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FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1972
NIGHT EDITOR: PAT BAUERI
ROTC: Eating up our money,
AT THE HEIGHT of anti-military en-
thusiasm in 1969, demonstrators at
North Hall may have believed optimis-
tically that ROTC was about to be exiled
from the University.
Today, two years after a clear Senate
Advisory Committee on University Af-
fairs (SACUA) mandate for extensive
cutbacks, the University is still provid-
ing Army, Navy, and Air Force units
here with $89,000 worth of supportive
services and $100,000 to $200,000 in rent-
free building space annually.
The presence of ROTC on a university
campus is completely inappropriate. The
fact that the University is willing to sup-
port ROTC while such projects as the
Center for Conflict Resolution are drop-
ped for lack of funds in an indication of
the deep ties between the government
and the University which compromise
University' integrity in its deliberations
on ROTC.
ROTC does much of its recruitment by
virtue of being able to offer lucrative
scholarships to students who need money
to get through college. However, upon
receipt of scholarship funds, the re-
crutee must immediately enlist in the
reserves.
After graduation from college he must
serve approximately four years of active
duty as an officer.
ROTC is in effect a military recruit-
ment agency. The training given future
officers here is so negligible that two
years of participation in ROTC classes
can be 'made up by attendance of a six
week summer Basic Camp.
'BE ARGUMENT that ROTC should be
granted a shot at the University
student on the principle of academic
freedom ignores the necessary influence
of a military organization on an aca-
demic institution.
Education is not and cannot be a neu-
tral activity. The University is committed
to the pursuit of truth through know-
ledge. The pursuit of truth is necessarily
a moral activity. The elimination of any
program teaching killing is essential if
the University is to educate morally.
The desire for civilian control of the
military leads some to ask for continu-
ation of ROTC on campus. However, it
seems immaterial whether officers kill
with a college degree or without; the
military establishment has yet to change
despite the rising level of national edu-
cation.
The idea that the University might be
able to exert good influence on the ROTC
program has been proved wrong by the
inability of University negotiators to
wring from the Department of Defense
any but the most insignificant changes
in ROTC contract arrangements.
rIHE TERRIFIC delay in University ac-
tion on SACUA's anti-ROTC recom-
mendations illustrates a sinister trend in
campus politics. It is part of the slow
revelation the past two years have of-
fered of the total ability of the Univer-
sity administration to drown all move-
ment for change in bureaucratic passive
resistance.
It should be no surprise that the Uni-
versity is slow to break ties with ROTC.
The SACUA debate on the status of
ROTC was accompanied by a number of
significant events:
-The state legislature passed a reso-
lution warning that it favored the con-
tinuation of ROTC at the University. Im-
plicit in the resolution was a threat of
funding cutbacks if ROTC should be
eliminated here.
-University alumni, important to the
University for financial contributions,
expressed their support of the ROTC
program.
-A House subcommittee suggested
that ROTC be removed from the Ivy
league colleges on the grounds that Ivy
League recruiting for career officers was
unproductive. Along with the removal
of ROTC was recommended the with-
drawal of all defense funds from the
schools involved-including grants for
government research, an important part
of any large university's budget.
JT IS OBVIOUS that ROTC is merely
a visible extremity of a tight mesh
of ties between the University and gov-
ernment, and all the seats of power in
the country.
The University can never call itself a
true educational institution until it is
free of the influence of outside govern-
ment or industrial organizations like
ROTC.
--REBECCA WARNER
By MIKE SLAUGHTER
By a stroke of good fortune,
the Daily was able to assemble
the presidential candidates for
the following group discussion.
PRESIDENT NIXON: In this,
the greatest interview in history
ever granted to a major midwest-
ern college newspaper whose init-
ials are M.D., let me say, uh, how
nice it is to be with you today.
We also have a number of my
fine colleagues in the government
present, who happen to be wor-
thy opponents of me, The Pres-
ident ... and who have assembled
here Just for more instant analysis
and carping criticism, to give sup-
port to those nattering nabobs
of negativism - in this country -
oh, pardon me, someone else I
know is supposed to say that. But
you know, uh, it has been hinted
that you wouldn't want to buy a
used car from me. Well, my fel-
low Americans, I don't want to
sell you a used car . . . I want
to sell you a NEW car, a n e w
house, a new refrigerator, some
new furniture, ANYTHING! Just
so you buy it before November.
