Eighty-two years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan HRP: Away from ideological confinement a 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1973 Abortion reform at last IT WAS ALMOST too good to be true. In what will be remembered as a his- toric decision for women, the Supreme Court yesterday struck down all laws prohibiting abortions in the first three months of pregnancy. And while the rul- ing stops short of automatically permit- ting abortion on demand, it is a mile- stone in the continuing struggle of wo- men for the right to control their bodies. What makes the decision particularly amazing is that it was supported by a majority of Nixon appointees, and by an overwhelming 7-2 vote. And in stressing an individual's right to privacy in the case, the court also rejected residency requirements and arguments that a fetus is a person during the first three months. NOW THE STATE Legislature must re- write the state's 147-year-old abor- tion law, which permits abortions only to save the life of the mother. The new law will have to set medical standards and prescribe conditions under which abortions may be obtained beyond the three-month limit. It is here that the Legislature can do what it has refused to do for so long- extend the time limit for abortion to at least the twenty-week period sought by supporters of last fall's abortion reform referendum. Such a deadline would per- mit diagnosis of genetic and prenatal de- fects, and would allow women carrying defective children to obtain abortions easily. We hope the state will also let licensed doctors perform abortions in hy- genic clinics, which will make the pro- cedure cheaper. JN THE MEANTIME, the Supreme Court has done much to aid the problems of population control, and sweep away the inequities which sent wealthy women out-of-state for abor- tions and poor women to unlicensed prac- titioners. And for women who may never even need an abortion, it means' a fur- ther recognition of their true status as human beings, not baby-making ma- chines. It took too long, too much pain and too much money. But on a cold, rainy day in Ann Arbor, we could only feel a great sense of hap- piness and relief. -THE SENIOR EDITORS Ed. note: The following is the first part of an essay analyzing the internal problems fac- "ng the Ann Arbor Human Rights Party. The conclusion will appear tomorrow in The Daily. By DAVID CAHILL I'M MOVED to write this because I think the Human Rights Party is creating a lot of problems for itself which are unneces- sary. Most of these problems are the re- sult of one approach to politics which is a matter of style, not of substance. These difficulties are partly due to the way lots of us began working in the "Move- ment" and partly due to the failure of many of us to realize that a different political style is needed when a group is transform- ed from a campus organization long on words and short on action into a commun- ity political party wielding significant pow- er. I'm going to deal with the problems we have created for ourself by discussing var- ious false beliefs which, consciously or un- consciously, lead to those problems. If we do not deal with the problems which these beliefs create, then the HRP will continue to act "irrationally" - that is, it will not progress toward its goals. Here then, are the beliefs I think are causing the trouble. 1. The formulation of detailed, wide-rang- ing statements of political ideology is the most important task for the HRP. This one is the source of most of the difficulty. I think it can be explained by looking back to when most of us became politically active. During the Sixties there were not many successes, either through the creation of new institutions or the achievement of power within existing in- stitutions. As a result, many of us concen- trated on the refinement of various aca- demic political systems and theories. Power and success in Movement groups often went to those who were most adept at conceptual manipulation and argument: "the heavies." Conversion of unaffiliated people to various groups was often by in- tellectualization, discussion, and the issu- ance of statements of positions or demands. After all, we couldn't really affect much,' so we might as well debate! There are several things wrong w i t h operating this way in our current situation. First, any detailed political ideology, if it is a deductive system based on a large number of expressed and implied prem- ises, will almost certainly be wrong be- cause: (a) Political ideologies now are al- most completely verbal, not mathematical. There are bound to be both semantic and logical errors or confusions in them. We often find ourselves arguing over what a word means. For example, significant am- biguities in the meaning of the words "transient" and "community" render the Rainbow People's Party statements on the subject of who is a member of "the com- munity" very difficult to apply, as we have We must learn to deal "at arm's length" with groups to achieve goals . . . and realize that HRP itself is . .. a coali- tion. }" {.:, ". I:" '+R:'"'"}'".-:":F . ,: yTr}Y.ge S{:{.}i"?"