Semty-Third Year
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
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"We Didn't Agree to Stop Testing You"
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1963
NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW ORLIN
Tax Plan Failure
Dims Romney's Star
GOVERNOR ROMNEY refuses to admit
that his tax reform program is dead.
Most of the legislators in Lansing say
that the chances for passage of anything
resembling Romney's original fiscal re-
form plan are almost nil; but still the gov-
ernor refuses to admit defeat. This is to
be expected because the governor's poli-
tical future hinges on the success or fail-
ure of this program.
When campaigning for governor, Rom-
ney practically promised the people of
Michigan that he would have fiscal reform
passed while he was in office. It was
mostly on this basis alone that he was
elected. The people expected great things
of him, and he went into office confident
that he could fulfill this campaign prom-
ise.
And he had a right to be confident be-
cause he had a Republican majority in
both houses of the Legislature to help
him accomplish his goal. As far back
as 1961, Republicans were mentioning
Romney as a potential Republican presi-
dential candidate. However, his chances
seemed to rely on just how well he car-
ried out his campaign promises in Michi-
gan.
NOW THAT HE SEEMS to have failed in
his project to enact the fiscal reform
so badly needed in Michigan, his future
political chances certainly look bad.
It is no wonder then that he is clutch-
ing at straws, attempting to get some-
thing even vaguely resembling his origin-
al proposal through the Legislature.
Romney is making every last-ditch ef-
fort he can think of to save his program.
But his lack of confidence is becoming
more apparent every day. He seems to be
getting panicky because he finally realizes
that by alienating the Democrats he has
ruined any chances of passage that there
were for his program.
ONE DAY he makes what seems to be a
sincere plea for bipartisan support of
the fiscal reform program, and the next
day he decides that it's no use, and blames
the Democrats for the apparent failure of
the plan. In blaming the Democrats he's
making another mistake, because at this
point he should be pacifying them, not
antagonizing them, if he really wants
their support.
He'll soon realize, however, that it's too
late for politicking, and that he might
as well give up in his fight for fiscal re-
form.
Although it is too early to predict his
political demise, one thing is certain: his
failure to get a fiscal reform program
passed has dealt a mortal blow to any
political aspirations he may have had.
-THOMAS COPI
SERMON IN REVIEW:
The Forgiveness
That Relieves Despair
LAST SUNDAY I heard a brief, clear, formal sermon by Mr. Vernold
W. Aurich at St. Paul's Lutheran Church. On my way there I
wondered what relation his preaching would have to that of Luther
himself. Would he settle for faithfully reproducing doctrine that
Luther had formulated? Or would he follow the example of Luther
in reformulating Christianity to show its relevance for his own time?
In his introduction. Mr. Aurich reminded us of our refusal to
consider deep questions and our escape from them into superficial
existence. The subject of his sermon, the forgiveness of sins, was
divided into two parts: God's forgiveness permits us to discover how
desperate our situation is; yet his forgiveness overcomes that despair.
Y* * *
"FORGIVENESS is the greatest need of life," Mr. Aurich declared.
He quoted from T. S. Eliot's "The Cocktail Party" to describe our
condition without forgiveness: "There was a door. And I could not
open it . . ./ Why could I not walk out of my prison?" In this con-
dition we suffer a sense of condemnation, like Dr. Luther who, after
the first Mass he celebrated, felt as though he were dust and ashes.
Sin received a totalitarian definition. It is everything that we do
in other than a positive relation to God. "It is not just breaking
God's rule but breaking off from God," he said. When we "drop" Him,
there is a vacuum into which evil rushes.
THE BEST ILLUSTRATION in the sermon illuminated how
forgiveness enables us to face the truth that we are sinners. Mr.
Aurich reminded us how we hope that a recurring twinge of pain
will just go away if we ignore it and how friends reassure us that
all we need is some sunshine and exercise. But the pain continues. At
last we go to the doctor. His diagnosis is that we require major sur-
gery. But, because we are in the hands of a competent physician, we
carr face what we could not face before.
