aym u n i u

sIhe Sfrian Dail
Eighty years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan

Giving birth to a Bengali na

I

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News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigon Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FRIDAY, APRIL 16, 1971

NIGHT EDITOR: LYNN WEINER

Surprise! Tuition increase!

FOR THE FOURTH TIME in five years,
it appears that the Regents at their
meeting today will treat the student
body to a whopping tuition increase.
The demands on the University budget
soar, the state won't increase its con-
tribution substantially, and so the solu-
tion is to make the student pay s t i 1
more.
By far the largest increases are dealt
to out-of-state students. As recently as
19 6 6 - 6 7, out-of-state undergraduates
paid $1,000 tuition for the academic year.
In 1967, that figure rose to $1,300 - in
1968 to $1,540 - then, in 1970 to $1,800
- and this year, if the Regents accept
the recommendations of the University's
executive officers - it will rise to $2.140.
This amounts to an average annual in-
crease of about twenty Der cent - over
four times the annual inflation rate over
that period.
At the current rate of increase, we
can expect out-of-state tuition to ap-
proach $5,000 by 1977.
But there is no need to project d i r e
trends into the future - the problem is
already clearly visible. With rare ex-
ceptions, out-of-state undergraduates
with incomes below a certain level a r e
effectively excluded from attendance
here, while those with incomes s o m e-
what above it do so only with great
difficulty. A further large increase will
severely worsen the problem and pres-
sure more students to leave.
In addition to the hardships current
tuition policies cause to individual stu-
dents, there are serious effects on the
University. Out-of-state students bring a
diversity crucial in maintaining this as
the type of community which it is. To
the extent that they are discouraged
from attending by prohibitive tuition
rates, the University loses.
WELL, ALL RIGHT, says the University
administration - we agree with you,
but what are we to do? What acceptable
alternatives do we have?,
There are alternatives. The trouble is
that for too long the executive officers
and the Regents have considered repe-
titive increases in student tuition as an

acceptable way of solving the Univer-
sity's financial problems.
If the University cannot receive funds
from the state which it considers
adequate, it should s e r ious1y ex-
amine whether it is trying to do too
much. Is it necessary for this univer-
sity to maintain programs in as many
fields as it does? Is it not possible that
some studies would be as well handled
elsewhere?
Also, there is a serious question as to
whether the higher paid echelons of
the faculty should be given raises while
students are forced to pay exorbitant
tuitions.
But, even if it is granted that increas-
ed revenues from student fees are ne-
cessary it is certainly not necessary that
they be raised in the way they currently
are.
IF MORE MONEY is needed, it could
be drawn from those students best
equipped to pay it. A graduated plan,
with tuition linked to family income,
would be far more equitable than t h e
current system. For in-state students
such an arrangement might not be ne-
cessary, since in-state students w h o
need financial aid generally are able to
get it. But with the virtually non-exist-
ent monies available for out-of-state
scholarships, a graduated tuition system
for these students is needed.
To ease the burden of tuition pay-,
ments, the University could move toward
a program such as the one started by
Yale, in which students pay a percent-
age of their income over an extended
period of time after graduation, in lieu
of a straight tuition payment.
Large, across-the-board tuition in-
creases year after year are not the best
way to meet the University's financial
crisis. There are more equitable alter-
natives.
WE CAN HOPE, though not e x p e c t,
that the Regents will have the vision
to choose them.

