100%

Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue

Share

Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

February 10, 1971 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1971-02-10

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

q

g4V'Ms*diigan Baily
Eighty years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan

Maynord St., Ann Arbor, Mich

News Phone: 764-0552

TC~rActaz-ff6
FPVR Rcrf!
V
62OTIN

Editorials printed in The Michigon Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al reprints.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1971 NIGHT EDITOR: LYNN WEINER
isdom of the peace march

E1J1TR Ut

{iTN-

AID FDWR TO
THE PA

DO6Tf{NW U HE WL-FIW
RQEAUCRAC'(I

CG EA' UPt 1{6

A +

w

1

PEOPLE FROM throughout Ann Arbor
will be marching this afternoon to
protest the invasion of Laos. Despite the
temptation to shrug the event off as
another in a long series of futile attempts
to achieve governmental change, the po-
tential of the march should not be ig-
nored.
In the past, anti-war rallies and
marches have generally been character-
ized by an abundance of rhetoric that
while often exciting a crowd has little
long-range benefit. The culmination in
violence of so many marches supposedly
designed to achieve social change has
had the opposite, discouraging effect. The
concern with meaningless slogans on the
one hand, and destructive acts on the
other, effectively prevented such events
from achieving more modest, yet signi-
ficant, change.
A march such as the one planned for
today can't be expected to change the
direction of a President who has chosen
to pursue military victory regardless of
public opinion or military reality. In the
light of the failure of past rallies and
marches to force more than "Vietnamiza-
tion" out of Nixon, hopes must be tem-
pered with a realistic assessment of t h e
march's practical potential.
This is where the planning meeting
Monday night was most successful.
Those present moved in a most hope-
ful direction when they achieved the
consensus that any activity should not
be a "one-shot" thing. Hopefully, t h'e
march will provide more than just an out-

let for the anger felt toward our govern-
ment, but will channel the energies of
frustration constructively.
This means a broad-based effort unit-
ing as many segments of the community
as possible against the war. Unrealistic
ideals of "worker-student alliances" and
"unity of all peaples", while not forsaken,
must be relegated to the background
while an attempt is made to simply
make more people involved.
RUT MOST of all, the march will be
promising simply by its existence af-
ter the siege of apathy that has befallen
most campuses. Dissent has been effec-
tively stifled through fear and apathy -
fear of more repressive reactions like
Kent State, and apathy stemming from
the feeling that demonstrations cannot
achieve any progress.
While planning on a non-violent march,
those involved should not ignore non-
violent civil disobedience as a means of
bringing the issues of this war to a still-
apathetic public. If planned thoroughly,
this sort of tactic should not jeopardize
their base of support.
Finally, while some at Monday's Meet-
ing were quick to advocate a student
strike, it is fortunate that this question
was tabled for later discussion. Even if
such a strike received the support of
many students, it would have no clear
direction and would divide the local peace
movement from students not wishing to
close the University.
-MARK DILLEN