Forgiveness is not only stern truth about ourselves, but is also
gracious. Although friends may just shrug their shoulders at them,
our sins give God a heavy heart, he said. Yet God accomplishes our
redemption by taking their hurt out of his heart and letting it go.
God has purchased our freedom by his Son-not by means of some-
thing external to himself but by that within himself.
Christianity is not just knowledge but is a life as a child of God,
made possible in "the return of God to our hearts by faith," he said.
Thus we are enabled to walk out of our prison and go free.
** * *
THE SERMONS of Luther are both clear and rich. They immerse
one in scripture, instruct one in doctrine, invite one to enter into the
joy of the Lord. Their grandeur, lyricism, indignation, tenderness,
homeliness, comedy, irony, sarcasm invite one to enter into the full
range of being human. But Mr. Aurich asked us to participate in
something more restricted and genteel. He was not in touch with
the whole man.
Nor was he in touch with the human center: it shifts from time
to time. Luther is important because he located the human center
in his period. He discovered it by searching for the meaning of scrip-
ture with the scholarly tools of humanism and a radical principle of
interpretation. The scholarly fools determined what scripture meant
in itself; the other determined what that meaning threatened or
promised for the destiny of Luther's own anxiety-edged, guilt-hubbed,
death-terminating existence. "Justification by faith alone" spoke joy
to him, and, when he repeated it aloud, spoke joy to the people
of his period, and percipitated a new epoch.
AS TILLICH SUGGESTS, we inhabit a yet newer epoch. The
problem at the human center seems to be no longer the guilt of sin
but the despair of meaninglessness. A sermon that does not relate
the forgiveness of sins to the quest for meaning leaves the desperate
still more desperate. People in our epoch long not for a repetition of
the doctrine of Luther but for a following of the example of Luther-
the correlation of scripture with the human center in our time.
--Tony Stoneburner
CIVIL RIGHTS:
A Little Ingenuity
,',
TWO-PARTY SYSTEM:
Competition Can Aid Negroes
THE LIAISON:
Fighting Spirit?'
Barbara Lazarus, Personnel Director
i1 }
POLITICS IS A MATTER of priorities-
the most pressing problems get han-
dled first. A good example of this state
of affairs is what is happening these days
to the proposed Medicare bill, a fairly
important item which has been shoved
aside by President Kennedy and Con-
gress for other "more important" things.
If President Kennedy had placed strong
support this session behind Medicare, it
might have been passed by Congress. In-
stead, Kennedy has done what he has
often done before: he compromises his
power away until none of his basic meas-
ures are passed to his satisfaction. The
presidential power that he could have had
is dissipated away through constant com-
promises,
Earlier this year, President Kennedy's
budget began to get nibbled away by
Congress, and he turned his attention to
getting the tax cut and stopping added
expenditures from being cut apart. Then
civil rights reached a boiling point this
summer, and he had to whip together a
comprehensive bill to fight off criticism
for his lack of action. Thus, in the midst
of these important considerations, an old
campaign promise and a "less important"
measure is getting lost in committee.
MEDICARE IS NEEDED now more than
ever, since hospital costs are going up
increasingly each day. Commercial health
plans do not like to insure the elderly be-
cause they are usually poor risks, and
those that will take them charge high
fees. Voluntary health plans such as Blue
Cross-Blue Shield have been swamped
with elderly people and have had to bear
a large financial burden from their high-
er rate of illness. Consequently, their fees
are going up regularly.
Congress did take some action on this
problem in 1960 with the Kerr-Mills bill,
which is hailed by the American Medical
Association as a satisfactory measure.
However, Kerr-Mills is so limited that it
avoids the whole problem of medical care
for the aged. It only increases federal
payments to the states' programs deal-
ing with medical payments to people on
relief.
