A. 1w £irii man &11 Eighty-two years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan Labor situation looks grim 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, JANUARY 1 1, 1973 Tenants score deosi victor IN THE ETERNAL war between tenants and landlords, the tenants have scored a major victory. Tuesday, Jan. 9, Gov. William Milliken signed into law legislation that goes far in restricting the confiscation of damage deposits by land- lords. The key element of the law is that it defines damage deposits as the property of the tenant. This places the burden of proof squarely on the shoulders of the landlord or management agency should a dispute arise over a tenant's responsi- bility for damages. Under the new law the landlord has 45 days to prove in court his claim to damage deposit money. This type of legislation is much need- ed and has been a long time coming. In Ann Arbor, where little love is lost be- tween landlords and tenants, the vast majority of apartment disputes arise over damage inspections and cost assess- ments. Sometimes the landlord's charges are legitimate but then, as one Ann Ar- bor attorney put it, "Damage deposits are money, and landlords have a habit of keeping them, whether or not there is good cause." Now, with the help of the new law, a landlord will have to go to court when he says one of the walls in your apartment needs repainting because you chipped the paint and you say it was messed up when you got there. Much of the rest of the new law deals with such items as, how much a land- lord can charge for damage deposits, how soon they have to be returned after the lease is up and the use of a checklist to document damages when the tenant first moves in. While a quick survey of local land- lords showed that most of them already comply with the new law on these points, legal restraints are a little more depend- able than Ann Arbor landlords have proved themselves to be. The battle is won but the war goes on. -LORIN LABARDEE By BERNICE SANDLER FOR MANY OF US, the words "wo- men's liberation" evokes images of radical man-hating, bra-burning women. My friends in the women's movement - and many of them are married - to men - my friends tell me that bras were never burned, and that the serious and im- portant aspects of the women's move- ment rarely get the full attention of the press. Women, and men, too, are becoming in- creasingly concerned and aware about dis- crimination against women in education and in employment. Despite the myth that, things are get- ting better for women, the position of women in education and employment has been getting'worse for many, many years. More than 360 college and universities have been charged with sex discrimina- tion, with many of our finest institutions among them, such as: Columbia, Harvard, Yale, University of Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the entire state university and college systems of the states of New York, California, New Jersey and Florida. In too many institutions, education is de- signed as though the only people who ever attended college are young, single, and male. Women are not seen as serious students but as pleasant decorations on the campus, who take history and Biology in order -to become more pleasant mari- tal companions. Yet many women, and many men, are simple unaware of the discrimination that exists against women. Too many believe that when women gained the right to vote more than S0 years ago, that they also gained equality. Yet today, women still suffer from very real economic, educa- tional, and legal discrimination. There is a myth that things are getting better for American women and that the opportunities are there for the asking. Yet the average working woman - and I mean the woman who is working fulltime - earns about 60 cents for every dollar earned by a working man. The economic situation is a good measure of discrim- ination. Among those who work fulltime, white men earn the most. Then come black men, and then white women, and at the bottom of the pile is the black woman, who suffers from a "double wham- my" of being both black and female. In fact, sex affects your income more than your race does. THE DISCRIMINATION that w o m e n face is similar, although not identical to that faced by minorities. If you substitute the word "black" when we talk about women, you can get some sense of the discrimination and frustration that women feel. For example, women are thought to be "happy at home." Blacks were thought to be "happy on the plantation." Employ- ers say that they'd be glad to hire a "qualified woman," just as they'd be glad to hire a "qualified" black. Have you ever noticed that the word "qualified" is used only with women and minorities? Have you ever heard anyone talk about finding a "qualified" man? We call black men "boys" and we call women "girls." For many years, people have said "My colored maid says there isn't any discrim- ination." Today, many people say, "My wife says there's no discrimination." Women are now approximately 40 per cent of the work force', but most women are at the bottom of the economic market- place. Two out of every.three women who work are in sales, service, clerical or domestic work, all of the low-paying oc- cupations. Virtually all of the occupations that women are encouraged to enter are low-paying. If you think that a woman's college degree will earn her a much better living, you may be in for a surprise. She's likely to earn somewhat more than her sisters who did not go to college, but on the average, if you work fulltime, and have a bachelor's degree and are femaie, your median income will be just about the same as that of a man with an eighth grade education. The problem for