Eighty years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan A scenario of the anti-war offensive 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor; Mich News Phone: 764-1'552 Editorials printed in The Michiqan Doily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14, 1971 NIGHT EDITOR: SARA FITZGERALD Vietnamization: Nixon's folly V OR ALMOST a year now the anti-war movement in America has disap- peared from public view. However, the course of the war in Indo- china has not paralleled the de-escala- tion of the anti-war struggle. On the contrary, the past year, begin- ning with the invasion of Cambodia, has been marked by the expansion and inten- sification of the U.S. war effort with the invasion of Laos, renewed bombing of North Vietnam and the increased use of genocidal tactics in South Vietnam. Despite this new escalation of the war, the anti-war movement has failed to ex- pose the Nixon Administration's Viet- namization plan for what it really is: an attempt to win a military victory in Viet- nam. Dr. Eqbal Ahmad, defendant in the Harrisburg 6 conspiracy trial, presented an excellent analysis of the Vietnamiza- tion policy in a speech here last week. Ahmad saw the Vietnamization policy as based on four assumptions: -that the costs and casualties of the war must be lowered to a level acceptable to the American people; -that an effective counterinsurgency struggle in Vitenam can be carried out only if the war becomes a forgotten war; -that the American people will not object to the war on moral grounds; -and that the cost of the war to the enemy must be increased. The problem of increasing the cost of the war to the Vietnamese while at the same time lowering American costs and removing the war from the public eye has been solved through Vietnamization; or so the Nixon administration would like us to believe. THE REALITY of the war in Indochina contradicts the Administration's claim that the Vietnamization policy has been successful. The rout of the Saigon government's troops during the invasion of Laos is only the most blatant evidence suoporting Dr. Ahmad's assertion that "Asian boys are not willing to fight for Mr. Nixon's adventure." The consistent defeat of the S a i g o n government's troops is not merely a nilitary problem. it is a reflection of the political isolation of the Saigon gov- ernment. The jailing of thousands of South Vietnamese as political prisoners and widespread press censorship are clear indications of the Saigon government's lack of pooular support. The belief that such a government will ever be able to defend itself against the just liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people is ludicrous. THE ADMINISTRATION recognizes the failure of Vietnamization, but rather than abandon the policy, Nixon has chos- en to give a new meaning to its name. Vietnamization has become synonymous with military victory in Indochina through technological escalation of the war. American ground troops are with- drawn, but they are replaced with in- creased air power, artillery bases, sophis- ticated electronic sensing devices, chem- ical weapons and perhaps in the future with tactical nuclear weapons. This stra- tegy has taken a heavy toll of civilians in Indochina, but that is part of the Vietnamization plan also. In counter- insurgency warfare the people are the enemy. The determination of the Vietnamese people to resist American intervention, whether it takes the form of ground troops or technological support for the Saigon puppet army, clearly shows that an American military victory in Indo- china is impossible. The Vietnamese have done their part in exposing Vietnamiza- tion for the cruel hoax that it is. The American, anti-war movement must now do the same. THE ACTIVITIES of the Spring Offen- sive against the war in Indochina a.re an excellent opportunity to once again focus national attention on the war. The April 24 mass demonstrations in Washington and San Francisco sponsor- ed by the National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC) and the People's Coalition f o r Peace and Justice (PCPJ) are designed to mobilize broad-based support for the anti-war struggle. The mass demonstrations will show the American people that the war in Indo- china is not over, and that it will not end until all American forces have with- drawn from Indochina. And it will show President Nixon that the anti-war move- ment is still a viable force in American politics. JN A SIMILAR fashion, the Mayday ac- tions in Washington, sponsored by the People's Coalition represent a new level of struggle in the anti-war m o v e- ment. The action's tactic of civil disobed- ience with the goal of stopping govern- ment operations in Washington demon- strates the serious commitment to end- ing the war of those involved - a com- mitment made necessary by the horror of American genocide in Indochina. Both