It also has a provision that those states
already providing such medical payments
Editorial Staff
RONALD WILTON, Editor
DAVID MARCUS GERALD STORCH
Editorial Director City Editor
BARBARA LAZARUS ........... Personnel Director
PHLIP BUTIN..........National Concerns Editor
GAIL EVANS ................... Associate City Editor
14ARJORIE BRAHMS ..... Associate Editorial Director
GLORIA BOWLES .................. Magazine Editor
MALINDA BERRY ................ Contributing Editor
DAVE GOOD........................ Sports Editor
can either use the extra funds for more
improvements in care for the aged or
merely place the extra funds in a general
state treasury, not especially earmarked
for medical aid. Kerr-Mills finances only
people on relief who have passed a means
test and does not help the elderly ma-
jority who are not classified as being in-
digent. The bill also does not specifically
indicate that states must earmark funds
for medical care. Presently, this is the
only legislation Congress has successfully
passed in this area.
LAST YEAR the King-Anderson bill fail-
ed, partly because Kennedy dropped
his support for it in order to fight for
other key measures. This bill would have
provided more comprehensive medical
coverage by including all persons receiv-
ing Old Age Survivor's Insurance under
the the Social Security program. It also
had a 90 day coverage of hospitalization
with a deductible provision and some cov-
erage of laboratory, X-ray and drug fees
in the hospital. However, it died for lack
of active presidential support and because
it was facing an organized conservative
opposition.
Kennedy was due again this year to
push hard for a Medicare bill and faded
another fight with conservative members
of Congress and a powerful AMA. His bill
would have been expanded to cover all
people over 65 and been administered by
Blue Cross to avoid possible government
intervention in hospital affairs.
Kennedy shauld have made some at-
tempt earlier this year to fight for Medi-
care and not given it up so quickly when
the going got rough. He campaigned vig-
orously on this issue three years ago, but
he has allowed it to fall by the wayside
and sacrificed it away as other Kennedy
bills have been sacrificed away.
THE PRESIDENCY possesses inherent
powers of persuasion and political lev-
erage which can be used to get key meas-
ures passed. However, Kennedy, through-
out his three years in office, has failed
to use these powers to their fullest
strength.
At the last minute, he has often with-
drawn support of measures which he was
pushing hard, such as the King-Anderson
bill, in order to try to raise his power po-
tential on another bill. Often his incon-
sistency has ended in the death or radical
alteration of administration measures.
The source of President Kennedy's
trouble with Congress is that he compro-
mises on too many issues at once. Conse-
quently, Congress doesn't even have to
fight him strongly to get him to back
down on an issue. This compromising to-
gether with his extreme concern with po-
litical expediency means that many bills
By ROBERT SELWA
GOVERNOR Nelson Rockefeller
is much stronger than Senator
Barry Goldwater on civil rights,
and it would seem at first glance
that the cause of civil rights would
gain more through the Republican
Presidential nomination of Rocke-
feller than Goldwater. But, with
some twists of fate, the opposite
could also be true.
This stems from the matter
that Rockefeller would alienate
support from segregationists while
Goldwater would attract it.
Rockefeller with his emphasis on
civil rights would draw Northern
liberals while Goldwater with his
emphasis on states rights would
draw Southern conservatives.
Goldwater, who is not a segrega-
tionist, would leave the matter to
the states, and this would make
Dixie happy because then they
could get away with doing no-
thing.
* * *
A GOLDWATER NOMINATION
would reverse the ideals of the
Republican party; it would turn
the party founded on the high
moral plane of antislavery and
national union into a party with
many adherents of segregation
and state power. A Goldwater
nomination would produce the
same kind of unholy alliance
that has existed in the Demo-
cratic party. But Goldwater, while
a danger for the Republican party,
may be a hidden blessing for civil
rightists.
Goldwater would put the party
on a more equal footing with the
Democratic party in the South.
Negroes would gain immensely by
this. Determined as they now are
to gain the franchise, more and
more of them are daring to regis-
ter to vote. As more and more do
register and do vote, Negroes will
hold increasing political power in
the South.
* * *
IF THERE IS tight competi-
tion between the Republicans and
Democrats in the South, the
emerging Negro vote will make
the difference. They will be able
to pick and choose, electing the
candidates who are more pro-civil
rights or at least less segregation-
ist. The candidates of the major
parties in the South will be torn
between appealing to white segre-
gationists, as they try to do now,
and appealing to Negroes, their
new constituency.
