Eighty-one years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1972 Olympic terror and Tanya SPEAKING ON the slayings of 11 mem- bers of the Israeli Olympic team, President Nixon declared that their deaths were "a hideous perversion of the Olympic spirit." "In tribute to them let us reinforce, not just our aspirations, but our actions, in quest of the brotherhood that was de- nied to them." Even before the President had spoken these words, the United States had em- barked on diplomatic efforts through- out the world to prevent more such "per- versions." There was something quite curious about the way we went about it: Both the Senate and the House resolved that "all means be sought by which the civi- lized world may cut off from contact with civilized mankind any peoples or any nation giving sanctuary, support, sympathy, aid or comfort to acts of mur- der and barbarism such as those just, witnessed at Munich." The same day, American bombers flew 230 raids over North Vietnam. THIS SEQUENCE of events might be amusing if it were not so frighten- ing - but it is no quirk that the Presi- dent and Congress can so vehemently; condemn terrorist acts while at the same time they perpetuate a situation of or- ganized terror. In May, Nixon had scarcely finished ordering the mining of Haiphong Har- bor and the employment of the heaviest bombardment in the history of the world when he flew off to Leningrad to utter a few pious words of brotherhood. Mentioning the suffering of a little Russian girl during the second world war, the President declared, "Let us think of Tanya and the other Tanyas and their brothers and sisters everywhere in Rus- sia and China and in America as we proudly meet our responsibilities for leadership in the world in a way worthy of a great people." In the same vein, Secretary of State William Rogers urged Wednesday, at a meeting seeking to draft a convention against hijackings, prompt action to .deny "terrorists and would-be terror- ists one of their most effective weapons" as a "major step to subdue international lawlessness and terrorism." Can these pleadings truly be taken ser- iously while our anti-personnel bombs are seeking out helpless Vietnamese? Munich: By the ORGANIZATION OF ARAB STUDENTS TrHE AMERICAN media have consistently portrayed the tragedy of Munich as a senseless act perpetrated against innocent Jews as Jews by Arab terrorists who have violated the underlying Olympic principle of international brotherhood. This unfortunate presentation of the in- cident by the use of misleading terms and by concentrating on the symptom rather than the cause can only perpetuate the sit- uation which produced the act in the first instance. We can only conclude that Israel and, following its lead, the American media in- tend to mislead international public opin- ion when they present the situation in such terms as victimized Jews when they mean Israelis who have usurped the land of Palestine, Arabs when they mean Palestin- ians, and terrorists when they mean peo- ple who defend the right to return to their homes using the limited means at their disposal to reach that goal. The situation which has produced the act is the continuing expulsion of the Pal- estinian people from their homeland, their dispersion throughout the Arab world and elsewhere, and the denial of their interna- tionally recognized right to repatriation. This is a time when world Jewry cries out for the Soviet Jews to be allowed to emi- grate to Israel and to take over the occup- ied lands of the Palestinians while simul- taneously denying the right of the Pales- tinians themselves to return. It is not sur- prising that this state of affairs produces men and women willing to take any mea- sure which might lead them home. WE GET NOWHERE by pulling t h e Munich incident out of its context, treating it in a vacuum and conceiving it as sense- less brutality. Rather, this was a reasoned act, deliberately planned and executed, and motivated on at least two levels. In terms Symbol of of the overall aim, it was an attempt on the part of the actors to contribute to the resolution of the Palestine problem, us- ing the sole technique left open to them. On the immediate and concrete level, the objective was to free a portion of the more than 2000 Palestinian political prison- ers held in Israeli jails. Which brings us to the question of why the members of the Black September or- ganization resorted to the use of this par- ticular technique to achieve those aims. It is the desperate tactic of. a people living under perpetual stress with all other pos- sible avenues to reduce that stress pro- gressively denied them. Diplomatic attempts through the Unit- ed Nations have consistently failed to re- patriate a single Palestinian in the 25 years of exile. Relying on the conventional armies of the Arab states has only result- ed in the Israeli occupation of the whole of