ir4c Airigan Dai
Eighty-three years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan


letter fromii the editor
Bitter mayoral


fight

begins

in Detroit


420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mi. 48104

News Phone: 764-0552

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1973

Residency process unfair,

ITH THE NEW residency rules, the
University has attempted to estab-
lish a "legal" definition of the term "resi-
dent," according to Vice President for
Academic.Affairs Allan Smith. Indeed, if
one reads the new regulations, one can
find legal terms sprinkled liberally
throughout-terms like "domicile" and
"probative but not conclusive." An appli-
cant almost needs an attorney to help
him understand the regulations, and, in
fact, many have sought legal help in
drafting a request for a status change.
However, the University has failed in
one important respect in its attempt to
find a "legal" formula for dealing with
the residency issue. The manner in which
the applications are reviewed virtually
denies students the right to due process.
Decisions on resident status are an-
nounced with norexplanation of how they
are reached. Students have been denied
resident status without being given any
reasons for the denial.
As Roger Chard of the student legal aid
office pointed out, most courts tell you

why you lost a case, and, on the basis of
that information, you can make an ap-
peal. Though the new residency rules al-
low appeals, it is almost impossible to
make an effective appeal if the applicant
does not know the basis of the initial de-
cision.
ALTHOUGH THIS IS not a courtroom
situation, and the University may
very well have devised a "legal" approach
to the residency problem, the possibility
-of any meaningful appeals process has
been effectively denied.
In many cases, the issue of resident
status is absolutely crucial, since out-of-
state fees are prohibitive for many stu-
dents. Therefore, the decisions made on
these applications can often determine
the future of a student's educational ca-
reer.
The University's procedures are highly
unfair to the student applying for in-
state status. The decision-making pro-
cess must be more open than it is now for
the new rules to be a just approach to
the residency problem.

By EUGENE ROBINSON
COLEMANYOUNG stood in the
Sof the Pontchartrain
Hotel in downtown Detroit Tuesday
night and nearly went berserk.
Someone had just told him that he
had finished second in the Detroit
mayoral primary - second, n o t
third as expected - and thus he
had won one of two ballot spots
in the November general election,
His high finish clearly was as
much a shock to him as to the
rest of the city. He could not ex-
plain why he won, or how he won,
and could only offer general bab-
blings. "Qualifications . . . bring
all the people together . . . move
it forward," he said.
Four blocks away, at the Pick-
Fort Shelby, the primary's big win-
ner, Young's opponent in the No-
vember election, must have smirk-
ed. Tall, salty, swaggering John
Nichols must have cut loose a big,
wide guffaw right before strutting
out to greet his well-wishers and
deliver his victory speech. "Cole-
man Young," he must have
thought. "My opponent is Coleman
Young. Haw haw."
THE DETROIT mayoral primary
did not come off as planned. Nich-

ols was supposed to win, alright,
and win big. But second place was
supposed to go to Mel Ravitz, the
archtypical centrist liberal, t h e
Ed Muskie of The Motor City. Ra-
vitz, a Detroit Common Council-
man for eons, the Voice of Reason,
a sociology professor at heart with
a cool head and a slow tongue. -
Ravitz, not the fiery Coleman
Young, was supposed to win that
second ballot spot.
Only Ravitz, the scenario went,
could give the right-wing Nichols a
race for mayor. Nichols, the tough-
guy police commissioner, had most
of .the white vote sewn up. But if
Ravitz, Reasonable Mel Ravitz,
were nominated, he might just cut
into Nichols' white support a bit.
Ravitz, being a liberal, would of
course get the black vote. T h e n,
with the. white liberals and just
a. few of Nichols' people, he could

"'Coleman Young,' Detroit primary winner John
Nichols must have thought. 'My opponent is Cole-
man Young. Haw Haw'."

be the next mayor.
THIS SCENARIO was Ravitz's
unstated campaign platform, based
on a genuine and warranted fear
of Big John Nichols. Nichols is
right-wing from the word go, a
drill sergeant of a man who would
like nothing better than to whip
Detroit into shape.
The threat .of Nichols as' mayor
is real. In his years as police
commissioner, his ,get-tough-with-
the-crooks policy managed to make
Detroit policemen the most hated
men in the city. He presided over
a department rife -with corruption
and graft, and benignly turned his
back whenever one of his men was
accused of any wrongdoing. He
established- t h e controversial
STRESS unit, a force of elite
plainclothes cops whom he gave
a James Bondish carte blanche

