vi


Eighty years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan

420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.

News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 7, 1971

NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT SCHREINERI

Tboughits the morning after

.TUDENTS REACTED to the results of
Monday's city election with a mixture
of surprise and relief.
Republican mayoral candidate J a c k
Garris did not wrest the mayor's office
from Democratic incumbent Robert Har-
ris. Garris did not gain control of the
city, to loose the police department un-
mercifully on the pot-smoking student
body.
This fear had been well-founded, ar-
gued some Democrats. After all, Garris
has continually denounced the evils of
marijuana while Harris' administration
had at least taken token first steps to
moderate the harshness of anti-mari-
juana laws. It could not be forgotten that
Concerned Citizen Garris had been ori-
ginally thrust into the political spotlight
in the summer of 1969 when he led over
7,000 people to City Hall to demand an
end to White Panther-sponsored r o c k
concerts and an "unshackling" of the po-
lice.
Look-the Democrats told the left-
leaning segments of the; electorate -
you may not like what Harris has done
very much, but Garris is a real rightist
danger - don't waste your vote on Cor-
nell, you must vote for Harris, this is a
really close race.
Many students (including this writer)
swallowed this line - and when it came
out that Harris had won by over 4,000
votes they felt they had been duped. Not
only had Harris won by a vastly larger
margin than he had two years ago -
but he retained his veto power on City
Council With a councilman to spare.
Garris said Monday night that "too
many student votes" contributed to his
defeat. But in fact, the student vote was
a minor factor in the election's result.
The Democrats did not need the scare
tactics of calling it a close race and railing
at "fascist" Garris - not to win the
election, anyway. Perhaps a significant


result of these tactics was to weaken
the possibility of a strong showing for
the Radical Independent Party.
NEVERTHELESS, student voters did go
along with the rest of Ann Arbor's
liberal voters and did help Harris get
elected. Most of them were endorsing his
progressive actions in some areas, rather
than the inaction he has displayed over
the past two years in others. They felt,
when faced with the possibility of Garris,
that Harris had at least proved himself
worthy of another chance.
As Harris said Monday night, "the Re-
publican Party wanted a test of conser-
vatism versus liberalism and they found
out what the answer was." The answer
was a big Democratic victory - in some
ways, the biggest ever for Democrats in,
Ann Arbor.
Though Harris does lack a technical
majority on Council, it is likely that he
can continue to get support on important
votes from Second Ward Republican Ro-
bert Weaver, a moderate liberal who re-
fused to support Garris - thus making
possible a working majority on council
for the mayor.
Though many student voters may have
felt that Harris left a great deal to be
desired, they believed him when he said
he had done some good things for the
city - in hopsing, community relations,
the drug ordinance, and some other areas
- and that he would do a much better
job than Garris.
HARRIS MUST not be allowed to sit on
his hands and complain of budgetary
deficits and Republican majorities for
the next two years. He has his mandate
from the voters. He must work consist-
antly during the next two years for the
liberal programs on which he was elected.
-W. E. SCHROCK

