Tage 4-Thursday, December 7, 1978-The Michigan Daily 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, MI 48109 Eighty-Nine Years ofEditoridlFreedom The meaning of gay rights Vol. LXXXIX, No.75 News Phone: 764-0552 Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan Court slights Constitution The defeat of the Briggs Initiative in California makes it possible to consider the question of gay rights without a seige of mentality. Named for its author, conservative State Senator John Briggs, the state-wide ballot proposal would have forced California school boards to fire teachers who engaged in homosexual activity, even when totally divorced from the school setting. Teachers, who regardless of their sexual preferences, merely suggested in public that homosexuality could be a "positive lifestyle" also faced dismissal under this proposal. it was, the right to relate to' people of either sex as you authentically felt toward them, and the right not to be defined by the social expectations connected with your gender, in dress, mannerism or taste. It was not by change that these rights were advocated by people who fell toward the homosexual end of the scale and whose behaviorhwasviewed as less acceptable for their sex. BY JOHN ELLIS situation against which gay' liberation originally rebelled. BEFORE IF you were male or" female you were expected to treat people accordingly; now, if you are gay or straight your behaviors are thus prescribed. Many people don't fit the categories, and they certainly may not fit them in any individual encounter. Even more tragic is the loss of >m HE UNITED STATES Supreme ,T Court handed down a 5-4 decision Tuesday that significantly abridges the right of citizens to be free from unreasonable searches by police officers while traveling in an automobile.: Imagine for a moment you are driving your friend's car and a police officer pulls you over and alleges that you were speeding. Because of the Court's decision Tuesday in Rakas vs. MIllinois the police officer can search fyour car, and any contraband he er she discovers is legally admissable at a trial. Before the decision, law and legal precedents gave any occupant of an automobile the right to challenge the admissibility of evidence seized on the ground that the search had been unconstitutional. Justice William Rehnquist, writing the opinion for the majority of the court, said precedents created "too broad a guage" because they could allow a "casual visitor" to object to the search of a house he had legitimately entered only a minute before the search began. Justice Rehnquist added, that the key test should be whether someone has a "legitimate expectation of pri- vacy." Justice Rehnquist did not, however, clear up this obsequious phrase. However, Justice Lewis Powell said in a concurring opinion that ownership would play an important role in the citizen's right to exercise constraints against police forces. "Property rights reflect society's explicit recognition of a person's authority to act as he wishes in certain areas," Justice Powell wrote, "and therefore should be considered in determining whether an individual's expectations of privacy are reasonable." Although Justices Powell and Rehnquist suggested that the distinction they made in Tuesday's decision would not necessarily apply to searches of houses or apartments, where the "traditional expectation of, privacy" is higher than in a car,{ Rhenquist specifically mentioned house searches in explaining why the former definition had been too broad. The decision is a blatant abridgement of a citizen's right to refuse to submit to police searches and to object to the admission at trial of evidence -obtained illegally by police searches. The decision overturns an earlier precedent, in Jones vs. U.S., 1960, that extended the right of challenge to "anyone legitimately on the premises where a search occurs." In Tuesday's decision the Court clearly opens the way for unreasonable searches anytime a car has more than one occupant, or possibly, and the Court does not make this clear, when the owner of a house is not at home but a friend happens to be in the house. The Court made an enormous error in leaving the latter precedent in a fog of unclear jurisprudence. The court has pegged a potential defendent's civil rights on the question of his ownership of the property searched, ignoring the fact that as citizens they are also free from unreasonable searches. The Fourth Amendment says specifically that, "The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses; papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures; shall not be violated. .. The court's decision in Rakas vs. Illinois is a significant, repressive abridgement of a citizen's civil rights. It was handed down by a court that often goes too far in its ignorance of the meaning of the Fourth Amendment. CALIFORNIA voters rejected the Briggs Initiative by a 58 to 42 margin in November. On the same day in Seattle, voters refused to repeal a gay rights