?a .y{x,;."rr :"qa i:.m m '"vs n4 .I ":4'v:}?::r ": ":?".;. recently learned. (b) The world is changing too fast to be accurately encompassed in a neat system of ideas. The more detailed we try to make our belief system, the more likely it is to be rendered obsolete almost before we finish constructing it. THE SECOND reason why a concentra- tion on ideology is wrong for the HRP is that we are no longer a close-knit group sharing nearly identical points of view. We must realize that we will never be able to convert a majority of the voting popu- lation to a conscious espousal of any given detailed political ideology through an "edu- cational" campaign or otherwise. ling all social mechanisms which create in- equality; e.g., the American corporation. We are willing to change the modes by which property, both "public" and "private," is held and controlled. We believe in maintain- ing a separate political party because no large party now in existence is willing to act to correct the root causes of social ills. No nation, cultural, racial, sexual, or other group should dominate another; diversity is good in itself. We are opposed to hierar- chical, authoritarian, and bureaucratic val- ues and goals, and in favor of democracy at all levels of all social institutions. We will not "sell out" long-term goals for short- term gains. Instead, the best way HRP can grow as I see it is to form coalitions with o t h e r community groups in order to achieve par- ticular goals. And what the over-all politi- cal views of the various groups in a coali- tion are with regard to matters outside the scope of the coalition is really irrelevant. We must learn to deal "at arm's length" with groups to achieve goals which we mu- tually desire. And, not only must we form coalitions with other groups - we must realize that the HRP itself is, and should be, a coalition. Not everyone must share one ideology for us to exist in the s a m e party or act together. Unfortunately, broad ranging political ideologies and world-views become all the more attractive to many at that point where they are so highly abstracted from teality that they have lost all discernible content. Probably the best current example in the party is the belief that "we should strive for democratic socialism." Some p e o p 1 e, though, think that a statement like this has the most, not the least, meaning. What this signals to me is that this kind of generali- zation occupies a religious and not a poli- tical position in the lives. of those who hold it dear. THE ABANDONMENT of abstract, de- ductive systems does not mean that we would have "no politics." Our "politics," it seems to me, is based on two sources: (a) The party platform (minus a few rhe- torical flourishes), which contains a large collection of down-to-earth i d e a s for im-' proving the lot of the people of the county and state, written in language largely de- void of sectarian jargon. (b) A collection of beliefs shared by nearly all members, some of which have not been committed to writing, like: We are opposed to racism, sexism, ageism, and other remnants of "as- cribed" status. We are committed to disab- It seems to me that this is enough "poli- tics" for most people who are not profes- sional ideologues. I ADMIT that is it emotionally comfort- ing to see oneself wrapped in the banner of an all-encompasing system of political be- liefs. You are always ready with an an- swer to anything. But the self-righteous- ness which comes from thinking of oneself as a "prophet of the Gospel" is deadly when you try to deal with anyone outside your own faction. And we m u s t deal with more and more people or else we will stagnate. But the more complicated and all-encompasing your ideology becomes, the fewer and fewer become the number of people you can talk to, join with, or feel comfortable in the same group with. And the wider the scene of an ideology, the less amenable it is to change through the process of observation of the world and incremental correction. As Margo Nichols has said, a detailed ideological presentation on some issue "may be beautifully worked out, but it doesn't work." Also, if someone questions a wide-ranging ideology, the emotional investment in ac- hieving an understanding and adherence to that ideology will most likely be so large that the questioner is likely to be person- ally rejected and his or her question not taken seriously. It is easier to reject an outsider than to examine one's beliefs. 2. Adherence to party ideology, and the ability and inclination to argue politically, are the crucial attributes which a p a r t y member should possess. Party participation must be at a constant high level. This belief is harmful because it severely inhibits the growth of the HRP. New peo- ple will approach the party and think of be- coming active for many reasons. They will have many different skills and inclina- tions. Many will be politically unsettled. Others will distrust a doctrinaire approach to reality. Nearly all will be unable or un- willing to be active in a group which pre- fers to spend its public and private time spinning theoretical frameworks and back- biting instead of being socially active. Most people enter political activity be- cause they feel themselves deprived of things, services, or relationships, and think they may be able to achieve a better world. They do not enter a group to be constantly judged in political terms, neatly categoriz- ed, and have various "lines" laid on them. An informal requirement of adherence to some ideology or other is already present in the party, and has even crept into the gov- erning documents of the group. The county party's constitution, for example, requires that Steering Committee members be "poli- tically elected." While a person's politics may be important, other skills are relevant as well for elective (or any other) office, and we judge people for positions on the basis of other than political criteria - e.g., how well people will get along with others. NOTHING IS more deadly than a require- ment that someone be constantly "politi- cal." For only a very small percentage of the population has either the ability or the inclination to