(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following
article represents the position of
six experts in Bengali affairs, in-
ciuding Prof. John Broomfield,
Director of the Center for South
and Southeast Asian Studies, and
Prof. William Ross, Director of
Michigan State's Asian Studies
Center. The article has been sub-
mitted to the State Department
and various members of Congress.)
TI"E CONFLICT between the
Bengalis and the Pakistan
army that has erupted as a re-
sult of the current political crisis
in East Pakistan is on a scale
and with an intensity that many
lay observers would not have pre-
dicted. There are many reasons
- economic, political, historical,
and cultural, which might help to
explain what is happening there.
To begin with, East Pakistan is,
as everyone knows, separated from
West Pakistan by 1000 miles of
Indian territory. Distance is an
extremely important factor in the
current crisis, for it has helped
to create the Bengali view that
theirecountry is a distant colony
of West Pakistan, exploited in
much the same way that the Eur-
opean powers exploited their col-
onies in South Asia before they
attained independence.
Distance is not, however, the
only feature that distinguishes
West Pakistan from East Paki-
stan. The people of West Paki-
stan speak Urdu (and a number
of distinct regional languages) :
the people of East Pakistan speak
Bengali. The culture of the people
of West Pakistan is closely akin
to that of its Islamic neighbors to
the west: the culture of the peo-
ple of East Pakistan is closely
akin to that of its Hindu neigh-
bors, the Bengalis of the state of
West Bengal in India.
In fact, the only feature in
common between the two "wings"
of Pakistan is adherence to Is-
lam. It was this common feature
combined with the fear of being
a Muslim minority in an indepen-
dent, largely Hindu India which

cisely that result. It is not, in
our opinion, reasonable to think
that the status quo ante can be
restored at this point merely
through a show of arms or a ne-
gotiated settlement.
OUR ASSESSMENT of the crisis
leads us to believe that it is only
a matter of time before "Bangla-
desh" achieves independence.
Though we have no expertise in
military matters, it seems to us
highly unlikely that given its lim-
ited resources the Pakistani army
will be able to maintain any but
the most tenuous" control over
the population in East Pakistan.
Ninety per cent of the population
there is rural and most of these
people live in small hamlets scat-
tered throughout the Bengal del-
ta. During the rainy season, due
to begin in a few Weeks, most of
these hamlets will be completely
surrounded by flood waters.
Yet it is not for these reasons
alone that we believe independ-
ence inevitable for East Pakistan.
The economic exploitation and
political repression which t h e
Bengalis of East Pakistan f e e 1
they, have suffered at the hands
of the West Pakistani "elite," the
long-standing cultural differences
and antagonisms between the
people of the two wings, and,
above all, the extremely intense
and violent nature of the present
conflict all point to the same
conclusion.
There can be no doubt that the
crisis in East Pakistan has ser-
iously shaken the stability of the
area. If the current situation is
not handled properly, there is
good reason to believe that the
area could become the arena of
military confrontation between

hion
India and Pakistan and the locus
of rural based "guerrilla", move-
ments.
We are quite aware 'of the fact
that "sec ssionist" movements
and regional "autonomy" or "in-
dependence" movements all raise
the spectre of political fragmenta-
tion and pictures of "falling dom-
inoes." Yet we think that Ben-
gal may in fact be a special case
and one that need not have these
results. The independence move-
ment there can, in many respects,
be seen as a logical continuation
of the movements by which the
various peoples of South Asia
gained independence from the Eur-
opean powers, rather than the re-
sult of the unleashing of religious
and regional "ientrifugal forces."
Clearly, it will be in the best
interests of the United States to
have friendly relations both with
West Pakistan and an independ-.
ent Bangladesh, if, as we believe
likely, that should come to pass.
And it would also be in the best
interests of the United Staten if
some kind of stability dould be
restored to the area, if direct
conflict between India and Pak-
istan can be avoided and if the
recourse to guerrilla movements
can be avoided in the Bengal re-
gion.
AS A FIRST step toward re-
storing stability in the area, we
therefore urge that the United
States suspend all aid to Pakistan
- both economic and military -
until the present crisis is resolved.
And we believe that' independ-
ence under the leadership of the
democratically elected Awami
League is the only way in which
this crisis can be resolved without
further bloodshed.