(

1,

Dist. Publishers-Hall Syndicate /

-RIGHTJ ON! i.ANoK' YO. GIJ XMFJTM
ILA~ O L CM5' uMcfESSION
0f 6A.D'w.
5II4 / F -.-,
I // \\CIen iA u

4

Angela Da vis: Continuing the struggle

Opening up war research

THE AIR AND logistical support provid-
ed by U.S. forces to the continuing in-
vasion of Laos and Cambodia is another
reminder of the crucial role American
iilitary technology plays in waging war
in Asia.
And despite University administrators'
attempt to keep the subject under wraps,
scientists and engineers here are playing
an essential part in developing the wea-
pons systems that allow the United States
to participate in such military adven-
tures.
Through their $10.4 million of Defense
Department researchi, h a 1 f of which is
classified, University researchers are de-
veloping the technology needed to count-'
er guerrilla insurrections - conflicts that
don't have any frontlines.
"In ground warfare the single m o s t
serious deficiency is in our ability to find
out where the enemy is," John Foster, di-
rector of Defense Department research
and engineering ,said in an interview last
year.
It is precisely this problem that campus
war research is working on - advanced
techniques to locate and track insurgent
forces.
WHILE MANY OF the exact details are
classified, U.S. aircraft in Southeast
Asia are now using infrared sensors to
detect Communist forces at night and in
poor weather, advanced radar techniques
to track moving targets and map terrain,
and sound and vibration sensors to locate
troop movements.
Infrared sensing was developed largely
by University researchers at Willow Run
Laboratories where they are now measur-
ing the infrared characteristics of mili-
tary targets. .
Engineers at Willow Rin and the elec-
trical engineering department's Radia-
tion Laboratory are working on advanced
radars for the Air Force after having de-
veloped a side-looking radar for the mili-
tary several years ago.
Other researchers are working on
measures to protect aircraft from attack
and to reduce the vulnerability to detec-
tion of airplanes and vehicles.
THE REASON this work has been able
able to continue, according to Michael
Knox, a member of the committee which
oversees classified research, is because of
the "veil of secrecy" surrounding this ef-
fort.
After a furor over classified research in
1967, a faculty report adopted by the Re-
gents states that the University will not

agree to any contracts "which would re-
strain its freedom to disclose the purpose
and scope of the proposed research."
The report continues that this "em-
phasizes the need to malre public suffi-
cient information regarding the intent
and sphere of the proposed research in
order that its appropriateness m a y be
perceived by the entire University."
The University, however, has not even
followed its own policy in this regard.
At present, the only information avail-
able about a project is its title, principal
investigator, sponsor and dollar-value.
There is no publicly available listing of
the "purpose and scope" of such research.
History Prof. Gerhard Weinberg, Sen-
ate Assembly chairman, brought his con-
cern over this matter to the Committee
on Classified Research last semester.
The committee took action soon after on
Weinberg's request that more information
be made public, according to dental Prof.
Gerald Charbeneau, chairman of the
group.
T HF PROPOSAL, however, for summar-
ies of classified research projects now
in effect is now being blocked by Vice
President for Research A. Geoffrey Nor-
man, a long-time apologist for classified
research here who has consistently op-
posed any meaningful restrictions on
such work.
Norman claims he would be willing to
publish summaries of all research pro-
jects were it not for the cost but refuses
to "single out" classified projects. How-
ever, the faculty has already voted to sin-
gle them out by ordering a special com-
mittee to review all classified proposals.
Moreover, one can already g e t the re-
sults of unclassified projects by asking for
them.
His other objections - that there are
problems about the cost of printing such
summaries, deciding to whom they should
be distributed and w h a t their format
should be - are easily resolved.
At present researchers who wish to en-
gage in classified research must prepare
a form issued by the classified research
committee that asks for a short summary
of the project, its educational contribu-
tions, the number of students involved,
and the sponsor's objectives.
THESE SUMMARIES have been, up to
now, considered confidential by t h e
University administration. It would, how-
ever, be quite simple for Norman's office
to reproduce a f e w copies of approved
projects that anyone in t h e University
community could examine.

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first of two parts of an interview
with Angela Davis reprinted by
permission of Muhammad Speaks.
which interviewed Davis in New
York. The second part of the in-
terview will be printed later this
week.
Muhammad Speaks Canvassers
walked the streets of Harlem and
asked Black people-men and
women from a wide varietyaof
occupations as well as students and
unemployed-what would they ask
Miss Davis if they could, or what
troubled them about her case.
The questions most frequently
asked were presented to Angela
Davis by her Attorney Margaret
Burnham, who tape-recorded her
exclusive answers for Muhammad
Speaks.
A lot of the people polled by MS
expressed a desire to hear "in An-
gela's own words" exactly what
the situation is, instead of having
to rely on the "conclusions" drawn
by the daily press.
A considerable number of people
said that they had no questions to
ask and said they realized the na-
ture of her persecution but wanted
to send their wishes and expres-
sions of encouragement and soli-
darity to her. Also, similar senti-
ments were expressed by manyof
those who did propose questions.
This correspondent believes that
the questions gathered from the
streets of Harlem represent those
most being asked by Black men
and women across the country.
Miss Davis' responses are printed
here so that she can represent her-
self in a Black news medium and
clear up distortions printed in Life,
Newsweek, Time. N.Y. Times and
so forth.
THE FOLLOWING are the ques-
tions to Angela Davis from the peo-
ple of Harlem (listed in order of
frequency, the most asked question
first, etc.) and her verbatim
answers.
Why are you a Communist?
Before anything else I am a
Black woman: I dedicated my life
to thestruggle for the liberation
of Black people-my enslaved, im-
prisoned people.
I am a Communist because I am
convinced that the reason we have
been forcefully compelled to eke
out an existence at the very lowest
level of American society has to do
withthe nature of capitalism. If we
are going to rise out of our oppres-
sion, our poverty, if we are going
to cease being the targets of the
racist-minded mentality of racist
policemen, we will have to destroy
the American capitalist system. We
will have to obliterate a system in
which a few wealthy capitalists are
guaranteed the privilege of becom-
ing richer and richer, whereas the
people who are forced to work for
the rich, and especially Black peo-

ple, never take any significant step
forward.
I am a Communist because I be-
lieve that Black people, with whose
labor and blood this country was
built, have a right to a great deal
of wealth that has been hoarded in
the hands of the Hughes, the Rocke-
fellers, the Kennedys, the DuPcuts,
all the Super-powerful white capi-
talists of America.
Further I am a Communist be-
cause I believe Black men.should
not be coerced into fighting a racist
imperialist war in Southeast Asia,
where the U.S. Government is vio-

others, to escape the persecution
being waged against you?
First of all, I am sure that J.
Edgar Hoover in collusion with
Nixon and Reagan decided to make
an example of me. The FBI un-
leashed an enormous amount of
manpower in this search, much
more than they can afford to use
ordinarily. Because so much pub-
lic attention was focused on me and
my alleged participation in the
events at San Rafael, they had to
prove to their reactionary contin-
gencies that they could capture
Black revolutionaries.
HUNDREDS OF women resemb-
ling me in Black communities
across the country were arrested.
Not only were my family, friends
and political acquaintances kept
under constant surveillance but
casual friends and acquaintances,
some of whom I haven't had con-
tact with for over a decade, were
also under surveillance.
Obviously they intended to block
all paths of escape. We have to
realize that I was taken by sur-
prise. There was no way for me
to have forseen that I would be
compelled to run for my life last
August. Therefore the entire flight
had to be improvised.
It was a difficult situation with
my picture pasted up all over the
country. Furthermore. the press'
helped the FBI by doing all kinds
of articles and even cover stories
on me.
I DIDN'T ESCAPE successfully
but we should remember this-
there will continue to be frameups
such as mine and we will continue
to be forced to hide. Just because
they caught me doesn't mean that
everyone of us will be captured.
They set all their running dogs
on me. This they can afford to do
only a few times over. We must
refuse to allow them to strike ter-
ror among us, for this was obvious-
ly the intent of their actions.
Furthermore because of the in-
tensified repression we are ex-
periencing, we have to begin to talk
about creating a viable apparatus
to allow Black freedom fighters
sought for by the policento remain
in this country and remain active
in the Black liberation struggle.
There has been much talk that
you are being used by the Com-
munists. Is it in any way possible
that this is so?
Any vicious propaganda to the
effect that I am being used by
Communists can only have been
initiated by the enemies of our
struggle.
Therehave been rumors that be-
cause the Communist Party has
come to my defense, this means
that they are exploiting me and
further indicates that perhaps the
party had something to do with my
capture.
Anyone who believes such flag-