Paris talks:
By STEVE ANZALONE war itself,
THE PARIS PEACE talks are like Harry extent Am
Truman. You never hear anything shielded fn
about them until after some kind of crisis politics.
when there is some reason to think they Ledogar
might die. the delega
The peace talks recently came into the military bri
news again with a boycott by the North that all of
Vietnamese and the Provisional Revolu- the Vietna
tionary Government delegates to protest streamlined
the invasion of Laos. The newspapers
warned that the talks had reached "their HE IS F
most tenuous point to date." other side;
There is a significant degree of wishful ful negotia
thinking in the press warnings. Corres- North Viet
pondents have heard the same story every
Thursday afternoon for two years. Their
weekly "no progress" reports will be buried
in the news - clearly not much to show
for a monotonous afternoon of what every
one knows is a waste of time. Moreover,
they probably realize that there is no
book material here. A book about the
Paris peace talks would beabout as ex-
citing as the biography of Secretary of
State William Rogers.
The American delegation to the talks is
headquartered on the third floor of the
Embassy. A visiting tourist is not likely to
get upstairs, let alone through the lock-
ed doors, for a chat with the negotiators.
The French woman at the receptionist's
desk calls to announce the visitor. If he
is expected or wanted, a secretary will be
sent down to escort him past the guard.
The secretary is an American girl with
a predictable "Gee whiz it's great to
be in Paris working for someone import-
ant" attitude. She tells the visitor that
Mr. Ledogar is seeing another reporter and Chie
should be free soon. 7
STEVEN LEDOGAR, the press spokes-
man of the eleven-man negotiating team, serious neg
is a big man whose face speaks of a The troube
tight schedule, memoranda to write, and they will n
briefs to be read when he gets home at appeals ma
night. A career foreign service officer, The only 
Ledogar has a military background and Ing them tl
speaks Vietnamese. He is the kind of guy interest.
who at the Five O'Clock Follies in Saigon Ler
would respond to a newsman's question Ledogarki
with "negative" instead of "no." week worki
He seems to demand from a visitor Thursday sE
sympathy for his dedication and courage- red of thesE
ous suffering. Twenty months at the talks, in finding
Ledogar and the others appointed at that tary devel
from Wash:
time cleared their desks in Washington available. L
and were the first group who came to mostoabte
stay. None has had a vacation since then. most of th
No one leaves the office before nine at sador Davi
night. And in what may be construed by thinking."
some as a surrender to the futility of it "Thursda
all, the delegation recently stopped work- the negoti
ing on Sundays, although maintaining the of the week'
old Henry Cabot Lodge habit of dropping At the er
in after church to read incoming cables. ports to be
It would be difficult to guess Ledogar's and data t
political affiliation by just talking with is "so much
him. At first glance one might guess he is information
a Texas Democrat, a leftover from the ton, and the
Johnson days. But it was Nixon who sent it all, but fi
him to Paris. His language is tough, pre- week.
cise, pragmatic. Ledogar, as well as the Ledogar g

should convince 'anyone to what
erican foreign policy is really
om the vicissitudes of partisan
speaks proudly of the fact that
tion receives a twenty minute
defing every morning. He claims
them have had experience with
m situation so the briefing is
d, thorough, and in code.
RANK in his contempt for the
and his pessimism for success-
tion. Ledogar believes that the
namese are not interested in

pointment. Another meeting. More in-
formation. More strategic thinking.
These men do not attend cocktail parties.
The only social functions they attend are
those of American allies, sometimes o n I y
those allies who contribute troops to Viet-
nam. Diplomats on the other side of the
embassy may find that national day cele-
brations alone result in three cocktail
parties a week. Ledogar and his colleagues
shun this. The penecostal spirit of Rob-
ert McNamara sustains them, they are
freed from the mammon of the State De-
partment.
THE PARIS POLICE - imperious, im-
peccable, and ineffectual - line the Ave-
nue Kleber in front of the Old Majestic
Hotel on Thursday. The French govern-
ment spends a considerable sum to host
the conference. A visitor with even dub-
ious press credentials has little trouble
gaining admittance from the amiable host
to the press briefing at the end of the
negotiating session.
The North Vietnamese speak first. A
spokesman, flanked by an interpretertand
someone whose role was ntever ascertain-
able, makes the lengthy presentation at a
table in front of the press. He speaks in
Vietnamese which is translated into French
as he proceeds. Questions are asked in
French, answered in Vietnamese, and trans-
lated.
A couple of American newsmen ask a
few challenging, questions in their New
York-Berlitz French. The man from Hanoi
smiles, addresses each by name, and answ-
ers with good-natured amusement. Still
smiling, he thanks his audience, bids them
farewell until next week. He spends a few
minutes in friendly conversation with some
French journalists before departing.
The PRG is next. Again, an interpreter
on the left and another person on his
right. His presentation is similar, although
making more references to the "fantoches"
(puppets) in Saigon. The translation into
French is punctuated by irritated "Jesus
Christ's" from the American correspond-
ents. The questions from the Americans are
even sharper. The response is the same as
the North Vietnamese: calling them by
name and a good-natured, firm reply. The
same cordial good-bye, and exit.
The visitor asked two of the senior Amer-
ican correspondents seated near him the
name of the spokesman for the PRG.
They did =not know. He then asked is the
spokesman was new. No, they said, he had
been there every ewek for quite some time
now. They shrugged it off. But the visitor
later heard one of them ask a French
colleague who the NLF man was.
ACT III is Saigon. They are mild-man-
nered and have less to say. Their clothes
exhibit distinct Western cut. Significant-
ly they do not speak in Vietnamese, and
their' first person is "our side". The de-
scription "fantoches" does not appear to
be unfair. There are no'questions, and they
leave politely.