impelled East Bengal is join Pak-
istan in 1947.
But soon after the formation of
Pakistan, Bengalis began to feel
that "they had thrown off Brit-
ish colonialism only to take on
West Pakistan colonialism."
East Pakistan's jute and other
exports earned most of Pakistan's
foreign exchange. Most of t h i s
money was, according to Bengali
critics, spent in West Pakistan
on the development of industries
in West Pakistan and to equip
the 325.000 man Pakistani army.
In addition the Bengalis form-
ed a captive market for the goods
produced in the West Pakistani
factories which they had largely
financed.
Jobs have been another im-
portant economic issue. A quick
glance at the composition of the
Central Civil Service of Pakistan
showed the Bengalis that here,
too, they were not getting a fair
share of the pie (for example, in
1960. Bengalis, who constituted
60 per cent of the population of
Pakistan. occupied only 13 per
cent of the senior offices; at pre-
sent less than 10 per cent of the
top army posts are held by Ben-
galis).
THUS THE Bengalis of E a s t
Pakistan felt they continued to
live in economic circumstances
which had all the earmarks of a
"classical" colonial relationship,
and the government's own statis-
tics revealed this in plaini terms.
Bengalis thought they c o u 1 d
correct the injustices they saw
operating in the Pakistani econ-
omy through "constitutional" po-
litical means. The results of the
December 1970 elections provide
a dramatic indication both of
the Bengalis' desire for change
and of their desire to effect these

changes through constitutional
means.
The victory of the moderate
Awami League under the leader-
ship of Mujibur Rahman was an
expression of the Bengalis' hopes
for peaceful, non-violent change.
The Pakistani army has crushed
these hopes.
The economic exploitation and
political repression in East Paki-
stan has also been accompanied
by cultural antagonisms and
stereotypes as well. The W e s t
Pakistanis see the Bengalis as a
"lazy," "weak," and "talkative"
folk and view the Islam practiced
by them to 'be "tainted" with
Hindu elements. And the Bengalis
view the West Pakistanis as
"foreign, colonial power." S u c h
views have apparently reinforced
the vehemence with which b o t h
sides have reacted in the current
crisis. They lend to the conflict
a dangerous and ugly "racial"
overtone.
Many people have become aware
in the past weeks of many of the
economic and political issues at
stake in the current political cris-
is. Yet, those of us who claim to
have some specialized knowledge
of Bengal's history and c u l t u r e
think that these issues and
stereotypes alone cannot explain
the 'intensely bitter terms in
which the present conflict is set.
The Bengalis, unlike the West
Pakistanis, do not have a long
and violent military tradition be-
hand them. Historically, Bengalis
have been slow to respond to ex-
ploitation and oppression w i t h
violence. They have done so only
when pushed beyond the limits of
human endurance. The attempt
on the part of the Pakistani army
to capture and destroy the mo-
derate Awami League leadership
and the slaughter of thousands
of innocent civilians has had pre-

*
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-STEVE KOPPMAN
Editorial Page Editor

Letters to The Daily: Interpreting Kahane

The Interim Rules in action

WEDNESDAY'S TRIAL of John Eustis
under the Regents interim discipli-
nary rules showed that true justice might
well be impossible within the present Uni-
versity judicial system.
Following the hearing, Eustis was de-
clared guilty of violating two of the three
rules invoked against him. The charges
had s t e m m e d from Eustis' part in a
skirmish between security guards, Ann
Arbor police, and students outside the
Feb. 19 Regents meeting.
One of the key stipulations of the rules
is that cases will be tried and sentences
imposed by a hearing officer appointed
by the president of the University.
To hear the case against Eustis, Presi-
dent Robben Fleming c h o s e Theodore
Souris, a former state Supreme Court
Justice now practicing law in Detroit.
Although Souris stated before the hear-
ing that "the burden of proof would be
on the complainant," the case against
Eustis became, in the final analysis, a
simple matter of "their word against
ours." And "they" won.
WHAT IS REALLY important, however,
is that the structure of hearings con-
ducted under the rules virtually guaran-
tees that "they" will win every time.
In any case brought against a student
by a University employe who is defended
by a University lawyer before a Univer-
sity-appointed hearing officer, it is al-
most a foregone conclusion that the com-
plainant will win. And that is exactly
what happened.
Russell Downing, the University secur-
ity officer who brought charges against
Eustis-on the advice, he said, of his
superior and a University lawyer-based
his complaint on an incident in which
Downing accused Eustis of grabbing his
(Downing's) hat and hitting him with it.
Downing himself and Walter Stevens,
another University security official, testi-
fied that Eustis had indeed done the acts
orf whih Tnumino' ncuer him.