There is the possibility that
even if most of the Negroes in
the South get the franchise, they
still will be greatly outnumbered
by white segregationists, and the
parties would aim their main ap-
peal to the latter. But parties
traditionally try to appeal to all
elements of the voting populace,
not just any one majority bloc.
As Negroes become a greater
numerical element of the voting
populace, Southern parties will be-
gin to try to appeal Wo them. The
parties will try especially hard if
Negroes in the South become an
independent rather than party-
oriented bloc (as they are in the
North) and if the Negro vote will
mean the winning or losing edge.
NEGROES WOULD BENEFIT
from a Rockefeller nomination be-
cause the governor has a better
chance of winning enough elec-
toral votes to become President
than Goldwater, and as President
would do more for them. This
goes for Negroes in both the South
and the North. But Negroes in the
South could benefit from a Gold-
water nomination through the
emergence of a two-party system
in that region.
It is a choice between a guy
who is for you and a system that
eventually would work for you.
To 7IM Editor
To the Editor:
STEVEN HALLER, in his article
concerning euthansia or mercy
killing, fails to realize the impli-
cations of an extremely difficult
problem. He belittles the doctor's
duty to prolong the life of his
patient, although the patient may
prefer to die, as "a warped moral
precept."
Yes, Mr. Haller, you may add
that it is also the doctor's duty to
relieve suffering, but could You
please tell us where to draw the
line between a "hopelessly ill"
patient and one so delirious from
his suffering that he has lost
hope? Do you actually believe
that medicine has no further roads
to travel than "keeping dying
persons alive just to demonstrate
the latest medical techniques?"
NO, I DO not believe in mir-
acles, but I do believe that many
well people would not be alive to-
day if their doctor had given up
hope as easily as they themselves
had.
Life is sacred, Mr. Haller, and
I believe that mine is the only one
I have. It is, the last thing I will
give up, and I hope that no one
will ever let me.
-Richard Ketai, '64
Of V'alue . ..
To the Editor:
MR. HOLLAND'S obvious delight
in the sardonic quip-seems to
have prevented him from seeing
the point in "Eve Wants to Sleep."
The satire here is indicative of the
spirit of the Polish people. I don't
imagine it is easy to thumb one's
nose at a totalitarian government
or to allow one's political superiors
to dictate one's artistic practices.
It is not a profound film but
it is delightfully entertaining and
this certainly is of value.
-Gary Nelson, Grad
IF A MIRACLE should occur and
and a potent civil rights bill
should be sent to the President,
it is doubtful whether it would be
worth all the fuss and bother. The
first fact to keep in mind is that
for years there have been enough
laws on the books to give the
Negro equal rights-if the laws
were enforced.
Second, the history of the past
decade shows that the resource-
fulness of the deep South in ob-
structing integration is almost
unlimited.
Third-and this is the most dis-
tressing fact of all and closely
related to the preceding points-
the majority of the white popula-
tion, North as well as South, con-
sists of de facto segregationists.
* *.*
MOST OF THEM would deny it,
and with a clear conscience: they
believe in equal rights for Negroes
under the Constitution. But they
want the Negro to live in some
other neighborhood, they don't
want to compete with him for jobs
and they would like him to be
more genteel in his protests.
Which all adds up to the likeli-
hood that soon the Negroes will
be found back in the streets and
with even less confidence for a
redress of grievances in the courts
and the Congress than they had
last June.
* * *
IF THERE IS a way to avoid
an outcome so deplorable and so
dangerous, it can only be through
Presidential action as resourceful
as that which got the bill through
the judiciary committee. Such in-
genuity, applied to the existing
laws by the President and the
Attorney General, might avoid the
pitched battles which lie ahead.
-The Nation
Survival,
NO MAN from the deep South
has striven more earnestly to
look upon the Democratic Party
as a national institution than has
Lyndon Johnson. No southerner
has shown a greater awareness
that the Democratic Party cannot
survive upon the national scene
if it is to be perverted into an in-
strument to keep alive the "pecu-
liar institutions" of Dixie--its in-
sistence upon segregation of the
races and a second-class position
for Negroes.
-Robert L. Riggs
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