There is a lull before the Big Boy comes
out. An Asian journalist dozing through
most of the proceedings revives himself.
Ledogar enters with his briefcase. Amer-
ica's technological superiority is evident
even here. His two flanks at the table
both arrive with stenography machines.
Ledogar speaks in English. There is no
translation. He says, "You've probably
gathered by now that there was no pro-
gress at today's dreary session. Any ques-
tions?"
"They brought up the subject of chemical
warfare today. What does this mean?"
"You've heard that nonsense before,"
Ledogar snaps back. "They're not inter-
ested in negotiations, only propaganda..."
"What about reports from Washington
that there may soon be a break in the
deadlock?"
"I have no comment on that."
Ledogar looks up, sees no more immed-
iate questions, grabs his briefcase, and
lumbers out the door. An abrupt ending,
but one that causes no surprise to newsmen
anxious to leave.
It's frustrating business for Ledogar
and thefAmerican team. They have picked
up the white man's burden in the Asian
jungles and now found themselves not be-
ing charged by ferocious beasts, but by

'V

f US negotiator
David Bruce
otiation but only in propaganda.
e, according to Ledogar, is that
not be moved by reason or by
ade on humanitarian grounds.
way to move them is by show-
hat something is in their self-
spends the beginning of every
ng on the presentation for the
ession. After more than a hund-
e speeches, he admits difficulty
new things to say. New mili-
opments and peace proposals
ington are worked in whenever
edogar and the other officers do
e preparation, leaving Ambas-
d Bruce to do the "strategic
y is a bore," Ledogar says of
ating sessions. "It is the ebb
's work."
rnd of the week, there are re-
filed, journalists to be briefed,
o be read. Ledogar says there
L" to be read - the staggering
flow from Vietnam, Washing-
e press. Ledogar tries to digest
inds himself beaten back every
ets up to depart for another ap-

Flies torment the hunters

4
M4

Chief PRG negotiator
Nguyen Tri Binh
pesky flies. Implicit in their frustration is
the belief that if these Orientals w e r e
really human beings, it wouldn't be so
aggravating. They could be "reasoned"
with.
BUT THE pragmatists are learning from
these negotiations what they already
learned in Hiroshima, in Korea,,and in
the field of Indochina as well - that these
Asians are not human beings and not even
wild animals. They are annoying, infec-
tious flies who keep the hunters awake
at night.

4
R

Opposing the Interim Rules

HEN THE REGENTS passed their in-
terim disciplinary rules 1 a s t April,
many students vowed that the rules
would not be used without a fight. Now,
it seems the time has come for that fight.
Although the "interim" rules have been
on the University's books for a full year,
they had not b e e n used until Russell
Downing, a University fire and security
official,'charged John Eustis '73 with vio-
lating them during a demonstration out-
side the Administration Bldg. Feb. 19.
The charge then went to University
Atty. Craig Christensen, who h a d the
duty of determining whether Eustis' al-
leged actions would constitute a violation
of the rules.
Christensen found alleged violations of
three of the Regents' six rules - those
forbidding force or violence against a
member or guest of the University com-
munity, the threat of force or violence
against a member or guest of the Uni-
versity community, and disruption of a
University function. And so a f o r m a 1
complaint was served against Eustis.
The next step was for President Robben
Fleming to choose a hearing officer to ad-
judicate the case. He did - Theodore
Souris, a former Michigan Supreme
Court Justice now practicing law in De-
troit.
The hearing has been set for 9:30 a.m.
on April 14 at North Campus Commons.
The choice of time and place is a typical
University ploy - North Campus Com-
mons is the traditional 'courtroom' for
Editorial Staff
ROBERT KRAFTOWITZ
Editor