women, economically, this is the time when the tips are better. On the other hand, no one rushes to pro- tect" nurses or charwomen from work- ing at night at their low-paying jobs, be- cause no one else wants these jobs. One by one, these so-called "protective laws" that protect women from getting better jobs, are being ruled invalid because they conflict with Federal law; Title VII of the Civil Rights Act which forbids discrimina- tion in employment on the basis of sex. Some unions, however, who have a stake in keeping women out of jobs are using these laws as a rationale to oppose the Equal Rights Amendment. Wonen simply do not have the same opportunities that men have. The per- centage of women professionals in this country is pathetically small: 3.5 per cent of the lawyers, 2 per cent of the dentists, 7 " mmm mmW#jmssmts# a##masam samasa "Women workers are concentrated in the lower paying jobs, earn less money than men even in the same occupation, and have a higher rate of unemployment than men." ggryry p"J4' . s A :Y}: "r.n c ;;.: a;.. ::i}" ::."":b5A ::y4 'C Nixon ignores war protest ITME UPCOMING peace march in Wash- ington, D.C., scheduled for Inaugur- ation Day, must be considered import- ant, for it comes at a time in our coun- try's history when our Chief Executive has moved away from public scrutiny and has drifted toward isolation. Who can deny that President Nixon has been attemptirng to run a one-man show, choosing to ignore the electorate which gave him his office, as well as the Congress of the United States, a consti- tutional body which is supposed to be on an equal level with the executive branch. The major significance of the anti- war peace march is to show that while such sentiment has subsided for almost two years, giving Nixon fair reign to achieve peace his way, a growing seg- ment of Americans now feel that he has abused the trust and patience given him. Unfortunately, President Nixon appar- ently either believes that the majority of the public is behind him-this senti- ment reinforced by his landslide victory last November-or he just doesn't care about the public. After being falsely promised on Octo- ber 26 of last year that "peace was at hand", and instead being "handed" only more war, the American people now ap- pear more frustrated than ever before. Add to this the immense bombardment of North Vietnam-heavier than any bombings carried out even by the Nazis in World War Two - and there are few Today's staff: News: Debbie Allen, Laura Berman, Mike Duweck, Bill Heenan, Terry Martin, Chris Parks, Judy Ruskin, Paul Travis Editorial page: Kathleen Ricke Arts page: Gloria Jane Smith, Jeff Soren- sen Photo technicians: Stuart Hollander, Rolfe Tessem left who don't question the wisdom of what Nixon is up to. The least that one could expect is that a president, faced with growing public dissatisfaction with certain policies would,, in his capacity as national lead- er, appear before the people and explain his actions. Nixon has refused to do so. FURTHERMORE, HE has refused to even explain his policies to Congress. Appearing at a breakfast of congression- al leaders last week, he refused to dis- cuss Vietnam until the very end of the meeting, and then left before questions could be posed. That which he did say about the war was nothing new or ex- planatory. And to continue his apparent "I don't give a damn about Congress" attitude, he has decided not to appear before Congress to deliver his State of the Union speech, a further indication of the rift between the two governmental branches. Past peace marches have been, for the most part, ignored by Nixon. Declaring several years ago that they would have no influence whatsoever on him, he has previously secluded= himself in the White House to watch televised football games, or has hidden out at one of his other "executive mansions" while demonstra- tions occurred. This time however, Nixon will not be able to ignore the public protests. Unless the Inauguration bands can drown out the chants of the demonstrators several blocks away, Nixon will know that they are there. And perhaps, just perhaps, he will realize that American citizens are still, concerned with their constitutional right to be heard. Thus ,the demonstrations must occur in Washington on January 20. Our president must be reminded that we are still a democracy, and that we will never allow his dream of "a silent majority" to become our nightmare. -MARTIN STERN is one of occupational segregation. Wo- men are welcome to work, provided they know their place. No one seems to mind a woman secretary, or charwoman or wai- tress. Over the past sixty years, there has been little change in occupations for most women are still restricted to "fem- inine" jobs. Those few occupations that have opened up to women have generally been those that are routine, low-paying and monotous, such as key-punching. On the other hand, when the salary of an occupation is rising, then men are likely to enter it, even if it is a traditional wo- man's field, such as teaching, social work, and librarianship. Regardless of the actual work perform- ed, if men predominate in an occupation, you can be sure that it is almost always better paying and with higher status than if women predominate. Women workers are concentrated in the lower paying jobs, earn less money than men even in the same occupation, and have a higher rate of unemployment than men. If you look at who does the low status work in our society, such as emptying out the bed- pans in a hospital, you can be sure ,hat it is a female, or a minority person, or both. In primitive societies, you see the same pattern. What men and women do varies from society to society, but what is consistent