And the disturbing thing about this
choice of whose testimony would be ac-
cepted and whose would be rejected was
that it appeared to be made on the basis
of the politics of the witness. The testi-
mony of radicals was uniformly called
contradictory, while that of University
officials was accepted as stated-thus
exposing the political nature of the judi-
cial system.
A good example of the way politics
affected the proceedings appeared in For-
sythe's cross examination of Gary Roth-
berger, a witness for Eustis.
In his c r o s s examination, Forsythe,
rather than questioning Rothberger about
the hat incident, questioned him exten-
sively on his past experience in political
actions.
"You're a professional, aren't you, Mr.
Rothberger?" Forsythe asked on one occa-
sion. ("So who's paying me?" Rothberger
replied.)
When this line of questioning was chal-
lenged by Rothberger, Forsythe stated
that he wanted to "impeach Rothberger's
testimony" by examining the political ac-
tivities in which he has been involved.
However, when H a y e s attempted to
question Rothberger on Downing's repu-
tation for dealing with students, the tes-
timony was 'forbidden as "irrelevant."
This is another example of the prejudicial
politics evident in the hearing.
THIS CONCLUSION was substantiated
further by the basis which Souris gave
for his verdict. In announcing his deci-
sion, Souris said that the "contradictory"
testimony of the witnesses for Eustis and
the "direct and positive" testimony of
Stevens and Downing led him to believe
that Eustis did grab Downing's hat and
push it in his face.
Perhaps a jury of Eustis' peers would
have judged differently. Perhaps not. But
this is only one of the disturbing facets
of the first hearing under the interim
rules, and of the rules themselves.

To The Daily:
THE DAILY'S REPORT on
Rabbi Kahane's talk (Daily, April
15) leaves the reader with a dis-
torted view of the actions and
goals of Jewish Defense League.
The selected quotes were taken out
of context giving the notion that
thetJDL is a neo-Fascist organi-
zation. Rabbi Kahane pointed out
that "while violence is reprehensi-
ble it can be used as a last resort."
The program of the JDL makes
great efforts to follow in t h i s
peaceful tradition. The JDL "vigi-
lante" patrols in high crime neigh-
borhoods carry no firearms. The
members are trained in karate, a
defensive of physical protection.
The recent harrassment of So-
viet diplomats by the JDL have
been of a nonviolent nature. This
"militant" organization has de-
nied any connection to the bomb-
ings of Russian property, nor have
any charges been brought against
it for these actions. It might be ad-
ded that their harassment policy
has led to unparalleled attention
to the plight of Soviet Jewry and
thus could very well be instru-
mental in the recent increase in
exit visas to Israel.
The goals of the JDL are related
to renewed Jewish pride and iden-
tity. They emphasize an obliga-
tion of one Jew to help another
Jew. The watchword of the or-
ganization "Never Again" serves
as a constant reminder of the con-