Palestine, as well as large areas of adjacent Arab states. There remained to the Palestinians only that strategy whereby a weaker people struggles against a stronger more technol- ogically able people according to the prin- ciple of progressively wearing down the strength of the adversary over a consid- erably period of time. This is the strategy of guerrilla warfare. AFTER THE 1967 war, the guerrila movement was generally both able and careful to exercise restraint in choosing their techniques of operation and in their choice of targets. This was rendered pos- sible by the geographical proximity of the Resistance to Israel and the occupied ter- ritories where military objectives were re- latively accessible. These restraints, however, came to be eroded by a number of factors. Pushed out 'of the Israeli-controlled territories, the Palestinian Resistance sought refuge in those Arab states adjacent to Israel. l'ac- ed with the revenge meted out by the Israelis against the civilians of t h o s e countries of refuge in retaliation for . the commando presence there, the Arab :tates themselves were in turn pressured to curb the activities of the Resistance on their soil. Two consequences flowed from this sit- uation. The result of this greater geogra- phical isolation from Israel was that Is- raeli military targets became more inac- cessible as well. Moreover, upon witnessing thattthe Is- raelis themselves 'were making little dis- tinction between Palestinian commandos and Arab civilians as legitimate targets of attack - villagers in south Lebanon, and peasants in Syria and the Ghor Valley of Jordan - the Resistance in turn became less concerned with distinguishing between Israeli military personnel and civilians. The air raids of the past few days against Syria and Lebanon in retaliation for the Munich incident is a case in point. In the name of wiping out so-called guer- rilla bases in those countries, at the time of this writing Israel has taken a toll of 66 dead, both commandos and civilians, in at least three Lebanese and six Syrian. villages and Palestinian refugee camps. ISRAEL MAY INDEED, through such re- pressive raids on her neighbors both be- fore and after the Munich incident, drive the Palestinian guerrilla movement from the Middle East arena. As evidenced by the Munich incident, however, by rendering the Middle East off-limits, those elements with- in the Palestinian Resistance which have resolved to -continue armed struggle, such as the Black September group, have now progressively come to resort to the inter- national scene as the forum for their ac- tivities. It will be no surprise, then, if after this lutest incident, we witness the commando movement go underground wherever the opportunity presents itself. This would only be the logical consequence of a people which continues to exist, which lives un- der unmitigated stress, and which has been deprived of any other outlet for that stress. The sanctity of the international scene marking off-limits for such activities has thus been shattered. The Palestinians have learned to be suspicious of the interna- tional community due to its role as author of the partitioning of Palestine, its con- tinued support of the existence of Israel and its apathy in the face of 25 years of Palestinian exile. The recent cynical misuse, moreover, by the Israelis of the credibility of such world bodies as the International Committee of the Red Cross to, thwart the Sabena highjack- ing to Lydda in May by the Black Septem- ber group could only lead to increasing distrust by the Palestinians of international bodies. IT IS SIGNIFICANT that the particular forum in this incident was the Olympics. The lack of Palestinian participation in what is billed as an activity of interna- tional brotherhood is symbolic of the lack of recognition of the Palestinians' exist- ence on this earth from which they refuse to vanish, Golda Meir's denial of their existence notwithstanding. It is clear that the environment which produced the actors in the Munich inci- dent and the continued ignoring of t h a t environment on the part of the interna- tional community is at least as tragic as the Munich incident itself. The president of the Organization of Arab Students campus chapter is Regaei Lasheen. USSR .)V 4 a larger tragedy? Brodsky: Back from the THE NEW YORK TIMES editorialized Thursday that, "The basic question K highlighted by Munich is how to guard "'722|| the international community against the depredations of such fanatical madmen." Perhaps more important, however, is the question of how to guard against the false sincerity of those who would di- vert us from the real issues on the American scene.. ZACHARY SCHILLER TV is badder than ever I'S THAT time of year again when Spiro Agnew's "liberal establish- ment press" shows its true colors. For those of you lucky enough not to own a TV over the summer you missed