argue at length politi- cally. It is a very special skill, requiring years to develop. And while it might be ar- gued that it would be good if all persons had this skill, nonetheless we are closing the doors to the vast majority of the pop- ulation. Our mass meetings are classic examples of what is wrong with this belief in poli- tical argumentation. Most people don't par- ticipate because they feel themselves in- ferior. And nothing closes off participation quicker than inferiority feelings. Also, not everyone has an entire life, or even a large part of a life, to devote to political activity. But we often assume the contrary. It was a standing joke during the summer that someday someone would write a book under the pseudonym of "Henrietti Hippo" called "How I Led a Personal Life in HRP Without Guilt." This party is too frenetic and often tries. to do too much at once. This can't go on. Or if it does, only a small group of people will be able to be active. The proposal for organized caucuses with- in the party would only accentuate the ten- dency to require too much participation. For people will get the idea that in order to really "count" in the HRP you have to belong to a. caucus as well as attend mass meetings and serve on at ,least one com- mittee. This is bound to lead to ingrown elitism. David Cahill is co-chairperson of the Ann Arbor Human Rights Party City Commit- tee and a University law student. no v emen t I Actions behind the rhetoric T HIS Inauguration Saturday, Presi- dent Nixon presented his philosoph- ical game plan for the next four years. Although the objectives are laudable, the history of the last four years begets kep- ticism. The President, speaking first of for- eign affairs, said "we respect the right of each nation to determine its own fu- ture" and the "responsibility of each na- tion to secure its own future." Yet recent history belies Nixon's rhe- toric. Within the, last four years, Nixon in- vaded the sovereignties of Laos and Cam- bodia. And, ironically, to preserve the regime of President Thieu (which denied the South Vietnamese a free choice in .fer its responsibility to other institu- its last election) Nixon continued the Vietnam War for four years. BUTf ACCORDING to the Nixon game plan, it is domestic affairs that will consume the greater portion of his time in the next four years. The federal government, as he envi- sions it, will reinstill the individualistic values of the 19th century that brought America to its present power. To a great degree, the President may be correct in criticizing our overdepen- dence on the federal government. But two aspects must not be over- looked. We must first be aware of the degree to which government can trans- Today's staff: News: Pat Bauer, Laura Berman, Penny Blank, Debbie Good, Tammy Jacobs, Terry Martin Editorial Page: Eric Schoch, David Yalb- witz Arts Page: Gloria Jane Smith Photo Technician: David Margolick tions and second, we must analyze the ,specific areas where it can be done. There are limits to individual power in today's society. The individual cannot stop the pollution of our water and air --only massive- federal aid can. Yet Nix- on has impounded six billion dollars in government funds appropriated for that specific purpose. Earlier, this administration fought for the $250 million "giveaway" to Lock- heed Aircraft and was suspected to have nefarious dealings with International Telephone and Telegraph., A strange type of individualism indeed. Moreover, the stern individualism that Nixon advocates is hardly relevant in the case of the blind and disabled, or the elderly or those living on subsis- tence levels. The government must sus- tain such individuals. WASHINGTON DOES play too great a role in our lives. The Watergate in- cident, FBI bugging, and army spying are all examples of this intrusion. But is this what Nixon alludes to? Our President claims that "our chil- dren have been taught to be ashamed of their country . . . ashamed of America's record at home and abroad." But he is grossly in error. Nobody taught us to be ashamed; we have only to see for our- selves. The shame is all around us. THE INAUGURAL speech is tradition- ally immune to criticism for its lack of specifics because it is intended to be a general policy statement for the next term in office. But, since this is the first statement that our President has given to the American public since well before his re-election campaign, it is entirely appropriate. It is all we have to go on. -ROBERT BARKIN f Dangers of the By PETER RUSH AS THE RAG-TAG ends of the New Left Anti-War Movement trudge off to Washington for one final farewell get-together, Nixon's attack on the working class escal- ates with little real opposition. Sadly, even tragically, almost no- body going to Washington is even aware of the real attack; in fact, most actually agree with the funda- mental rationale being used to jus- tify Nixon's policies. What is this rationale? Zero Growth. For anti-Nixon Zero Grow- thers, Zero Growth means zero growth of population, zero growth of economic production, zero grow- th of consumption by an over-con- suming society. Nixon's current policies represent the only pos- sible realization of the anti-Nixon ZGer's desires - zero growth of the welfare rolls, zero growth of wages, zero growth of housing, schools and hospitals, zero erowth of the quality of human life. At universities like the University of Michigan, andat "think tanks" such as the Institute of S o c i a 1 Research at U-M, "liberal" social scientists are performing the equi- valent services for the N i x o n government that doctors and other "scientists" performed for the Hit- ler