the April 24 demonstrations and the Mayday actions are worthy of the supoort of all those who wish to end the war in Indochina, though it must be emohasized that no demonstration alone will end the war. Demonstrations in the past have been resoonsible for small changes in t h e course of the war, but have been unable to bring about the only meaningful change, the withdrawal of all U.S. forces from Indochina. If the anti-war move- ment is to be successful it must not stop with demonstrations as it has done in the past. The Sring Offensive must con- tinue into the summer, and beyond, until the war is over. Efforts must be made to involve t h e majority of Americans, who now favor immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Indochina, in the anti-war struggle. Per- haps most importantly the anti-war movement must prepare to enter the arena of electoral politics in the 1972 election to elect a government that will put an end to American intervention in Indochina. THE ACTIVITIES of the Spring Offen- sive must be seen as a rejuvination of the anti-war movement, a rejuvination that U.S. war policy makes necessary. It should not be ;seen as an end in itself, but as a single step in a protracted strug- gle against the war in Indochina. -CHUCK WILBUR The following article is written by the Ann Arbor Students for the Peace Treaty. THIS SPRING the United States will see more anti-war demon- strations. involving more people, feeling more anger, and acting out of more knowledge a n d under- standing, than has ever been seen here before. Groups representing a rainbow of constituencies and political beliefs are moving against the war. Two huge national demonstra- tions are planned for April and May in Washington. These have been called by the People's Coali- tion for Peace and Justice (May- Day) and the National Peace-Ac- tion Coalition (April 24), two groups which have been some- what at odds, but are working to overcome sectarianism within the an i-war movement. Of these events, Mayday is more than just another 1 a r g e demonstration - it is a w h o 1 e series of actions by a variety of organizations, from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the National Welfare Rights Organization to the Youth Inter- national Party. The timing and nature of these actions is derived from a carefully thought-out an- alysis of the situation in Vietnam and America, and is based on the fact that an acute political and military crisis links the American and Indochinese people t h i s spring. After eight years of un- precedented devastation in Indo- china and social conflict in Amer- ica, the U.S. government finds it- self with few alternatives. To un- derstand the rationale behind MAYDAY, it is important that we understand why this crisis exists, IN VIETNAM, the U.S.-Saigon military position has deteriorated. Desperate gambles to save the fal-, teringhVietnamization program - ,like the invasion of Cambodia and Laos - have resulted only in op- ening up major new fronts of the war. Vietnamization h a s deeply eroded any support in South Viet- nam for the Thieu-Ky-Khiem re- gime - through high casualties, the total militarization of society, and social and economic chaos. The coming South Vietnamese elections, were they free and were all Vietnamsse allowed to partici- pate, would result in a tremen- dous victory for anti-war candi- dates and a defeat for America and the Saigon government. At the same time the US gov- ernment faces a major crisis of public confidence as 73 per cent of the people (according to a na- tional poll) favor an end to the war by the end of this year. The growth of movements of the noor and of Third World people, who are making strong demands on the resources now used for war, has led the government to mount a campaign of political repression with Bobby Seale, Erika Huggins, and Angela Davis as its m o t prominent victims. Perhaps most threatening to the Nixon administration and the Pentagon is that they are losing control of the .Army, as indicated by "fraggings" (the killing of an officer), high desertion rates, and low moral. Faced with these overwhelming problems; Richard Nixon has only two alternatives - find a quick military solution or get out. His military options are limited to the invasion of North Vietnam, satur- ation bombing of the North, or us- ing tactical nuclear weapons to seal off the Ho Chi Minh trail and the DMZ. It is our responsibility to see that he can choose none of these military alternatives: to do this, we must act together now. TO BE REALLY effective, how- ever, our action must be based on what has been learned through years of anti -war struggle. We can't afford to repeat .nistakes other people have made before. We can not leave Nixon any loop- holes. We must project a <.ono rete, programmatic, step-by-step way to end the war, not just a slogan as in the past. The American