very rare, and there is apparently very little premarital (or extramari- tal) sex. By Western standards the Chinese are probably a very puritanical people. Prostitution anh venereal di- sease were widespread in pre- Liberation China, but have been eliminated. Houses of prostitu- tion were closed, jobs found for the women and medical care pro- vided, and they were encouraged to understand the conditions which led them into prostitution. In China ... liberation is not interpreted in any way to mean sexual freedom. It is interpret- ed to mean economic freedom and political freedom, freedom from physical harm, freedom from working like a slave, freedom from one's mother-in- law, and freedom from having 10 children, but distinctly not sexual freedom. Chinese women wear no make- up or jewelry, and their clothing is loose-fitting and functional. The pictures in this book show us that they are beautiful. Ms. Sidel raises some inter- esting questions: Returning from China, one questions some basic elements in Western society that are on- ly now starting to be question- ed. Is outward sexuality neces- sary for a healthy and enjoy- able sex life? Must sexuality be emphasized in all aspects of life, can't it be a private thing between two people, (does) the emphasis on out- ward sexuality interfere with one's innermost sexual feel- ings, displacing and obscuring them? How much have our sex- ual attitudes in the West been influenced by commercial ex- ploitation of sexuality? Have we perhaps accepted the ad- vertising man's dream as rea- ity? .'. , Directly related to be- ing regarded and regarding oneself as a sexual object is consumerism. As long as con- sumerism and its supporting advertising are central factors in our. economy, women will continue to be urged to be sex objects and status symbols.. Consumerism is use~d both as a panacea for the boredom which can occur so readily when talents are being under- utilized and as a catalyst for our economy. The cycle is readymade: not enough jobs, women at home, women bored, buy a new dress or a new de- tergent or a new dishwasher. In Ann Arbor there are 23 day care centers, with a total capacity for 775 children (including half days, which here means 3 hours, not 12). There are 3,400 working women in Ann Arbor with pre- school children. In addition there are an estimated 2500-3000 chil- dren of University students. The discrepancy between the need for day care and its availability in our own community is an out- rage. How -does one judge a so- ciety? Is the criterion to be wealth and power, or is it ra- ther how well the sQciety pro- .vides human services, meets hu- rhu'ma on ,, i .nrc, Asoirip hsttilata F :;I~m n . , , - V -A : _ .,; iA Sm _.__ > ~ ;' I " n _ r ' r n s. t ' .. ilk 101 I' I - _ 44 ' 6w.,.. "...._'' r6 3 3K j4. ! li E i-; 4 4Y ,, : v" } I Top: A girls band on National Day. Bottom: Two medical students, Chinese style. COSCE 'I a \e have just acquired a stock of original wood engravings by M.C. Escher. They are from a linited edition and are numbered. Original Escher prints are very rare. Visit us and see them. k Typicaltdays in nurseries and kindergartens sound very much like days in preschools in the U.S. except that nursery school children have a 15-minute les- son in Mao's thought, and kinder- garteners- have lessons in writ- ing and arithmetic for an hour, depending on their age. They have plenty of time for free play, games, dramatics, stories and naps. Children are taught the princi- ples and values of a collective society. Their first task is to learn to care for themselves, to . -- ... - ..- r:.....a la r% r% r+Tr r- rr r-% r- /Ar, Er r% r- T( Ir ,