is that whatever men do is more prestigious. If women do weaving, it is mere women's work; if men do the weav- ing, it is very important, a ritual or a sacrament. In many states, unrealistic weightlift- ing laws "protect" women from getting better jobs. In California, a woman can- not work at a job where she carries more than ten pounds up 'and down stairs. No one "protects" women from carrying heavy groceries or from carrying young chiid- ren. If weightlifting laws applied to preg- nancy, it would be illegal to be pregnant in about ten states. Supervisory jobs which may require occasional overtime, cannot be offered to women in those states where they are forbidden from working more than eight hours a day. In some states, waitresses cannot work at night, although per cent of the physicians, 1 per ent of the engineers. Yet in other countries, pro- fessional women are not a rarity. Why are women 24 per cent of the lawyers in Sweden, and 70 per cent of the dentists in Denmark? Do Russian women have such different genes from American women so that they develop into 75 per cent of the physicians there, while in our country, the percentage of women physicians is virt- ually the same as it was about 50 years ago, when women first got the right to vote. No wonder women are angry! Those of us who picture the typical work- ing woman as a young single girl, and en- vision the remainder of women as mar- ried housewives enjoying the daily wonders of suburbia are sadly out of touch with the times. More than half of the moth- ers with school-age children work. Indeed women with children 6-17 years old are more likely to work than wives without any children. Sociologists who have been following the women's movement with an academic eye have pointed out that the new push for women's rights is directly related to the increase in the number of working women. In fact, the new wo- men's rights movement began back in the late fifties and early sixties as the num- ber of women in the labor force began to rise rapidly, and as women were stim- ulated by the black civil rights movement to examine their own civil rights. Before the women's liberation movement began in 1968, before Friedan's book in 1963, President Kennedy, responding to pres- sure from women's groups, aopointed the first U.S. Commission on the Status of Women. WOMEN HAVE begun to complain, sometimes, bitterly, about job discrimina- tion. Although many people erraneously feel that the women's rights movement is one dominated by middle-class profession- als, almost all of the sex discrimination complaints filed with the Equal Employ- >r women More and more of these complaints are filed every year by women. There is a revolution of rising expectations a m o n g women. For the first time in history we have a national policy and laws that make sex discrimination in many kinds of em- ployment illegal, and women are beginning to realise that they have a chance of being treated more fairly in the economic Mar- ket. They are beginning to ask: "Why didn't I get a raise?" Why do women with bachelor's degrees end up being the sec- retaries of men with the same bachelor's degrees? Why are women with college de- grees asked to take the typing test, while young men with the same degrees a r e asked to take the management-trainee ap- titude test? Why do women make coffee, instead of policy? Why is the rate of unemployment higher for women than for men? Why are women, even those with years of training continually asked "Are you really serious about working?" Why is the number of women college presidents so low, that if it were not for the Catholic Sisters, the number of women college presidents is less than the number of whooping cranes? Why can't mediocre women go as far as a mediocre man? There is no intention whatsoever to force employers to hire lesser qualified women or minorities. If the best qualified person is white and male, that's who is hired. What the employer needs to do is two- fold: * Good Faith: make a genuine effort to recruit women. (Good faith does not mean calling one's white male colleague, asking if he knows a good man, and then saying, "Certainly I'd have hired a oual- ified woman if I could have found one.") * Equal Criteria: whatever standards or criteria the employer sets for men. WE ARE SEEING increasing backlash and resistance to change. The women's movement threatens many because it af- fects all of us. Many men are conscious- ly or unconsciously concerned about their relationships with their wives. The wo- man's movement is threatening because there is literally one of us in every house. We are wife and husband, sister and bro- ther, mother and son, daughter and fatl;er. We cannot escape each other, nor d' we wish to do so. The women's movement is not a passing fad. It will not go away because so many women care, and so many men care, too. With new legislation affecting women on the campus, a new era has begun. No longer will women weep or grow bitter when denied the opportunities that are the birthright of their brothers. For women have something else to do. They have learned that the hand that rocks the cradle can also rock the boat. And the campus- and the world - will never be the same again. Dr. Bernice Sandler is executive asso- ciate for the Association of American Colleges and director of the Project on the Status and Education of Women. by critics 11 4 s r M, 11 I q s V I ment Opportunity filed by factory Commission have been and clerical workers. Black film industry put down . p By DARNELL HAWKINS THE CURRENT rash of movies which are produced-directed by Blacks or in which Blacks are cast An leading roles, has produced quite comical responses in th e news media. Yet, the