NICHOLS IS AS popular in the
black community as a rabid pole-
cat, and is considered twice as
dangerous. Visions of Nichols as
mayor are a nightmare . . . an
old salt lording his iron fist over
a city so dangerously polarized that
it could blow up at any time. De-
troit's blacks - making up about
45 per cent of the vote - could
not put up with him. Something
would have to give.
Coleman Young is near the other
end of the spectrum. Young, cur-
rently a state senator represent-
ing Detroit, is a black liberal who
has promised if elected that his
first two acts will be to disband
STRESS and fire Nichols as com-
missioner. Of all the major pri-
mary candidates, Young w a s
closest to the feelings of the city's
blacks.
The result of all this is bound
to be the most racially polarized
mayoral campaign in the city's his-
tory. Nichols has made it clear
where he stands - law and order
uber alles. lie's too smart to say,

and turned loose on the city'
a pack of hungry wolves.

like

"Vote for me, I'm white," but
that's the implication. He got less
than one per cent of the black
vote in the primary and will be
lucky to clear that much in the
general election.
COLEMAN YOUNG could beat
him, though it is not likely. To do
so he needs not only an over-+
whelming black turnout, but sup-
port from white liberals as well.
But if he could pull off a massive
inner-city voter registration drive,
along with a strong effort to get
the voters out to the polls on elec-
tion day, plus a slight toning-
down of his campaign rhetoric in
an attempt to draw some white
votes . . . thet he might, might
mind you, win the election.
On Tuesday night, miles away
from Young's elation and Nich-
ol's smirk, another campaignthead-
quarters was still and silent. But.
Mel Ravitz, the man caught in the
rsqueeze, was, not morose. He
plans to go back to teaching soc-
iology.
E"itene Robinson is co-editor of
The Daily.

z

Forced overtime

issue as strike looms

expensive lunches

ALMOST A YEAR ago, a Sena
mittee reported that the fede
lunch programs excluded 4.5 mill
children.
The refusal by the Departmen
riculture last year to increaseq
for feeding children meant mans
TODAY'S STAFF:
News: Penny Blank, Charlie C
Gene Robinson, Judy Ruskin
Editorial Page: Marnie Heyn,
Schiller, Eric Schoch
Arts Page: Diane Levick
Photo Technician: Tom Gottlieb
Editorial Staff
CHRISTOPHER PARKS and EUGENE RO
Co-Editors in Chief
ROBERT BARKIN ..................... Fea
DIANE LEVICK .. ......... ....j
MARTIN PORTER...................Sun
MARILYN RILEY ......... Associate Mana,
ZACHARY SCHILLER ...............Editor:
ERIC SCHOCH..................... Editori
TONY SCHWARTZ .....................Sun
CHARLES STEIN_............. .......
TED STEIN ......................... Execu
ROLFE TESSEM .............. .... Mana:
Sports Staff
DAN BORUS
Sports Editor.
FRANK LONGO
Managing Sports Editor
BOB McGINN...............Executive Spc
CHUCK BLOOM..............Associate Sp
JOEL GREER.................Associate Sp
RICH STUCK..............Contributing Sp
BOB HEUER.............Contributing, Sp(
NIGHT EDITORS: Jim Ecker, Marc Feldm
Hastings, Marcia Merker. Mark Ronan,I
siter, Theresa Swedo, Robin Wagner.
STAFF: Barry Argenbright, Jeff Chown, Cl
dill, Brian Deming, Leba Hertz, Joh
Mike Lisull, Mike Pritula, Bob.Simon.

ite .com-
ral free-

enrolled children could not participate
in the lunch and breakfast programs.