government in the concentra- tion-labor (death) camps in the early '40's'. We refer to "group dynamics" studies designed to find ways to induce small groups of workers to speed themselves up. We refer to "attitudinal" studies of workers on the assembly line performed f o r corporations, to enable the corpor- ations to defuse worker dissatisfac- tion without slowing up a killing line pace. We refer in short, to the panoply of counter-insurgency stu- dies being performed by sociolo- gists, psychologists, "human en- gineers", and other assorted quacks, whose purpose is social control by behaviorist or "group dynamics" manipulation. zero growth We also refer to the "population planners", which includes virtually the entire U-M Population Plan- ning Department, all of whom are zero population growth pushers. Z.P.G. is complete scientific quackery, whose real effect is the spread of Fascist ideology. THE MILWAUKEE JOURNAL . Publigben-Hall Sndcate, 2978 L5 A -. 0.. , NAT FOR SLAK Y- '16 ,*-6 R O AO op L u. Letters to The Daily Automated battlefield To The Daily: DOCTOR LIVESEY said to Long John Silver: "Look out for squalls!t!" In Stevenson's, Treasure Island, a divided ship's company of pi- rates and loyal men was looking for buried gold. In many areas of life, moralty, and power, knowledge and author- ity are striving for mastery. Even the temporary suspension of Pro- fessor Mark Green from teach- ing his classes in Organic Chem- istry was significant. Department heads may discipline Assistant Pro- fessors at the University of Mich- igan for rather minor reasons. Owen Lattimore displeased the McCarthy coterie in Washington for his opinions on China. Perhaps there will not be another voluntary exile to England, What is "The Automated Battle- field" which the Interfaith Coun- cil supplied to Organic Chemistry 227? This slide film reveals some of lieve subordinates of decision, re- sponsibility and thinking about duty and conscience. And disobedience is punished. Air warfare has become auto- mated by the use of planes in bombing the North and South of Vietnam against the enemies of the American puppet government in Saigon. After the U.S. army set up Diem as President, t h e North was attacked in order to firm up a regime in the divided South. Since Diem's overthrow in 1963 the policy has continued. Tech- nicians have supplied five-hundred pound bombs and smaller, or guava, anti-personnel explosives containing needles that penetrate human flesh. Great corporations, as Honeywell in Minneapolis, sup- ply sensors of many kinds, a n - chored on jungle growth along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Mines t h a t resemble the forest leaves of tro- pical trees are scattered in enemy territory. The film conveys the horror of the destruction of homes, humans and the indifference to war by men flying four miles above the targets ZGERS OF ALL stripes swear by recycling. But the very assump- tions of ZG fakery would compel any economy which actuallyoper- ated on ZG principles to have one major product to recycle - hu- man beings. And as our economy today already closely approaches actual zero growth of useful pro- duction, the "liberal", even "soc- ialist", ZG advocate finds his poli- cies converging on Nixon's! How does it work? The proto- type operation is already function- ing here in the Detroit area. Over the past year assembly line speed has been increased to a virtually intolerable pace. Few workers can stand it for more than a matter of months. With sufficient unemploy- ment and, recently, with a supply of welfare workers forced to work where they are told, replacement parts can be found and used until these too are burned out, to be re- placed with a new batch. Sound - incredible? The ISR is crawling with individuals whose sole occupation is trying to figure out ways to increase worker out- put (per unit of time), without making any increases in capital outlays (plant and machinery). It's pure speed up-and to make the worker "like it" too! In fact, some of the budding young researchers are working directly for General Motors and Ford, helping them to figure out how to totally destroy the union, replace it with s m a 11 "work teams", and thereby elim- inate the possibility of worker re- sistance to the gruelling pace - all in the name of "worker partici- pation", "ending worker aliena- tion", and "humanization of the workplace." The only historical parallel to this means of social control w a s the "corporativism" introduced in- to Italian factories by Mussolini, and the "co-determination" polic- ies devised by the Nazi Labor Front in 1930's Germany. We do not exaggerate our case. The "worker" slave labor policies now being enforced in almost ,I Daily Photo by DAVID MARGOLICK A iding Nixon with populaton control i should wake up and realize t h a t Nixon is their ally. Recycling of human beings is the only policy compatible with capitalistic eco- nomic conditions today. And capi- talist economic conditions are the cause of the ecology crisis t h a t so agitates the ZG-head. Only a policy of expanded repro- duction, of greatly developed tech- nologies and productive powers of human beings, can solve both the ecology crisis and the material pulation planner", all reject ex- panded reproduction, which r e - quires the overthrow of capitalist economic domination, they must link arms with Nixon and colla- borate in Nixon's plan to recycle human beings. Those, however, who choose life, must join with socialists, welfare organizers, the growing number of workers fighting back against "pro- ductivity bargaining," even scien- tists who know Zero Growth for the i i .~J ~0* W" (3 ,M' 31 Z *