sequence of passive acceptance of
threatening circumstances. While
there are those that are annoyed
by constant reference to the Holo-
caust, the fact remains that six
million Jews were murdered and
there has since been nothing to
indicate that this could not hap-
pen again.
Kahane's reference to the Bible
points out that while Jews a r e
taught to strive for peace, they
are not pacificists as illustrated
by the Macabees, Moses, Masada
etc. Unfortunately this spirit is
lacking in many American Jews
today. These Jews fear that Ka-
hane's words w i ltarnish their
'respectable' image and conse-
quently they denounce the JDL
as an irresponsible radical minor-
ity. These are the people that Ka-
hane refers to as the Uncle Jakes.
While Kahane states that "No
one is going to help a Jew but a
second Jew" his own organization
incorporates both Jew and non-
Jew. In Boston JDL neighborhood
patrols contain 40 per cent black
membership, a surprising fact for
those who feel the JDL is an out-
growth of Black Panther anti-
semitism. In Brooklyn the JDL
patrols provide protection for the
stores of Arab and black as well as
Jewish merchants.
WHEN. EVALUATING the JDL
the observer should not be over-
whelmed by news accounts which

portray the organization as high-
ly militant. The organization
wishes to stimulate Jewish self-
respect a n d to. promote Jewish
brotherhood.
"If I am not for myself who will
be for me?
"If I am not for others what
am I?"
-Karen Engelbaum '71
-Mark Whitefield '71
April 15
Pakistan
To The Daily:
THE FOLLOWING is a resolu-
tion passed by the India Students'
Association at a meeting held on
Saturday, April 10. We feel the
resolution should be called to the
attention of the rest of the uni-
versity community, because of the
seriousness of the present situa-
tion in East Bengal (East Pakis-
tan).
The India Students' Association
(a) expresses shock at and con-
demnation of the continuing mas-
sacre of civilians in East Bengal
by the West Pakistan army,
(b) urges the United States gov-
ernment, on h u m a n i t a r i a n
grounds, to suspend military aid to
the regime in West Pakistan while
the conflict continues,
(c urges all governments a n d
peoples to support restoration of
democracy and cessation of geno-
cide in East Bengal.
-Committee for Human Rights
in East Pakistan
April 15
Moderation
To The Daily:-
I CANNOT HELP feeling a sharp
pang of disappointment as I survey
the results of the SGC elections. Of
course it is always discouraging to
see that almost no one you voted
for made it, but that alone would
not be enough to discourage me.
No, the real shock was to rea-
lize that not a single moderate can-
didate won an SGC post. Instead,
radicalism and conservatism split
the field between them, with the
latter gaining a slight edge.
The Student Caucus and the Peo-
ple's Coalition are in 4-3 ratio of

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Unstable, Leaky, and Highly Toxic

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that few moderates vote? Or are
there simply few moderates to
vote? It's bad, either way. The first
argues impotence; the second, a.
disastrously large amount of po-
larized opinion at this University.
However, all is not hopeless
where moderation is concerned.
Conservatism, being more ap-
proachable by convention, may be
more susceptible to moderate in-
fluence than the left-dominated
governments of the past. Further-
more, there is at least some com-
fort in knowing that leftist extre-
mism is no longer monopolizing the
political system here. Moderation
has not yet arrived at that point of
grave danger which comes when
one side or the other wins a com-
plete and decisive victdry and has
no more opponents.
Most importantly, the ideological
split is almost even. While this is
cause for concern in terms of the
opinions which brought each to

personal lobbying, or through
initiative, referral, r:eferendum,
and even, should the occasion ever
arise, recall. Of course these latter
methods would require student sup-
port--hopefully more than was
shown during the elections!
BUT MODERATES, 'though they
may surely find some cause for
hope in this situation, must not be
deluded. The fact remains that in
a very large, indeed perhaps a re-
cord, turnout, the end result was an
almost-even split between two ex4-
tremes. I have been tempted,
lately, to believe that moderation
would come about of its own ac-
cord, and in fact was doing so
now. Conversely, polarization and
extremism would be at low ebb.
The SGC elections seem to show
that. at least at the University o*s
Michigan, I am wrong.
-Charleen Cook
Third Societal Force