ion poor These facts indicate that some federal
action permitting greater numbers of
t of Ag- children to eat breakfast and lunch at
spending school should be forthcoming. And indeed,
y newly- a House committee recently approved a
bill which would increase the federal sub-
sidy for a lunch to 10 cents from the cur-
rent eight cents, as well as increasing
Coleman, subsidies for breakfasts.
However, in the meantime Senate in-
Zachary vestigators have found that an estimated
800,000 children are either being dropped
from or are dropping out of the school
lunch programs because of rising food
prices.
FEDERAL°SUPPORT of the lunch pro-
grams is more or less fixed in amount,
and soaring food prices have placed a
costly burden on local schools to fund
childrens' lunches.
)BINSON In one state, for instance, the federal
ture Editor government pays 42 cents, including all
Arts Editor
iday Editor subsidies, for each student who qualifies
ging Editor for a free lunch. However, another 18
al Director
al Director cents must be paid to account for the full
iday Editor cost of the lunch.
City Editor
tive Editor Either the student or the school district
ging Editor has to make up this difference.
In some areas, the cost of a lunch has
increased 10 cents just since last year.
In light of these spiralling costs, with
school districts' budgets already hanging
rts Editorby a thread, it clear that the federal gov-
orts Editor ernment must step in to assure the lunch
orts Editor
orts Editor
an, George AS A KENTUCKY grade school princi-
Roger Ros- pal remarked last year, "A hungry
arke- Cogs- student is a mean student. You can't do
in Kahler, anything when you're hungry."

By CHUCK WILBUR
AT 11:59 p.m. this evening the
Detroit area may be faced with
a major labor strikeswhen the
United Auto Workers' (UAW)
three year contract with the Chrys-
ler corporation expires. Unless an
agreement is reached in the current
negotiations, 120,000 workers will
strike the nation's third largest
auto manufacturer.
The Chrysler strike, if it comes
to pass will be significant not for
its size, but rather for its dis-
ruption of the general climatedof
docility that has prevailed in the
labor movement in 1973. In a year
marked by rampant inflation and
soaring corporate profits, union
wage gains have been surprisingly
low. While 1972 wage increases
averaged 7.2 per cent, contracts
negotiated during the first half of
this year have average only a 5.8
per cent wage boost. Altogether,
contracts covering over four mil-
lion workers have been negotiated
within the 6.2 per cent ceiling sug-
gested for wages and fringe bene-
fits by the administration's Cost
of Living Council.
WHILE INFORMATION regard-
ing negotiations between the UAW
and Chrysler bargaining teams on
economic issues has been severely
limited by a news black-out, UAW
leaders have made it clear that
they regard this 6.2 figure as a
minimum goal rather than a max-
imum for an increase. This posture
calls into question Presidential eco-
nomic policy which has. clearly
placed the burden for controlling
inflation on the shoulders of the
American worker.
Nowhere has the effect of these
one-sided policies been more ob-
vious than in the case ofChrysler.
If restraint is our economic by-
word, then Chrysler has found re-
straint to be a rather lucratice
practice.
In the first six months of 1973,
the Chrysler profit totaled almost
200 million dollars, a staggering 90
per cent increase over profits for
the comparable period in 1972.
Little wonder then that the UAW
termed Chrysler's original offer of
a 3 per cent wage increase a
"mockery of the collective bar-
gaining process."
THIS CONFLICT over wages may
not prove to be the final stumb-
ling block in the multi-faceted ne-
gotiations. Chrysler may indeed
find a significant wage increase to
be more palatable than a long and
costly strike, such as the 67-day
stoppage at General Motors in
1970. There is, however, one issue
which may lead to a strike, that
of voluntary overtime.

Daily Photo by KEN FINK
Chrysler plants including the Mack Avenue stamping plant, shown here during a wildcat walkout
last month, may be quiet tomorrow if a contract is not signed by 11:59 p.m. today.