REP. "PETE" McCLOSKEY: I
think we've just beard more of
the same old bunch of double-talk
from 'the President that we've
heard for years. It's time we
ended the crisis of credibility, and
you can't help but believe me be-
cause I tilt my head down and
look up intensely toward you like
Frank Church and Ralph Nader.
MAYOR SAM YORTY: Well,
I...
MAYOR JOHN LINDSAY: Yes,
and let's talk about how I've seen
cities decaying from the inside,
with strikes vitiating local serv-
ices for the back and the poor who
need them most. Let's NOT talk
about how I've administered a city
decaying from the inside, w i t h
strikes vitiating local services .
SEN. HENRY JACKSON: I'm
concerned about social needs, too,
but we can't let our defense spend-
ing deteriorate to nothing as it is
now. If I were President, I'd lo-
cate all new defense plants in the
inner cities so the poor can work
themselves out of their plight
making guns, bombs, and missiles.
GOV. GEORGE WALLACE:
That's a great idea Senator, but
I wanna say to the sniggering
pointy-headed liberals and report-
ers who're always twistin' my
words, that I'm not opposed to
busin' in every form. With these
inner city defense plants, we gotta,
bring in the white supervisors
from the suburbs somehow.
SEN. "TED" KENNEDY: It's
shameful what's been said by, uh,
some people here, because solving
uh, this country's problems re-
quires a man who will, uh, take
charge on his own and think for
himself. However, as has been
made clear in the past, my aides
have told me, I mean I have
decided not, uh, to be a candi-
date.
REP. SHIRLEY CHISHOLM:
Senator, the last person this coun-
try needs in the White House is
another man. And I'm a black and
proud woman running had to reach
the 60 per cent of the people I
represent to put some human val-
ues in the national administra-
tion.
SEN. G E O R G E McGOVERN:
We most assuredly need those
views on human values badly, but
I must say we've gotten some
new views in a hurry on a certain
issue that begins with V, and it
isn't victory, that we didn't have
before.
SEN. HUBERT HUMPHREY:
Well, I'd rather talk about how
when I look across this great coun-
try of ours, with its swift rivers
flowing past the bustling centers
of commerce and culture nestled
in green valleys set against blue
skies streaked with gleaming air-
craft carrying their passengers
across this great country of ours,
with its swift rivers flowing past
the bustling.-
SEN. EDMUND MUSKIE: I
don't know what your point was,
Hubert, but I'm reasonably sure
I think there are fourteen, ways of
looking at it. Although keeping my
jaw squared and face set like the
craggy Maine coastline makes it
pretty hard to open my mouth
and say the first way.
REP. JOHN ASHBROOK: With
the whole country unAmerican and
the President breaking all his
promises, other genuine free en-
terprisers are difficult to find. So
let me take this opportunity to an-
nounce my running mate - a
computer programmed to sim-
ulate Calvin Coolidge.
SEN. VANCE HARTKE: May I
remind you again, my name is
Hartke, H-A-R-T-K-E, and I pre-
fer not to be called Landslide
Vance.
REP. WILBUR MILLS: All I've
got to say is that anyone from
Xensett, Arkansas, can't r be all
bad.
EUGENE McCARTHY:
As the desperate February
snows swirl again
Round well-remembered No*
Hampshire town squares,
I start to rise, I sit, I rise, I st
Smugly. I'd much rather writs : . ~./
poetry.
Mike Slaughter is a first
year law student and a fre-
quent contributor to this page.
Letters to The Daily should.
be mailed to the Editorial Di-
rector or delivered to M a r
Rafferty in the Student Pub-'
lications business office in the
Michigan Daily building. Let-
ters whould be typed, double-
spaced and normally should
not exceed 250 words. The
Editorial Directors reserve the
right to edit all letters sub-
mitted. "ANY NE from Kensett, Arkansas can't be all bad."