frequency and extent of such responses make them hard to ignore. The Daily movie reviewers have followed the lead of the New York Times in labeling such movies, blaxploitation movies. The idea of black exploitation suggested by such labeling is, of course, accurate if one is refer- ring to the millions of black people who pay $2.50 or more the view the sickness which Americanscall entertainment. For, surely, t h e Times and others could not be al- luding to the black technicians, writers, actors and directors w h o after decades of being denied em- ployment in the racist Hollywood movie industry, are now able to make a living in their chosen pro- fessions. Most whites who speak of blax- politation movies are referring to neither the exploitation of t h e masses of black moviegoers, nor of black professionals in the movie industry. Who, then, is exploited? It appears that whites who speak of blaxploitation tend to be of liberal or radical political persua- sion. It is not flesh and blood peo- ple they see as being exploited. Rather it is some illusive concept of "the black image" which is seen as the victim of exploitation by the rash of new movies. This "black image" is merely an outgrowth of the tendency of liberal whites to think of blacks as a "social prob- lem". Blacks, then, become the embodiment of the white liberal's search for social consciousness in himself. Movies such as Shaft, SuperFly, Trouble Man and similar movies featuring "colored" copies of James Bond are by far the Most troublesome to these critics. They are troublesome because, in their emphasis on escapism, hedonism and plain old American-style ad- venture, they have neither social relevance nor social consciousness. They do not deal with blackness as a problem, but instead it often be- comes an exaggerated virtue. In other words they violate the white liberal's idea of what the black image is and how it should be pre- sented. On the other hand, black movies such as Georgia, Georgia, Farewell Uncle Tom, and The Learning Tree, are seen by white movie critics as being less in con- flict with their notions of the black image. These movies, despite some variations, tend to more or less conform to the liberals' view of blacks as wallowing in the mire of existential agony caused by racist maltreatment, slavery, and eco- nomic-cultural-social deprivation in America. TO A YOUNGER generation of white movie critics (self-proclaim- er or otherwise) who have inherit- ed the liberal tradition, the r e - sponse to blaxploitation movies has been somewhat different. Victims of the inevitable disillusionment of irrational activism, they have no desire to be reminded of social consciousness or problems. A f t e r having discovered the "Negro" in the early 1960's and having forgot- ten him in the late 1960's to dis- cover the Vietnam War, which like the "negro" has now been forgot- ten, these critics are suffering from a kind of ethical and moral battle fatigue. Therefore, they are eager to dispense with their 1960's view of Blacks as social problems. In fact, they wish to forget all social problems. Thus despite some, rath- er reflexive and elitist put-down of Shaft-type movies as being mere- ly black re-makes of James Bond, these movies are not harshly treat- ed by younger critics. For per- haps unconsciously Shaft appeals to the kind of escapist, 1950's-type emotions which seem to be gripping American college campuses a n d other institutions in the Nixon Era. The real agony of these critics lies in the fact that they cannot really identify with a black James Bond, and therefore are denied the he- donistic escapism which past gen- erations of Americans enjoyed as when such movies were patriotic and all-white. For today's crop of movies with white "heroes" are often anti-hero of the traditional type and are far too realistic and tragic to serve as means of escap- ism. For example, The Godfather and The.French Connection. How- ever, this situation may be re- medied during the Nixon-Agnew Era. There is, therefore, a kind of envy of Blacks and their sup- posed ability to escape the War, pollution and crime for two hours each week for only $2.50 with the aid of Shaft and company. "Black Gunn" advertisement I' Letters to The Daily critics reserve for Shaft, younger critics apply to black movies which make some pretensions of social concern and consciousness. In conclusion, I must say that, as a black person, I see current debate over blaxploitation movies in the white news media as being quite foreign to me and my own criticisms of the new black movies. The criticisms of white movie crit- ics have little to do with true ex- ploitation, social relevance or even with Blacks. Rather they reveal the frustration and persistent pa- ternalism of whites towards Blacks, even black attempts at self- riofnitnn nr rfr- y np -ni,,rin' in two segregated wars to save lemocracy and spread IT&T around the world? And aren't we now killing gooks in the first fully "in- tegrated" war in American his- tory? ANY WHITE or black critique of black movies which .does n o t take into account these tragic his- torical facts about the "black im- age" in America is utterly use- less. The label of blaxploitation of- fers nothing new or useful f o r Blacks who are in the process of trying to cure the psychological and physical sickness which we have exnerienced in America. And I'm r Friend of Newsreel To The Daily: FOR THE PAST two years I have relied on Friends of News- reel to order and, on occasion, send films to a campus group? What distributor and what group? But this financial situation is be- side the point I wish to make. Newsreel, the sole local agent for outtandin ng oltical films. h a s _ .. _; ., ... .< ; s _. Y