ordinance by over 60 per cent. These votes mark the first time that gay rights have been' successfully defended at the polls. Gay activists are claiming that the victories reverse the negative trend which began a year and a half ago with the voter repeal of a gay rights ordinance which had been passed by the city council in Miami. Similar repeals' followed this past summer in St. Paul, Wichita and Eugene. With public opposition less monolithic, the question can now be asked: what do we want gay rights to mean? There are at least two answers which together comprise a history of the recent "gay liberation" movement. AS LATE AS 1973, the following definition was popular among gay liberationists in Ann Arbor: "Being gay means not relating to people on the basis of gender. Gayness means being open to the full range of relationships with people regardless of their sex." Gay liberation, as it emerged in the U.S. in the early 1970s, did not mean liberation for one group of people, the homosexuals. In fact, those early activists regarded such categories as part of the sexist oppression they were fighting. Many of the ideas of gay liberation came from feminism, whichchallenged the gender constrictions of male-dominated society. Not only were women and men both capable of leading as well as nurturing, people had a range of sexual feelings. INDIVIDUALS fell somewhere along a scale between the hetersexual and homosexual poles and should relate sexually according to their feelings, not their gender, just as people's choice of career or family role should not be gendered. Gay rights meant the right to express your sexuality, whatever Individuals fell somewhere along a scale between the hetersexual poles an sexually a4 feelings, no I and homosexual should relate cording to their )t their gender, just as people's choice of career or family role should not be gender determined. there seems to be agreement in both straight and gay society about what these- words now mean. Gay does not mean someone who pursues relationships regardless of gender; it means someone who limits relationships but in the opposite Way from the social norm. Gay rights do not mean the right of people to be their authentic selves; it means the right to conform to' a particular subculture. IF ONE PREFERS the old definitions, do you still call yourself gay? When gay liberation began, people disowned the word "homosexual" because of its association with past oppression and took the word, gay. Homosexual referred to sexual preference; gay referred to a political attitude about it. Is it time for another term? Or are the categories themselves at fault? IT CAN NOT BE denied that people who called themselves gay organized the defeat of the Briggs Initiative in California.. It is debatable whether a larger group of, people would work for the older, expanded version ol gay rights orwhether a core of self-identified, if self-limited, "gays"~ is necessary for th'is political struggle. Could one say: "No, I'm not straight. No, I'm not gay. Yes, I love whom I will and how I will." IBut this would not be enough unless one also said: "Yes, laws against homosexuality will haVe to go, and psychiatrists and psychologists will have to stOp making money from the people who are made to feel guilty about their sexuality and religions will have to stop encouraging this. "AND I MIGHT want to kiss you, regardless." The interesting thing is that i you kissed someone _of ,your ow' sex in public in the state of Michigan, you would have brokn one of the 80 laws involvipg "violent crimes" which now haye mandatory sentences unde Proposal B which passed here oa Election Day. For that, it would not matter what you caled yourself. Nonetheless, I prefer to lus aside the label, gay, because~o1 what it has come to mean, andt work instead for what gay onie meant: being open to a range o relationships with people, regardless of gender, age, race, appearance, status, or ott r social categories. 0n ONE MIGHT relate to people regardless of gender, but when relations became too intimate with your own gender, society intervened. Sexual activity was then branded illegal by the courts, unhealthy by psychiatry, and sinful by religion. the world view surrounding gay liberation at its start. Each encounter with another human being was to be filled with wonder and possibility, not limited by social expression. Certainly the restrictions based on age, race, appearance, wealth, social status and so on <4 } 1 \ot\ i i , k I" { SIM So it is not surprising that over which operate in "gay culture" time gay rights became securing today, at least among men, were rights for an oppressed minority, not included in the idea of the gays. The gays were people liberation. who were largely orwexclusively NEITHER WAS bisexuality homosexual in their behavior .when it meant hopping from one With society breathing down social category to another their necks, people chose one side without challenging their sexist or the other of the line, "gay" or