4
Letters to The Dailv
Dow layoffs
To The Daily:
AS ONE of about 100 competent
people being laid off at Dow Corn-
ing Corporation's Hemlock, Michi-
gan site this month, I feel it is
my duty to forewarn any stu-
dents who might plan to interview
with Dow-Corning. The picture I
present here is considerably gloom-
ier than that which our recruiters
will give you, but my story has
one redeeming trait. It is true.
Dow Corning, like many other
companies with short-sighted
management, over-hires people
when business is good. Conse-
quently, when a company's b a d
management turns the poor Amer-
ican economic condition into an
even worse- situation, this company
is the first to start laying off peo-
ple.
I am lucky because I could for-
see the trend two years ago when
I was hired. I also got a month's
warning of the exact date of my
dismissal.
Last year, Dow Corning had a
massive purge of about 60 re-
search chemists in Midland. Many
of them had 10 years or more with
the company. They were told in the
morning that their employment
would be terminated at 4:30 P.M.
that day.
Before you go for an interview,
consider whether you want to be
a part of this kind of corporation.
You will probably still accept any
job offer you get (I would too).
But maybe you won't plan on
owning a $4,000 car and a $30,000
home because now you know that
in two years you might be re-
placed by a freshly-recruited, un-
knowing, college-educated victim.
Then you, too, will be writing let-
ters to college newspapers.
Above all, keep in mind that the
job for which you are interviewing
probably does not exist. I have
been told that my background does
not qualify me for any position in
the corporation, even though the
company is interviewing BS chem-
ists!
May you have better luck in
finding employment than I had.
-Kay Lane
Dow Corning Corporation
Electrical Engineer and
Chemist
Feb. 4
To The Daily:
THE ARTICLE published in to-
day's issue on the Commission for
Women has caused me grave con-
cern.
Ms. Zoslaw indicates the Com-
mission for Women as the sole
author, of reports presented to the
Commission on February 9, 1972.
This is not correct.
The Final Affirmative A c t i o n
Review reports were completed
by women throughout the 'Univer-
sity community under the immed-
iate supervision of the Cluster Co-
ordinating Committee. The time,
energy and thought required to
bring these reports and recom-
mendations to fruition made it im-
possible for the Commission itself
to undertake the task.
Members of the Cluster Commit-
tees, NOT Commission members,
must be given full recognition for
their superior service to both the
Commission for Women and t h e
University.
-Virginia Davis Nordin
Chairwoman
Commission for Women
Feb. 10
16
iiscrimia tion:
The big doit best
NiXon: Coming up absurd
7HE PRESIDENT of the United States
again Wednesday gave proof of his
inflated view of himself and his posi-
tion.
The unbelievable arrogance of a man
who presumes to give a "State of the
World" address, the gall of "challenging"
the Soviet Union to decide whether they
want to take serious steps towards peace,
is incredible.
Nixon also said in his speech, "for our
part, we are committed to new relation-
ships."
If these statements came from any-
one else they would be treated as a joke
-since they came from Nixon they must
be analyzed more carefully.
HE "NEW RELATIONSHIPS" we are
committed to might be none other
than continuing our support for the re-
pressive Pakistani government in sup-
pressing the people of Bangladesh in
their drive for independence.
Or perhaps he is referring to his stun-
ning offer for South Vietnam's President
Nguyen Van Thieu to resign one month
before new elections, never admitting
that Thieu most likely would not have
been President if there had been a fair
election in the first place.
Nixon also said that "peace in the
world requires that we exchange views,
not so much despite our differences as
because of them." Apparently he means
this in a very selective sense.
He refuses to recognize Bangladesh.
He has yet to acknowledge the existence
of that little island off the Florida coast
-Cuba. But the statement sounds good
when you are talking about China, the
new vote getter for 1972.I
It seems a bit presumptious for Nixon
to lay the whole decision of international
relationships on the Soviets and flatly
say "The USSR has the choice" to im-
prove relations or to escalate the antago-
nism.
OUR ACTIONS have demonstrated our
seriousness", said Richard Nixon. Our
seriousness towards what is the ques-
tion.
--PAUL TRAVIS
Williatn G. Shepherd is an
economics professor at the
University and author of
"Market Power and Economic
Welfare." This article was
prepared in conjunction with
Sharon Levin and was deliv-
ered as testimony before the-
U.S. Senate Subcommittee on
Antitrust and Monopoly last'
mn th.
By WILLIAM G. SHEPHERD
I have been asked to discuss
what we know about job discrimi-
nation by business firms, espec-
ially those large ones which would
be affected by a program of in-
dustrial deconcentration. It is
logical to expect companies with
market power to discriminate
more sharply against blacks, wo-
men and other minority groups
than do competitive firms and
society in general. Public-spirited
firms which risk stockholder dis-
approval to take "affirmative ac-
tion" are bound to be the ex-.
ception.
It is equally clear that large
firms - especially in industry, fi-
nance, and utilties - have the
scope and resources to reduce the
national problem of employment
discrimination drastically, if only
they would do it, or could be in-
duced or made to do it.
What are the prospects? Will
reducing concentration h'e I p?
What else needs to be done? We
are only beginning to get reliable
answers. I will sum up some of
them today omitting footnotes
and fine points.
This country has been remark-
ably late in gathering the facts
of the matter; only since 1966 has
the Equal Employment Opportun-
ity Commission had full reports
from companies. Strange though
it may seem, these reports are
secret under Census rules.
Yet the relegation of blacks to
inferior jobs has been well
known. The exclusion of Jews
from the upper management of
most industrial firms has been
evident. That women are kept pri-
marily in menial "women's" jobs
has been known for generations.
Since 1966 things have come
into slightly clearer focus, mainly
via E.E.O.C. studies. We know
more about where discrimination
is sharpest, by industry, job type,
and location, but not by compa-
nies or plants. Thus, blacks are
virtually absent from white - col-
lar jobs in mining, lumbering, pa-
per, oil, metal products, inter-
city transport, pipelines, and fi-
nance. _ Their white-collar. par-
ticipation rates are lower in large
firms than in the rest of the econ-
omy.
The Bell System appears to
have especially rigid barriers. The
hiring by some firms Of small ar-
mies of black blue-collar workers
says virtually nothing about true
equality of opportunity in such
companies.
PubliC policies which might at-
tack discrimination -- via gov-
ernment contracting, utility regu-
lation, or giving the E.E.O.C. even
minimal enforcement powers -
have been weak or empty.
Public financial support for
black businesses has been slender
and outside the mainstream of
U.S. business. Virtually nothing
has been done via financial mar-
kets. And since company data
on minority employment are kept
hidden, there is not even the gen-
tle light of public knowledge on
this dark corner.
There have been strong hints
that market power does sharpen
discrimination against blacks,
from studies by Gary Becker, my-
self, and now William Comanor.
But we lack precision about the
specific influences at work, and
there are! other minorities too.
Which factors should policy fo-
cus on? Dominant firms? Produc-
er - goods industries? Firms
which already have high minority
rates in blue-collar jobs? We
know that big business is now a
white man's game. In which spe-
cific parts, if at all, are there
hopes for opening that game up?
My latest research gives some
answers. It uses E.E.O.C. data
from about 270 of the largest in-
dustrial, banking and utility firms
during 1966-70. With this it ex-
plores why some of them hire
blacks or women .at much higher
rates than do other firms. The
share of minorities in upper
white-collar jobs - officials and
managers, professionals and tech-
nicians - are taken as the test of
openness of company hiring poli-
cies. I can discuss, of course, only
general patterns, not specific
firms.
As a group, big industrial firms
are token employers of blacks and
women in positions of responsi-
bility. In 1966, a great many of
these had literally no male blacks
or women at all in the "good"
jobs. By 1970, nearly all had somf
male blacks, and the average
rates had nearlystripled. This
shows that big rises are entirely
possible. But it still amounts to
tokenism, with male blacks at Just
over 1 percent. Many black "man-
agers" are far down the line,
managing other blacks. If all the
230 firms were as open as the best*
10 (whose rates fare not very
high), the national volume of ex-
ecutive hiring of blacks would
have been up by 42 per cent. The
1966-70 rise will have to con-
tinue unabated for more than 40
years before it reaches the present
population share of blacks.
For women, the picture is
bleaker. They are present in the
labor force at triple the rate of
black males, 'and are not less
well trained on the whole. Yet
there are even less of them as
managers in big businesses than
black males. Their role in large
firms actually dwindled during
1966-70; it is far less thanin
the nation as a whole. Their
higher shares in banks and utili-
ties are mainly illusory: most are
at lower levels, supervising other
women.
The main lesson here is that
blacks and women are at token
levels of participation now in big
business, far below what is de-
sirable and possible. Prospects for
equal opportunity are a matter
for the future, at least decades
for blacks, probably never - I
repeat - never for .women. Tok-
enism, after all, takes care of the
main external pressure: the need
to have some minority members
around. What real constraint or
incentive will there be to go be-
yond a token sprinkling?
Yet big rapid changes CAN oc-
cur, where there is motivation.
The resources are there and the
supply of minority job candidates
is typically quite adequate. For
most firms, 'what apparently is
needed is external pressure, en-
forcement, or specific incentives.
Voluntarism apparently l ead s
most large enterprises only to
tokenism. It is logical, apd it is
the fact.
There seem to be several policy
lessons in all this. Competition is
an important general discipline
against racial and sex prejudices
and barriers. So a program to in-
crease competition in a series of
major industries would add to
fairness, opportunity and social
cohesion, as well as to economic
efficiency. Producer - goods in-
dustries especially offer- much
room for improvement. My analy-
sis singles out others, whose
names of course I cannot give.
Yet greater competition alone
will not quickly solve the prob-
lem. Specific enforcement and in-
centives will also be needed. J. K.
Galbraith and Lester Thurow
have proposed that firms be re-
quired to meet, specific targets.
In addition, the E.E.O.C. should
at long last be given powers of
enforcement. At present its enor-
mous task, thin resources, and
empty powers add up to a cruel
and harmfulmockery. The hiding
of discrimination data under an-
cient Census secrecy rules should
be stopped.
It is inexcusable to suppress da-
ta suffused with the public inter-
est whose release would harm no
valid business interest. They are
probably as important to nation-
al purpose as the Pentagon Pa-
pers. A reallyhdirect program
would make firms pay for their
discrimination, in proportion to
the social cost it inflicts.
My studies show how much
each .firm falls below reasonable
target levels for minority em-
ployment. all things considered.
This gap could be taxed and the
funds used to train minority man-
agers. A program of this sort
would be self-terminating and
would. like no other, apply direct
nomicincentive and generate
i
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IpII --
Portugal: Last gasp for colonialism
By ZACHARY SCHILLER
"THE ROLE played by the U n i t e d
States in supplying arms against us
is no less hateful than its role in Indo-
china."
The man speaking is Pascal Luvalo, a
representative of the Popular Movement
for the Liberation of Angola. The army
he fights with has been struggling for
over a decade against 55,000 Portuguese
troops in order to change that country's
status from an 'overseas territory' to an
independent nation.
va+mn+ dari-ae .rp i,Wme.r +h+t
population of over half a million.
Medical conditions were equally bleak:
there were but two hospitals, with beds
for only 300. In some regions, four out of
five children died as infants.
The native population existed on sub-
sistence agriculture, and no alternative
seemed imminent.
THESE CONDITIONS are certainly ones
that will spawn resistance, and such a
movement developed in the form of the
African Party for the Independence of
(Iiinp si. a na Vrde1 (PAITGCm in nortu-
of the countryside while trying to improve
living conditions in the areas under their
control.
WHY HAVE the Portuguese stubbornly
continued fighting in Guinea while other
European countries have granted inde-
pendence to 33 African states?
Most observers tie the Portuguese policy
in Guinea to their two other larger colonies
in Southern Africa. Receiving 40 per cent
of Portugal's exports, as well as contain-
ing valuable resources, Angola and Mozam-
hinu s aAnmica1y imnortant to the
guerrillas say, because they obtain their
weapons through the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, with many of these weapons
coming from the United States.
AMERICAN OFFICIALS have vehement-
ly denied this, but figures on military aid
to Portugal are not forthcoming. Amid the
jumble of statistics, it is impossible to
ascertain anything.
However, what is certain is that the mo-
dern weaponry used by Portugal in its
African warfare did not come from that
pr.nmial a P-nw.rd rmnlnn1isal1nnm.r_
10
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