rant lies has been terribly deceiv-
ed by the Nixon-Reagan clique, for
they are the ones who devise such
underhanded methods of question-
ing our struggle.
I AM A BLACK woman Com-
munist. The corrupt government of
this country could not accept such
a combination. This is why they
use the events at San Rafael to'
launch an effort to murder me. As
a member of the Communist Party,
it was incumbent on the party to
come to my defense.
Furthermore, through me the
government is attempting to fur-
ther attack and terrorize Black
people, as they have done in the
case of George Jackson, Huey
Newton, Bobby Seale, Ericka
Huggins, and I could go on and on.
Therefore Black people have to
begin to talk about rising up not
only in the defense of political pri-
soners but in their own defense.
Despite "all that has fallen on you,
do you still feel as strongly about
the Black cause?
There is absolutely nothing which
could deter me from continuing to
fight with all my energies for the
freedom of my people. There is no
need for me to cry because I have
been captured but there is all the
more reason to be strong and keep
fighting.
During the time I was participat-
ing in the efforts to free the Sole-

Committees have been organiz-
ed all across the country, in fact
throughout the world, to force the
government to set me free. Dem-
onstrations, petition campaigns,
massive literature campaigns have
already been developed. There is a
whole host of activities in which
people can involve themselves.I1
would suggest that those who are
interested, should contact the New
York Committee to Free Angela
Davis, 29 W. 15th St., N.Y.C., or
Black Women for the Freedom of
Angela Davis, 361 West 125th St.,
N.Y.C., or the United National
Committee to Free Angela Davis,
4350 43rd Street, Los Angeles, Cali-
fornia.
I think it is important to link up
the struggle for my freedom with
the fight to free other Black pqiti-
cal prisoners . . . I maintain that
the fight should call for the free-
dom of all Black men and women.
For few of us have received fair
trials. We certainly have, not been
judged by juries from among our
peers.
EVEN IF I am eventually al-
lowed to leave the dungeon, I will
not consider myself free. My free-
dom will-become a reality when we
as a people have destroyed our
enemies, when we Black people
have broken the yokes of our op-
pression and can freely erect a
society which reflects our needs
and our dreams. I will not be free
until all Black people are free.
Have you ever had any doubt
since you became a Communist
about their ability' to help black
people?
The Communist Party recognizes
that Black people not only consti-
tute the most oppressed collection
of people in the United States but
also that we are the product of the
most militant tradition of resist-
ance within the confines of this
country. Therefore we as Black
people are the natural leadersBof a
revolution which must ultimately
overthrow the American ruling
class, thus freeing the masses of
the American people. Black people
must free themselves.
WE REALIZE in our struggle
that racism in this country is all
perversave. This we learned in the
experiences we encountered during
the civil right ,era in which many
well-meaning whites 'unconsciously ai
perpetuated racism by taking the
patronizing posture that they must
"help us" Black people, which
meant to assist us in the futile task
of integrating ourselves into a
dying culture.
The Communist Party acknowl-
edges the need for white people to
accept the leadership of Blacks, es-
pecially white workers. If they are
to free themselves of their chains,
they must realize that first and
foremost they m u s t struggle
a g a i n s t all manifestations of
racism.

lently denying a non-white people
the right to control their own lives,
just as they violently suppressed us
for hundreds of years.
MY DECISION to join the Che-
Lumumba Club, a militant, all-
Black collective of the Communist
Party, flowed directly from my be-
lief that the only path of liberatios
for Black people is the one which
leads towards the complete and
total overthrow of the' capitalist
class and all its various instru-
ments of suppression. ,
The Che-Lumumba Club is con-
cerned with thertask of organizing
Black people around their imme-
diate needs but at the same time
of creating an army of freedom
fighters which will overthrow our
enemies. We realize that in order
to accomplish this latter goal we
must work in harmony with the
progressive forces of white Ameri-
ca who have seen the nature of the
beast.
Why didn't you use the "Under-
ground Railroad," like Robert Wil-
liams and Eldridge Cleaver and

dad Brothers, I continually warned
that any one of us could be set up
as the next target of the govern-
ment's policy of repression of
Black revolutionaries.
Many among us are locked in the
dungeons across the country.
Ninety-five per cent of us here in
the N.Y.C. Women's House of De-
tention are Black and Puerto Ri-
can. I am with my people and we
are going to continue to fight inside
the dungeon.
how can ordinary people help
you in your fight?