the op- portunity to hear all those wonderfully obnoxious plugs for the upcoming fall season - all those allusions to "bold and telling it like it is" programming. Now the fall season is upon us and the only thing bold about it is the networks' audacity at their advance billing. For the most part the "boob tube" will be filled this Fall with such wonderful re- flections of reality as "Bridget Loves Bernie," with Jewish boy marries Catho- lic girl; and "The Men," all of whom seem to have an uncanny ability to save the world. Once again, despite annual revenues of $4 billion, the three commercial net- works will bestow upon the country "The Partridge Family" instead of a weekly series on the nation's problems. A re- Today's staff .. . News: Sara Fitzgerald, Diane Levick, Marilyn Riley; Ted Stein, Martin Stern Editorial Page: Arthur Lerner Photo Technician: David Margolick cent survey showed that only two per cent of prime time commercial television is filled by news and public affairs. 98 per cent of prime viewing time is still that "vast wasteland" of Newton Minow's which serves to dull the American public to Vietnam, to poverty, to pollution, to killing, to reality. LIKE ANY other business, commercial television is concerned about pro- fits - rot social responsibility. Every year the networks claim to give the public what it wants (or at least what the Nielsen -ratings say it wants) and every year the shows are invariably panned and dropped. Nevertheless, the networks are a long way off from scheduling a heavy con- centration of public affairs shows. Ad- vertisers won't buy it and the mass pub- lic probably wouldn't watch it. The brightest hope on the horizon is the Cor- poration for Public Broadcasting (CPB) which produces and funds public broad- casting shows across the nation. But the powers that be are not too happy with a network interested in real- ity and therefore it came as no surprise this summer when President Nixon veto- ed a bill which would have increased CPB's funding. Reality does not fit into the scheme of things in "Nixon's World." -BILL ALTERMAN By MERYL GORDON AFTER WEEKS of genuine in- ternational intrigue and behind the scenes maneuvering, S d v i e t poet Iosif Brodsky, convicted in Russia of being an "idler and a parasite", has come to Ann Arbor to become a University poet in re- sidence. Brodsky, whose writings have been suppressed inathe S o v i et Union and who was imprisoned twice there, arrived in late June after a series of surprising events. T h e thirty-two-year-old r e d headed Brodsky, sitting in his air- conditioned office at the Univer- sity, is reflective now about the steps that led to his departure from Russia. ACCORDING TO Brodsky, in May Soviet officials approached him with an offer for a visa to Israel. "They do not make pro- posals of this sort, and when they do it, it means only one thing . . . if I would remain, the situa- tion would only be worse," he ex- plains. "A few days before I left, they cut off all my agreements, all my translations, and I would have been living without work if I stay- ed." So Brodsky officially planned to leave for Israel, and secretly ar- ranged to come to the United Stat- es. He left Russia, and stopping in Vienna "en route" to Israel, met with University Prof. Carl Prof- fer and finalized his plan to come to Michigan. Brodsky then flew to England for a poetry festival, and continued from there to the Unit- ed States. He says he's "glad" to be here, but is finding it difficult to become used to this culture. Wearing new blue jeans and chain-smoking Am- erican cigarettes,the explains, "When I was in the Soviet Union I knew what to do . . . I don't know who I am here. Two days ago some friend of mine asked me how to pronounce my name, Iosif or Joseph,mand that was a com- plete enigma. Because, well, I know that I am in the United Stat- es, so I am probably Joseph. But I'm not Joseph, but not Iosif eith- er. This is the model of all feel- ings." BRODSKY, HOWEVER, is ex- cited by the freedom of p r e s s I' here, after the harassment he has received from Soviet officials over his writings. Although he claims his work is non-political, in 1964 he was arrested, tried, and con- victed in Leningrad of being an "idler and a parasite", and sen- tenced to five years at hard labor. He describes his arrest as fol- lows: "There were twoarticles in the newspaper, saying things against me, and I was trying to ignore it, not mention it. I had some work, I had to translate a Polish poet, at that time. One night, it was a very cold night in '64, I went on the street and three people surrounded me. They asked me 'what's my name' and like an idiot, I answered them, 'I am this one.' They proposed me to go with them to someplace, because they have some interest in having con- versation with me. I objected, be- cause I had intended to go to friend of mine. There was s o in e fighting . . and then they found a car and put my hands behind my back . .. Brodsky spent two to three months in prison before his trial. "There were a lot of accusations," he says, "that I was a parasite, because I worked in different plac- es and not very long in each of them. There are accusations that I am writing the pornographical poems, that I was writing anti- Soviet poems, that I was writing some epigrams on high officials. That was a very big surprise to me that they only gave me five years of exile, because if all those accusations were real, I would have been condemned to capital punish- ment."' BRODSKY'S TERM, which was shortened to 18 months, was spent in a work camp in the Arkangelsk region of Northern Russia. He says he doesn't feel "particularly bit- ter" towards that period of h i s life. "I was countryman, and did all the different jobs countrymen do," he says. "They are saying that I shovelled manure, yes, well I did that, but I was also a shepherd, a woodcutter, and I was mending some roofs in the village and farm- ing. Everyday they gave me a new order." "For me," he adds, "it wasn't that awful. Just from time to time when I thought myself isolated, when I couldn't see those people and those things and those books that were necessary for me. But, I thought of it, well, it was a life, bad, maybe, but a life. To suffer all those things would mean that the officials reached their purpose, so I preferred not to suffer. All the physical things, the pain, don't influence my consciousness, that's all." HE HAS been writing p o e t r y since he was 18. He is self-edu- cated, having left school at the American equivalent of ninth grade and has translated Polish, Ser- bian, Spanish, and English poets. "Well, I didn't have any idea about career, about writing all my lifetime, when I began," he says. "I was writing and writing and writing, but I was always trying to find some job. First of all I was metal worker, and afterwards, I was working for a newspaper as a photographer, I was working in morgue, because I had a thought to make medicine my career, and then I was a sailor - almost 14 or 15 jobs. I was working in geology expeditions in the summertime al- so.- SEVERAL OF Brodskys' poems were published in Leningrad an- thologies in 1966 and 1967, but most of his work has been suppressed in the Soviet Union. It has been widel published in other coun- tries and has been translated into over ten languages. Brodsky feels his prison exper- ience "caused more of a change in spirit than in form in my poetry. I began to write verses, that were, if I can say that, more dry, with less exultation, more calm." Daily Photo by DENNY GAINER perplex Brodsky, among them, an- ti-war demonstrators. "The same country that is involved in the war in Vietnam, is giving the demon- strators a chance to live a good life, you know, to have houses, to own cars, to travel around, and when this country gave you all these things you have nothing against it. Bult when this s a m e country gave you the war, you were against it. But this is the same country, not another . ." Brodsky muses. 4 s;'.i:":::n};. ,":: ;: {. ". :: ": . :{ry:... ;.". ":": i;"i:{:.:giiiiew::::v v."aaJJC." vJ""J "Then I was in the Soviet Union I knew what to do . . . I don't know who I am here. Two days ago some friend of mine asked me how to pro. ronne my naime, Iosif or Joseph, and that was a complete enigma. . . . I know that I am in the United States, so I am probably Joseph. But I'm not Joseph, but not Josif either." I IAV&l WO HA/V V k AV: / '~1 ii I', /G MVOL) ocv U~K i/i YOU PO E E" ygv. I o ~yo f0 r~6k Brodsky is concerned now be- cause he can't tell what living in America will do to his writing. "In a real sense, it is necessary to hear your own language when you write . . to hear it in the pubs, in the bars, on the streets, in the streetcars, in the shops, in stores'. . . all the idioms, words, and so on." HE HOPES that he will 1 i v e near the ocean soon. "It's not be- cause I don't like Michigan, b u t because I've spent all my lifetime, all my thirty-two years, living by the sea. I feel sort of close to home, near water, I don't know why. Salt water and the winters ..."hep savs. antees that the whole world won't live in a communist way. I think the U.S. is good, and people who are demonstrating against the gov- ernment are idiots who don't have our experience." BRODSKY WILL be teaching two courses at the University, this fall, and may be going on a lec- ture tour. He is unsure of his plans beyond next year. "I don't know why I shall pub- lish, if I do," he says moodily, "or why I am here, why publish my verse, why write them? Be- cause of my departure I reached some psychological state of my thoughts and everything began to NOW., \ I, Al HOW CA ('Ou TOM co6A IT U W SCK' M1- GO ALFO'- YD) MEAN) TN "OI/ PVab )k Uil > 1 _N k 11- iA11t Pvu-r L CAN ACCE PT i t i 64 I\s & , .m a1