peo- ple must have a reasonable alter- native to hold up to Nixon's Viet- namization program. Besides that, we m u s t force Nixon to accept thatalternative. Our actions must raise the social costs of the war to those who are carrying it out. We must demon- strate to them that the costs of maintaining control and order within American society will ex- ceed the loss they will suffer by giving up a bit of their empire. The People's Peace Treaty is a strategy f o r protracted struggle which meets both conditions. The treaty itself is a document nego- tiated by students from the U.S. American peace movement, com- and Vietnam (both North a n d ing one year after the invasion South). It is based- upon the as- of Cambodia and the murders at pirations of the people of the U.S. Jackson and Kent State. and Vietnam, as manifested in the on one more opportunity to accept the treaty. FOR THE next three days there will be public declaration of tar- gets for civil disobedience a n d non-violent disruption. Each re- gion or national constituency group ' will have assumed the re- sponsibili'y of interfering w i t h the functioning of specific bridg- es, traffic arteries, or government buildings during the 7 to 9:30 rush hour. The manner in which this is to be done will be determined by the various groups, but t h e overall discipline will be non-violent, the tactic disruptive a n d the spirit ioyous and creative. We very strongly discourage random acts of violence or trashing of prop- erty in Washington. All actions will take place in the white-con- trolled federal areas, i.e., south of Massachusetts Aye,, so as not to interfere with the black commun- ity. On May 5, as part of a national moratorium on "business as us- ual," we will march on and en- circle the Capitol, insisting that Congress stay in session until it has ratified the treaty. THE STRENGTH of this May Scenario comes from its close re- lationship to local and national efforts both before and afterwards. A combination of events in Indo- china and the U.S. may well mean that sufficient power is generated to force an end to the war. If not, the stage'will be set for even more massive education and ratifica- tion campaigns, and other forms of implementation during the spring and summer. The People's Peace Treaty is not a one-time, speeches-and-a- band-and-a-march-and-rally effort - it is a protracted struggle to get the American people to force a just peace settlement on the US government. It may take many months. Some people will react to this scenario as a significant step for- ward in anti-war strategy a n d tactics; others may think it is "old wine in new bottles." Most of us have marched, signed, or , bee n busted many times already and our exhaustion has occasionally blinded us to our success. All the years of talking, walking, arguing, and .disrupting have finally had their effect. The peace movement really does represent the people. We are the majority. Now we must bring our power to bear. SISTERS A N D BROTHERS who have been in the movement for a while sometimes become a bit cynical and believe that no single event or time particularly matters, that it is not courage which is required, but endurance. In fact, we do need courage; not the macho courage of individual- istic action, but disciplined cour- age to understand the critical per- iod we are in and the political and personal risks which must be tak- en, and the sacrifices which must be made, in solidarity with our sisters and brothers in Indochina. Provisional Revolutionary Govern- ment's negotiating position and the program of the popular Front for the Defense of Peace. Educational campaigns around the treaty are closing the Adminm- istration's loophole bytpresenting a logical, realistic political settle- m e n t. Ratification encourages millions of Americans to assert their right to make peace, when their government won't do it for them. Treaty implementation pro- vides every sector of the popula- tion with the chance to develop creative ways of exercising power against the war-makers. The Ann Arbor Peace Treaty Conference in February called for intense struggle to implement or enforce the treaty throughout the spring and summer, and especially during the first week of May. This period was not chosen arbitrarily, but because of its strategic sig- nificance and the expressed sense of urgency of the Vietnamese peo- ples. The dry season is coming to an end in Vietnam then, and U.S. air support will have to be sharp- ly reduced. The growing strength of the NLF, the Pathet Lao, and the Khmer Rouge, and the emerg- ing peace forces in the cities could unite i n t o a decisive offensive. American anti-war actions at this time could have the vital effect of at least preventing or slowing the almost certain American response to that offensive. Furthermore, it is an important t i m e for the So that's why Mayday is go- ing