roots and conveniently forgetting "straight." one's homosexual "excursions" The difficulty with this when necessary. transformation of the meaning of But the earlier definition of gay gay rights is not that people did leave room for people who aren't likely to be predominantly wanted to interact erotically - in hetersexual or homosexual in the original Greek sense of eros, their feelings, as many are. The the impulse for deep connection problem is that drawing a line - with both genders, without and asking people to step on requiring that sex always follows either side, while understandable and yet being 'open to the as a response to 'social possibility. repression, recreates the This history notwithstanding, John Ellis is a contributor to the Page. frequn Editoi a LETTERS TO THE DAILY Unselfish students To theDaily: Regarding an item in your letters column on December 6. Now wait a minute. As a 19- year old sophomore at this prestigious Big Ten university, I am sick unto death of having every two-bit editorial writer take potshots at my generation of college students. Yes, yes, it's true, my friends and I bear little resemblance to the students that roamed this campus ten years ago. We prefer neat, styled hair- cuts to the grown-out, parted-in- the-middle look. Instead of acid, we enjoy beer, and most of us have done no more to stop world hunger than drop a coin into a canister at the local drugstore. We are materialistic. We do not organize sit-ins or rallies. Our immediate goal in life is to earn a degree and, after that, a fine- paying job. Naughty, naughty us. Aren't we selfish and socially un- concerned. The truth is, we have all grown up watching the drama of the 60s college student, and we have no intention of repeating their mistakes. We followed the saga of Timothy Leary and Abbie Hof- fman, whom radical students worshipped as gods. One turned out to be a crackpot who urged young people into masturbatory and dangerous experiments with drugs; the other was a shiftless jerk whose contribution to the "revolution" was a few distur- bance of the peace infractions and a book on shoplifting. What did those radical students ac- complish with their marches, anyway, and where are these "concerned" people now? I un- derstand one group of them gave up their altruistic ideals and became establishment types like us, while the others work factory jobs or own pottery shops. They sure as hell haven't gone out and changed the world. I can see that babies are still starving, nuclear plants are popping up all over the map, and we have a reactionary in the White House. Of course, the war in Vietnam ended, but Nixon only did that as a re-election bid, not because of Kent State (what a senseless ;waste of human life! But how stupid those kids were to antagonize the NationalIGuard! Sorry, that's the way my generation thinks.) I totally disagree with Glaza and Placenia and' their ac- cusations of indifference and, ignorance of social issues. We refuse things in our society that we can't change. We refuse to waste our time protesting, because it's a proven fact that doesn't change a goddamn thing except relieve our personal guilt about the issue. But we are just as sensitive and human as our -sixties brethren; we do our best to alleviate the pain and suffering of others. Believe me, no one goes through med school or the law rat race just toearn a buck. We have social consciouces like everybody else, we simply don't show them of . We utilize them in our everyday lives and our aspirations. We will go on to change the world, not just get stoned and dream about it. As for social issues, we are more knowledgeable about them than ever, since we learn about them from well-informed sovj ces, not just leftist progaganE rags. So stop insulting nV generation, my concerns for the future and my way of life. aren't any more selfish or stupi than the sixties generation. If yqu ask me, they were a little more stupid and selfish than us. -Anne Sharp* LSA Sophomore s Pot still not decriminalized The Michigan state legislature rejected a bill Tuesday that would have decriminalized marijuana by lowering the penalties in several key instances. By turning down the proposal, which has been the center of bitter debate and controversy throughout the session, the legislature has once again missed the reality of the situation. And although a motion to re-consider the bill may come up in the next few days, its supporters see no chance of securing passage. making them ex-criminals. For instance, while the bill doesn't go far enough because it fails to legalize marijuana, it does serve as a stepping stone to make the punishment a lot less severe and prevents the conviction from going on the person's permanent record. At least, it's an improvement. A disturbing factor of Tuesday's debate which may have clinched the victory for the anti-marijuana group was the inclusion by Rep. Rosetta Ferguson (D-Detroit) who mentioned ev/eR f 5rrL6'27 AD& WoIMP UP? C' N U. Mv.~ £~t S'a a,. i _' p.: