Flemi
(Continued from Page 1)
niething of a return of student
terest in political issues. The most
ominent example of the rekindled
litical activism which dominated
3lege life in the sixties has been the
uth Africa issue.
Although concern over the
ppression of human rights in South
ica began with church groups about
,years ago last year it was the
Est issue on college campus since
Vietnam war.
ON THIS campus, the South African
te has been an issue since the early
ties when the Students for a
4ocratic Society (SDS) first
anized a protest. But it is in the
enties that the issue blossomed. The
iversity has been under great
dent pressure to sell all investments
s in corporations with financial ties
South Africa.
Fleming has taken a very complacent
le in the South African issue. Last
ar he reinitiated a committee of
.ients, faculty members and
ministrators to facilitate discussion
the issue. Here, as throughout his
rtger, Fleming relied upon discussion,
amechanism to mediate the issue.
The divestiture issue culminated last
r in a 300-student demonstration on
e Diag on the day of the Regents'
6eting in March. Although a 300-
.Went demonstration may seem small
then compared to the 2,000-student
ofest during the bookstore strike and
hers, it must be viewed as significant
Ight of the apathy of the immediate
ost-war years.
DESPITE the showing, the Regents
,~d on that spring day not to sell
avestments in corporations with South
frican holdings. Fleming from the
eginning, supported the decision
nally achieved by the Regents. The
card, and especially Fleming, have
peatedly stated their disgust with the
auth African apartheid system.
But if there has been one thread
hich has strung together Fleming's 11
ears - from the anti-Vietnam war
rotest to the South African issue today
it has been his staunch view that "the
niversity as a corporation should not
ike a stand on a moral issue." He first
iid that in 1967, and has repeated it
any times since, including last spring
reference to divestiture.
Another issue which has stirred some
dent protest, although not vocal as
et, has been CIA covert recruiting on
ampus. In 1976 students voted nearly
vo to one to allow the CIA and the
ational Security Agency (NSA) to
cruit overtly on campus. But as a
sult of the Freedom of Information
Pt requests evidence has arisen which
dicates the CIA has used University
rofessors to recruit covertly students
r the agency's clandestine service.
THE CIA documents show that pro-
ssors were asked to "spot" likely can-
idates for agency employ. The stu-
ents would be investigated by the CIA
ndO then approached with a job offer.
idever, the students "spotted" would
eyer know they were being considered
y-the agency for employment.

Sg: Theo
FLeming has taken a noh-committal
stance on the subject. He has said that
he was not "sensitive" to the issue and
that it was basically a problem for
faculty consideration. In contrast to
Fleming's inaction on the subject,
Harvard University President Derek
Bok told a Senate committee this
summer that she supported the
prohibition of such covert recruitment
in the Harvard guidelines.
Bok said universities need such
guidelines to prohibit CIA operational
activities on college campuses where it
is necessary to have "trust and candor
to promote the free and open exchange.
of ideas and information essential to
inquiry and learning."
WHY FLEMING is "insensitive" to
the CIA activities on this campus is not
clear. But his inactivity has slowed the
process for establishing guidelines and
given support to those faculty members
who do not want guidelines with respect
to intelligence agencies on this campus.
During the 11 years of Robben

end of an era

Fleming, the campus has undergone
immense change. From the radicalism
of the sixties to the relative
complacency of the post-war years, thisy
campus has been a focal point of
attention, and through it all, Fleming
has remained the easy-going moderate
he was at the outset.
When he arrived in 1967, the most
important issue to the University
community was campus unrest, and
Fleming made reaching the students
his top priority. He talked with
protesters, bailed them out of jail, and
even took sides with the Regents on
several occasions.
ALTHOUGH he was certainly not
unilaterally pro-student, he exhibited
greater understanding and sensitivity
toward student views than most of his
fellow university presidents during that
turbulent era.
But in the seventiess, the University's
greatest concern was fiscal
management, in light of funding cuts
from the state, so Fleming effectively

shifted his priorities. He has managed
to maintain the University's quality
and reputation, albeit at the cost of
massive tuition increases and an
austere labor policy.
Throughout his 11 years he was open
to student opinion, but on most
important issues, he remained
staunchly establishment. As Fleming
has often said, "It doesn't cost anything
to listen." Still, he is a man of personal
integrity who often earned the respect
even of those who opposed him.
He came to a university on the verge
of explosion, and guided the campus to
the relative calm of the seventies -
which he would probably call his
greatest achievement.

The Michigan Daily-Sunday, September 17, 1978-Page 9
1J A vb~u atIV 3
is more than just an ordinary paper.
It comes complete with all the inside
ministrative decisions to fraternity tcIue
antics you can count on the Daily to
keep you informed. LOADItIG,
OTIG,r
-CALL 764-0558 to order your
in expensive($3.50 per session)
summer subscription immediately.

Nicaraguan rebels blast Carter

SAN JOSE, Costa Rica (AP) - Four
of the "Group of 12" Nicaraguan
dissidents trying to topple the Somoza
government accuse President Carter of
maintaining silence on the "genocide"
in Nacaragua and say this makes him
guilty of complicity in the bloodshed
there.
"Carter has not opened his mouth in
the Nicaragua case although he waves
a flag of defending human rights," said
opposition pblitician Carlos Gutierrez
Sotelo, one of the four interviewed. "His
silence has become complicity with
Somoza."
ANOTHER of the group, the Rev.
Ernesto Cardenal, a Roman Catholic
priest and member of the Sandinista
National Liberation Front, said Carter
faces a choie: "Either he continues
supporting Sofnoza or he understands
that this is the struggle of a people
totally united against a dictator."
The State Department has issued
urgent appeals to President Anastasio
Somoza to consent to mediation of the
bloody conflict between his troops and
the broad-based opposition.
But the Group of 12, a San Jose-based
alliance of intellectuals, professionals
and clergymen, wants the United States
to help directly in ending four decades
of Somoza family rule in Nicaragua.

"I DON'T understand why the U.S.
doesn't withdraw its aid" from Somoza,
said Cardenal. Before the current
crisis, the Carter administration
suspended military assistance to the
Managua government, but it has
continued general economic aid.
The Sandinistas, leading the armed
uprising in Nicaragua, have asked the
Group of 12 to form a provisional
government if Somoza is'deposed.
The man considered the likely head of
such a government, Carlos Tunner-
man, asked: "I wonder if Carter would
repeat his letter congratulating
Somoza ... or if he would feel it is time
to retract it and take back his
congratulation."

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