In another year the right of
workers to refuse overtime would
be of little interest in auto nego-
tiations, but this year it is pro-
bably the. most significant issue
on the bargaining table.
The reason voluntary overtime
has come to the forefront this year
is that the increased car sales by
the Big Three, especially Chrys-
ler, have not resulted in a cor-
responding increase in the size of
the company's labor force. Rath-
er, increased production has been
made possible through overtime
work. In some cases this has
meant workers putting in 10 or 12
hour days up to seven days a
week. Voluntary overtime simply
means the worker has the right

to refuse this overtime work.
NEGOTIATIONS on this issue at
this time have lead to. no major
breakthroughs. Both the UAW and
Chrysler have repeatedly made
clear the importance of the over-
time question to them. Chrysler
Vice-President William O'Brien has
stated the company iswilling to
take a strike on the issue as has
the UAW. In union President Leon-
ard Woodcock's own words, t h e
UAW is "out on a limb" on volun-
tary overtime.
To some this issue must seem
to be an anachronism. In England
as early as 1833 militant cotton
spinners called for strikes to es-
tablish the eight hour working day.
In this country the infamous Hay-

market Riot of 1885 was sparked
by the eight hour strike movement.
The fact that decent working hours
has once again become a rele-
vant issue for American workers
demonstrates how little the funda-
mental relationship between labor
and capital has changed.
Chrysler has argued that volun-
tary overtime would make it dif-
ficult or impossible for the com-
pany to meet its production de-
mands.
THIS MAY well be true, but it
is largely, irrelevant. The essential
question represented in voluntary
overtime is whether the worker is
to exist solely for the efficiency for
the corporate profit machine. If
we accept the Chrysler position,

we are relegating the worker to
the role of the madhine, an object
in the hands of the production
quota. In the final analysis t h e
right to refuse overtime is the right
of the worker to control iis own
life.
If this right is found to ')e in
conflict with the rate of profit
Chrysler has come to enjoy ^ this
year, then clearly the atter must
be subordinated to the former. Cor-
porate America must come to real-
ize that its own endless hunger
for profit cannot be the ultimate
arbiter over the quality of life in
the nation.
Chuck. Wilbur is a student t
the Universi/y.

maEs us, o0 Lcm.A~o 4I ria -rRV n wH IcH wax*EAawr
lrb VE FW M WI4AC15 U~frOF OUR 66CL S WCHEC.k..."
L *. ,o-,

Attica: Prisoners tried after two years

Editor's Note: The following is the second of
two articles regarding the Attica prison rebel-
lion and its legal aftermath.
By THE ATTICA BRIGADE
THE STATE of New York has made it
plain that the death of 32 prisoners is
not ufficient retribution for the Attica Re-
bellion. In the two years since the re-
bellion, a Wyoming County grand jury has
been hard at, work in an attempt to seal
the fate of those brothers who survived
the massacre.
Sixty brothers have been charged on 37
different indictments, many of multiple
counts. Milton Jones, known as Babu, faces
life for each of 34 counts of kidnapping in
addition to 348 years 'for various other
charges. All in all, 20 men face life sentenc-
es. Chuck Pernasilice and John Hill could
get the death penalty for allegedly throw-
ing guard William Quinn out a third floor

"(61 brothers) face from 14 years to, 589 years to life in
prison for fighting for reforms which Correction Commis-
sioner Oswald admitted were one hundred years overdue."

the 51 Black and Latin prisoners, mostly
from urban ghettos? Who in Wyoming
County, where half the people get their live-
lihood from the prison, has not already
convicted the brothers in their minds? All
appeals for a change of venue (location)
have been denied.
THE BROTHERS ask for our support.
They know that mass political pressure can
free them, as it has Bobby Seale, Erika
Hlggins, Huey Newton, Angela Davis, and
other political prisoners who have beat
similarly trumped-up charges. Prisoners all
over the country, deprived of any demo-
cratic rights, understand that only with
slpport from the outside can they win
their struggle.
The Attica trials will begin next spring.
In the coming months, we ask you to de-

L

sponsible for the deaths of 43 people on
Sept. 13.
The Brothers have spent 2 years in segre-
gation - "administrative protective c u s-
tody." This means confinement in a cell
for 23 hours a day, constant harassment
and denial of even 'the most minimal 'priv-
ileges" - only 2 showers a week, rationing
of personal food to 4 items a day, restric-
tion of the use of law books (necessary to

force with M-16's (which fire 800 rounds a
minute), the same gun used against the
Vietnamese.
THIS GRAND JURY is all white, and
all are residents of the Attica area. Many
jurors have several friends who are guards
at Attica. As a further indication of i t s
basic frame-up nature, the grand jury spent
15 months taking testimony from just one
witness - Deputy Attorney-General Robert

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