University proceedings that officials are
afraid may attract student protestors u1r
observers, and 9:30 a.m. during the last
week of classes adds to the inaccessibility
of the trial to those who might normally
attend.
THIS STRATEGEM, however, is unnec-
essary, as the interim rules allow the
hearing officer free license over whom
he can bar from the trial.
In fact, the ability of the hearing of-
ficer to bar whoever he wants from the
room is just one of the multitude of in-
equities in the Regents' repressive mas-
terpiece.
Most basic, of course, is that the inter-
im rules deny the defendant the right of
trial by jury. The jury of one's peers -
an integral part of the American legal
system - is replaced in these rules by a
"hearing officer" appointed by the Uni-
versity president himself, scarcely an un-
biased observer in cases brought by the
University against one of its own stu-
dents.
The powers granted to the hearing of-
ficer are enormous. Not only do the rules
fail to assure the right of the defendant
to face his accusers, they actually allow
for the trial to proceed without the de-
fendant himself if he fails to show up or
becomes 'disruptive.'
Another facet of this judge-jury-and-
executioner character of the hearing of-
ficer is his authority to place sanctions
against the defendant ranging from
warning to expulsion.
Double jeopardy, that most reliable as-
pect of University judicial systems, is in
evidence in the interim rules in a lopsid-
ed way.
Students being tried in civil court, as
Eustis is, are allowed to have their inter-
im rules hearing postponed until after
the civil trial has been decided. However,
if a student is convicted of a criminal of-
fense before his interim rule hearing, he
is barred from registering at the Univer-
sity until after his hearing has been held.
The most disturbing character of the
rules is that, as Eustis' lawyer puts it,
the rules appear to be "designed by some-
one very much aware of the minimum
grounds for constitutionality." T h i s

SGC election analysis: A

mixed

bag~

By JOHN KOZA
Daily Guest Writer
FOR THE two weeks before SGC
elections, the highly conserva-
tive Student Caucus slatecof coun-
cil candidates and their allied pre-
sidential slate of Bill Thee and
Jim Kent stridently urged the stu-
dent bodyuto help them "throw the
rascals out" of student govern-
ment. Focusing on the top-heavi-
ness of SGC with radicals, left-
ists, and liberals, the conserva-
tives proimsed to make SGC
"truly representative" of the si-
lent majority of students, to re-
store fiscal responsibility, to stop
the increased funding of SGC
and school governments, while en-
shrining military research, ROTC,
classified research, and corporate
recruiting.
In the election, the four con-
servative council candidates swept
the top spots, thus validating their
claim to being the true represent-
atives of the student body. Right?
Wrong?
What really happened? What
reallythappened was the widely
misunderstood interplay of "the
rules of the game," as set f o r t h
in dry constitutional tracts, with
the feverish actions of office-seek-
ers in election campaigns. When
these two forces interact, it is the
dry constitutional tracts, not the
thousands of hours of scurrying
around by mere mortals, that de-
termine the outcome!
THE FIRST thing to under-
stand about this campus election
is that the overwhelming majority
of students voting embrace the
leftist positions which the c o n-
servatives find "unrepresentative."
The Thee-Kent presidential tick-
et, for example, was the first
choice of only 2325 (27 per cent)
voters out of 8646. Since, as ex-
pected, no presidential slate re-
ceived a majority, the ticket of in-
cumbent radical president Marty
Scott was eliminated from con-
sideration, and a "run-off" held
between the top two tickets (the
radical Schenk-Rosenblatt tick-
et, and the Thee-Kent ticket). In

conservative, pro-war, pro-military
research, anti-funding, pro-Home-
coming (rah-rah-college) minor-
ity which elected four of the sev-
en councilmen, and the anti-war,
anti-military-research majority of
voters.
Wednesday's mixed bag of elec-
toral results highlights the cru-
cial role of the different "rules of
the game" for presidential elec-
tions, referenda, and council elec-
tions. Indeed, SGC, like most lev-
els of American government, has
a mix of different electoral "rules"
through which the same v o t e r s
can speak.
Thus, in referenda, the crude
force of the most votes rules su-
preme.
SGC's transferable ballot sys-
tem for president guarantees the
election of a majority president-
by offering a built-in system of
run-offs - which must be the
fairest way of filling one position
in a multi-candidate election. Tra-
vesties such as the election of a
Buckley over the divided forces of
a Goodell' and Ottinger are avoid-
ed. 6f course, personality plays its
largest role in the presidential
arena.
The election of councilmen Is
an entirely different ball game.
The "limited vote" aspect of SGC's
system guarantees council repre-
sentatiori to different blocs of vot-
ers and precludes a winner-take-
all shutting out of the choices of
others. The more important as-
pect of the council election, how-
ever, is that this election (like
most elections) is a non-transfer-
able ballot system which severely
penalizes the viewpoint which
finds itself represented on the
ballot by too many, essentially in-
distinguishable candidates.
The People's Coalition, with its
five candidates plus its unofficial
s i x t h candidate, dissipated its
support over more candidates than
the voter had votes. With four
candidates plus one, they would
all have probably moved into the
top positions. With three candi-
dates plus one, they would have
"released" votes to other candi-
datessuch as the mnderate left-

M

spots - with a total of 8074 votes
for their candidates. In contrast,
the radical People's Coalition slate
garnered 8729 votes, but was re-
warded only with positions 5, 6,
and 7 (which include two half-
year seats) for three of their five
candidates. Add in the 1863 votes
which President-elect Schenk
drained away from the radical
cause with her concurrent bid for
a council seat, and the 1437 votes
of the Young Socialist Alliance
candidates, and you have 11,929
radical votes. On the other side,
the 8074 SC votes can be similar-
ly augmented only by conservative
McGill's 1034 votes, giving the
conservatives a total of 9108. (In
this analysis, three moderate con-
servative Responsible Alternative
candidates' 4398 votes just about
balance out the 2649 votes of the
moderate leftist independents.
Consider the referendum ques-
tions, and you find a 5766 - 2243

council candidates voted on the
five questions on the ballot. This
analysis, made possible by the
computer counting of the votes
which SGC has used in its past
five elections, produce some results
which are interesting in t h e i r
own right.
THOSE WHO voted for con-
servative Bill Thee for f i r s t
choice for president opposed the
People's Peace Treaty by 1371 -
802, while supporters of president-
elect Rebecca Schenk favored it
2754 - 303. Supporters of in-
cumbent radical Marty Scott fav-
ored it five to one. Supporters of
the five radical People's Coalition
council candidates (who w e r e
leaders in the Peace Treaty Con-
ference here) favored the Treaty
20 to 1, while voters for the con-
servative Student Caucus s la t e
opposed it two to one. Support-
ers of the moderate conservative
Responsible Alternative group fav-

voters opposed it by about two to
one.
Supporters of Bill Thee vigor-
ously opposed the Funding Plan by
a decisive 1906-290 margin, while'
SC voters opposed it five to one.
Thus, although virtually all of
Thee's 2365 voters opposed the
funding plan (and although vir-
tually all of SC's voters opposed
it too), less than half of those
opposing the plan voted conser-
vative. On the other side, the PC
voters favored funding by two to
one; the RAP voters opposed it
by about two to one; and the left-
ist independents divided about
equally on the question.
The question on whether the
Union should continue the annual
Homecoming parade was full of
political surprises. The c a m p u s
as a whole returned a sleepy 3980
- 2966 endorsement to Homecom-
ing, with more abstentions on this
question than any of the others.
But supporters of Thee-K e n t

JIM BEAT TIE
Executive Editor

DAVE CHUDWIN
Managing Editor

STEVE KOPPMAN Editorial Page Editor
RICK PERLOFF .. Associate Editorial Page Editor
PAT MAHONEY . .. Assistant Editorial Page Editor
LYNN WEINER Associate Managing Editor
LARRY LEMPERT Associate Managing Editor
ANITA CRONE .... .. Arts Edito-
ROBERT CONROW Books Editor
JIM JUDKIS ..., .. ...... Photography Editor
NIGHT EDITORS: Rose Sue Berstein, Mark Dilien,
Sara Fitzgerald, Tarnmy Jacobs, Jonathan Miller,
Hester Pulling, Carla Rapoport, Robert Schreiner,
W. E, Schrock,