Letters to the Daily: Profit business at U' cellar?

To the Daily:
THE UNIVERSITY CELLAR is
incorporated as a strictly non-pro-
fit business, set up for the benefit
of the community. Funds we r e
contributed by the students, total-
ling about $140,000 for supporting
this function.
Now, inside the U. Cellar The
Indian Paint Brush, a retail flower
shop, is in the process of setting
up for business. The business is
based soley on profit. This is op-
posite to the purpose of the U.
Cellar. The Indian Paint Brush is
in no way part of the U. Cellar.
It is owned an d operated by a
non-student independent l o c a l
businessman.
Some facts:
-U. Cellar is separate from the

nessmen. Agreements were made
selectively and not publicized.
-The legality of a retail pro-
fiteering business on n o n-profit
corporation property has not been
investigated or publicized.
Sure flowers are nice and will
probably be cheaper there than at
other flower shops around town.
This is because the Indian Paint
Brush has many business advan-
tages over its competitors as a re-
sult ofrprofiteering in a non-pro-
fit store which is frequented by
the community with good inten-
tions.
If you feel that there is a cer-
tain amount of injustice being
carried on in your store, you can
stop it by taking one minute and
telling the manager of the Cellar
that you do not w a n t a profit

specific issues relating to RC rais-
ed in the aforementioned letter.
My concern lies with t h e final
paragraph of the letter. I quote,
"And all t he RC upper-middle
class, suburban, OFTEN JEWISH,
mass egalitarian "radicals," who
are so outraged at the world's in-
equalities, had better look at
home first." (Emphasis is my
own.)
Undoubtedly, there are Jews as
well as members of other ethnic
and radical groups that are upper-
middle class, suburban, m a s s
egalitarians and radicals. While I
do not personally believe that such
characterizations are derogatory,
I do believe that it was Mr. Scott's
intent to create a derogatory con-
text.nFurthermore, I fail to see the
relevancy of religion in a discus-

tions would be inexhaustible. It is
important to note thatuthroughout
history, statements such as Mr.
Scott's have come just a step be-
hind the rebirth of the usage of
terms s u c h as "kike," "nigger,"
"wop," etc.
Hopefully such tactics went out
with brown shirts, goose steps and
cries of "sieg heil." Such gross in-
sults have repeatedly destroyed
unity amongst all people and have
thereby greatly inhibited progress
in the areas of civil rights and
freedom of religion.
On behalf of myself, the Jewisn
community and the community at
large, I demand an immediate
apology for Mr. Scott's blatant
appeal to anti-semitism in partic-
ular and prejudice in general.
I would suggest Mr. Scott, that

nine devotion to the U.N. Con-
vention on Continental Shelf and
his persistence in invoking it in
the Tiao Yu Tai islands dispute
deserves a U.N. medal for Peace,
American Style.
(1) The Tao Yu Tai islands in-
cidents must not be viewed in its
narrow perspective as an oil
scramble, and territorial dispute
involving but two parties. It is ad
political issue involving two other
parties: the People's Republic of
China and the U.S. in a tangle to
determine whether the Nixon ob-
session for the containment of
People's China is to be continued,
and hence the American people
will have to take its consequences.*
(2) The transposition of t h e
strategic islands to Japanese con-
trol including the Liu Chiu islands
where the American base. Okin-

Back to Top

© 2020 Regents of the University of Michigan