to happen. However, we still have to deal with When, and, most important, How it is going to oc- cur. Following is t h e scenario adopted by the Ann Arbor Confer- ence and around which the Peo- ple's Coalition is organizing: FROM APRIL 26 to 30, there will be a PCPJ-sponsored people's lobby of Congress a n d govern- ment offices, with small, special- group sit-downs and other civil disobedience by clergy, pacifists, etc., if they are denied access to government offices. The purpose is to acquaint office workers and others with what will be happen- ing in May and to encourage them to participate in some wiay. On May 1, a People's Assembly - a celebration of our signing the Peace Treaty, where our :politics and life-style unite - will be held on a farm outside Washington. This will be the first official day, of the treaty's enforcement, an occasion for world-wide demon- strations of support for the Viet- namese and our anti-war struggle, including a march from K e n t State and the arrival into Wash- ington of car caravans from other cities. The next day a rally will be sponsored by all the groups to en- force the treaty. Th e National Welfare Rights Organization, the SCLC mule train from New York, and all the people who have walk- ed in from the farm will give Nix- 4# X Letters: Athletic funds should go to intramurals To The Daily: MAY I BE explicit in my reply to the letter of Peter Newell (retir- ing student member of the Board- in-Control of Intercollegiate Ath- letics) en March 29. His first two points were directed at me. Number one. The $147,000 re- ceived annually by the Athletic De- partment from General Funds started in 1967, and is not pledged to pay for Crisler Arena. However a $5 fee per student per semester is pledged to retire the oonds of this epitaph. The fees in Financial Year 1970 accrued $383.000. and the debt service was $328,000 per annum. A net plus of $55,000 to the Board! In addition student ticket sales realized $248,000; whereas prior to 1962 (that is. before the Crisler mausoleum) students received free football tickets. Yet the 1971 Board report expresses "concern at the amount of charges that are assess- ed against its funds in connection with the Crisler Arena mainte- nance, utilities and operation." The $147,000 is a General Fund alloca- tion to the Board's revenue for the stated purpose of supporting the intramural program, which has been neglected by the Board i, the past, especially since the building of the Crisler mausoleum.' I am sure that the present Board wishes to rectify this. I advocated a reduction of the $147,000 alloca- tion of General Funds, and a policy that football proceeds go to the maintenance of intramural la;ili- ties. NUMBER TWO. I realize that with only three sports (football, basketball and hockey) on a var- sity basis this would mean Michi- gan's dismissal from the Big Ten for insufficient participation (un- der the present rules). However CHARGES CLARIFIED In defense of the Athletic department there is historical. precedent for Michigan being outside the Inter- collegiate Conference (between 1908 and 1917). In addition, the Uni- versity of Chicago withdrew in 1946-perhaps the University -of Michigan is the Avis of the Mid- West?' Look at the financial report of 1971. Tenders may have gone down slightly in FY 1970 compared to FY 1969, but they were up 33 per cent from FY 1968. Disbursements to Sports went up 8 per cent in FY 1970, but they were up 45 per cent in FY 1969. Salaries and wages were up 6 per cent in FY 1970, but were up nearly 17 per cent in FY 1969. In addition foot- ball costs skyrocketed by 30 per cent in FY 1970. And yet the 1971 Board report states that "the Intercollegiate athletic program ought not to be expected to show a profit any more than the Chemistry Department should be expected to show a pro- fit." Is it really worth it? With the minor sports on a club basis, tenders (about $200,000 per annum) and team and games ex- penses (about $100,000 per annum) would almost be eliminated. Even- tually the costs of salaries, wages, etc. would be diminished by the re- duction of coaches and staff. I es- timate this to be the order of $400,- 000 total. I have run a club sport on a budget of $200 per annum with well over 100 participants, of whom -seventy-five played intercollegiate, more than any varsity sport. And do we need the Big Ten for this? I advocated that the savings of $400,000 per annum go to the fin- ancing operation, and maintenance of a new Recreation Building, in- stead of the money losing varsity sports. Suggested reading, Mr. Newel. the Faculty Senate's Report on the Proposed Sports Service Building. -D.F.R. Mildner, Grad. Member, Advisory Com- mittee for Recreation, In- tramurals and Club Sports been the question of need for ad- ditional housing. The Administra- tion has continually played down this need, particularly during the Tenants Union "Tent-in" last se- mester. According to the 1970 Census, the rental vacancy rate in Ann Arbor is 3.6 per cent, as compared with 7.8 per cent for the State of Michi- gan as a whole. Only 646 housing units were vacant and available for rental in all of Ann Arbor. Moreover, the Census Bureau fi- gures apply to Winter Sernester, 1970, and the housing situation has deteriorated since that time. No now student housing has been built since then, while University en- rollment has increased by over 3,000. Ann Arbor's low vacancy rate hos helped to perpetuate the structure of artificially inflated rents that residents are forced to pay. The Census Bureau reports that median rent is $152 in Ann Arbor, as op- posed to only $95 in Michigan as a: whole. Furthermore, the proportion of rental housing that costs more than $150 per month is 51 per cent in Ann Arbor, three times the pro- portion for the rest of Michigan. Some may argue that these nigh rents are due to larger and better quality housing, but this is simply not true. On the 88 cities in Michi- gan with populations of 10.300 or more, Ann Arbor ranks 85th in me- dian number of rooms per housing unit. IT IS OBVIOUS from these fi- gures that there is a critical short- age of adequate housing in Ann Arbor, particularly for areaus in close proximity to the University. Yet President Fleming balks at the new apartment projectbbecause of the cost of providing bus sere i from central campus to the pro- posed housing. In fact, bus service has already been approved to Northwood V and a short extension of this service would suffice for the new apartments. Thus, even this argument of the Admmnistration becomes specious, because the marginal cost of the additional bus service would be negligible. The concept of additional hous- ing was overwhelmingly opproved by students in last year's SGC referendum. The 1,000 apartirent unit project was unanimously sup- ported by the Ann Arbor City Coun- cil at their March 15 meeting. It is inconceivable that the University should hesitate to approve this cost- less project, which is potentially so beneficial to students, staff, em- ployees, and the community at large. -Fred Arnold Grad. Iarch 29 By MORT NOVECK Sports Editor THE CHARGE in an editorial in yes- terday's Daily that Athletic Direc- tor Don Canham would personally pre- vent Rose Sue Berstein from taking her seat on the Board in Control of Inter- collegiate Athletics has since been ren- dered superfluous. As an article in to- day's paper states, the Board has already decided to seat Berstein if her election is certified. But several other charges, re- garding the department's attitudes to- ward women require clarification. It was alleged that Canham and the department have consistently ignored women's demands for competition on the intercollegiate level. The only evi- dence cited was that there are no year stating that it is in no way opposed to such a concept. ACCORDING TO the editorial, Can- ham is interested only in football and basketball and is ignoring the multitudes of women who desire to compete for Michigan. Aside from the failure of said multitudes to make themselves visible, there is an excellent reason why Can- ham should concentrate on football and basketball. These are the revenue pro- ducing sports and without them the en- tire athletic program would be fiscally impossible. It is success in these fields that make it possible to field the track, baseball, tennis and other teams that cannot support themselves. Besides, if women's athletics is ever to become a called press smokers, few members of the press covering each game are in- vited and an even smaller number ac- tually attend. ACCORDING TO the editorial, a fe- male photographer from the Daily was threatened because she dared to venture onto the football field with her male col- leagues. It is true that she was asked to leave, but once she explained that she was an accredited photographer, she was allowed to remain. The person who asked her to leave was not an official of the athletic department and after rectifying the situation the department sent her a written apology. On later occasions the department's sport information director Will Perry, has aided female Daily reporters in be- ing accredited as membersof the press. No woman sat in the Ohio State press box until Perry forced them to admit the Daily's executive sports editor last year. Several years ago, Perry was the first information director in the Big Ten to admit all accredited female reporters to his press box. There nre certainlv spects of the cur- NORTH ~rtIAt? *0 I.AI ? MYL 1 ? WLPA MYW7 MYW? MYLAi? MVLaJII -MY&Alf yY 6 M MYaAt'1 MYLAI? WLALZ 4( MYt t, MyLAJ 'q., . ,rt 01 4 __ .fir +rrLAt Nrt, MYW MYU,,7 MYW; , MYW-f t g +4r Ik My Meat ? s' ' ,,,,,? MYw r. YtAt 2s - MYia-f { i''"t MYtsts ayy .w Mrs y 4 IAYL ? t6 MYw?-tRr aOy.K aWMM!WM!EsaiiiiMMEREN