Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF TIM UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Truth Will Prevail",
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al; reprints.
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL SATTINGER

OFFICE OF ACADEMIC AFFAIRS:
Sensitivity Aids Problem-Solving Process

Romney's Inexperience
Dooms Fiscal Reform

GOV. GEORGE ROMNEY'S income tax
bill is dying a slow agonizing but cer-
tain death. This was the central bill in
the governor's fiscal reform program,
and, since Romney has said that he pre-
sented his program as a "package" and
not just as a collection of separate bills,
this probably means that all fiscal reform
in Michigan is dead.
The Senate defeated the tax plan ear-
lier this week, and although the bill is
still alive in the House, it is given little
chance of passage there.
This situation could have been avoided
if Romney had had a better idea of how
the duties of the office of governor should
be performed.
He was inexperienced politically when
he came into the governorship; the only
elective offices he ever held were delegate
to and vice-president of the state's Con-
stitutional Convention.
It was obviously not because of his
political ability and experience that he
was elected.
ROMNEY WAS ELECTED because the
people of the state believed him when
he said that he could lead Michigan out
of its fiscal doldrums and into prosperity.
They had good reason to take him at his
word; he had just finished taking an al-
most defunct American Motors Corpora-
tion and building it, mostly through pub-
lic relations work and changing the pub-
lic image of the company, into a really
going concern.
Michigan's citizens thought that Rom-
ney could do the same for Michigan, and
so did he. But he was to learn, much to
his chagrin and probably surprise, that he
couldn't run the state in the same way
that he ran American Motors.
FROM THE VERY OUTSET, Romney
treated the state's elected officials as
though they were his employes in the
giant corporation of Michigan. He acted
as though he were the supreme author-
ity, and everyone else in Lansing was just
there to do his bidding.
Romney is learning too late, to the
detriment of the state of Michigan, that
the legislators in Lansing are not his em-
ployes but actually much closer to being
his equals-even more than equals in
many ways.
When Romney was elected he began
drawing up the tax reform program he
thought necessary. He enlisted the aid of
several men who were relatively well in-
formed on the state's needs in the area of
tax reform, and who had definite ideas
as to how Michigan's financial problems
could be solved.
This is where the governor made what
is turning out to be his fatal mistake.

Romney should have asked some of the
state legislators for help in drawing up
his fiscal program.
However, he did not do this. He didn't
consult with the very men who have
worked for fiscal reform in Michigan for
so many years. These men could have of-
fered information in areas such as what
the real financial problems faced by the
state are, what the possible solutions to
these problems are, and just which of
these possible solutions would be the best
and most acceptable to the people of the
state.
Romney alienated some of his support
when he declined to ask the legislators'
help in drawing up his reform program,
and refused even to take them into his
confidence as to what he was doing.
WHEN CAMPAIGNING for the governor-
ship in 1962, Romney told the elector-
ate that he would provide leadership for
the state's Republican party. This was
just what the state needed: a Republican
Legislature led, not opposed, by a strong
governor. In this way fiscal reform would
come much more easily, because the pro-
grams of the governor and the Legisla-
ture would be so similar that there could
be almost no controversy and no argu-
ment.
However, Romney has not been a strong
leader of his party. This was not because
of differing political stands between him
and the Republican legislators, but be-
cause of the manner in which he treated
them.
The same reasons can be given for the
lack of cooperation between him and the
state's Democrats. Romney almost meth-
odically avoided any contact with the
Democrats not only while drawing up his
program of tax reform, but also while try-
ing to get it past the Legislature.
Even when he saw that his fiscal re-
form was running into opposition that he
hadn't expected, -he still avoided asking
the Democrats what they wanted to see
in a reform program, even though he ad-
mitted that the program would need bi-
partisan support in order to pass.
IT WAS THIS LACK of cooperation be-
tween the governor and the Legislature
that finally put the kiss of death on his
plan for fiscal reform.
For although Romney realized that
Michigan needed fiscal reform, his poli-
tical inexperience and his inability to
realize that the governor can't work with
the state's legislators in an employer-em-
ploye relationship made it impossible for
him to work with the Legislature, much
less lead them into adopting meaningful
fiscal reform for Michigan.
--THOMAS COPI

By MICHAEL SATTINGER
SENSITIVITY is a solution. The
problem is running the aca-
demic affairs of a university hav-
ing 2000 faculty members of pro-
fessorial rank. In the scant one-
and-a-half years of its existence,
the Office of Academic Affairs
has shown this sensitivity to the
difficulties of handling such a
large.and diverse professional
group.
The personalities involved-
Vice-President for Academic Af-
fairs Roger W. Heyns and his
assistants-partially account for
any success the OAA has achieved.
But more importantly, the of-
fice's ability to handle with sen-
sitivity the academic affairs un-
der its jurisdiction stems from
several administrative mechanisms
it has available or has instituted
itself in cooperation with the fac-
ulty.
These mechanisms achieve their
purpose through = communication
and accessibility.
ONE OF the most recent means
for enhancing communication be-
tween administration and faculty
is through the Educational Policies
Committee of the University Sen-
ate. As one of its functions, this
committee meets with Heyns once
a month. Its beginnings go back
to the summer of 1962, when
Heyns and the committee agreed

to meet informally as a means of
advising the office on matters
affecting the faculty.
The committee essentially sacts
as a forum in which items on the
agenda can come from Heyns or
from the faculty through either
the Senate Advisory Committee
on University Affairs or the Edu-
cational Policies Committee. It
has its greatest effect in urgent
situations when it would be im-
practical to bring in the whole
faculty on an issue.
Such an issue arose last winter
over the question of establishing
ties with Delta College. Heyns was
able to consult with the committee
members on decisions he had to
make, sharing with them details
that had not yet been made pub-
lic.
LAST SPRING the Educational
Policies Committee sent a letter
to SACUA stating that the com-
mittee found the meetings with
Heyns valuable; the committee ex-
pressed a desire to institute the
monthly meetings with him on a
continuing basis. The letter also
commended Heyns for the con-
tributions he had personally made
to the success of the committee's
first year.
The value of the communication
arising from these meetings is
obvious: Heyns does not have to
estimate faculty opinion in a
vacuum, and the faculty as a

To The Edrtor

To the Editor:
I WOULD LIKE to take up the
challenge of Mr. Hornberger in
his "letter to the editor' of Nov.
5. Mr. Hornberger states, ".
Robert Welch himself stated that
he has no personal preference for
president. In fact, he considers
Barry Goldwater as nothing less
than a 'liberal'." This statement
is made in connection with a
cartoon by Herblockthat "implies
that Goldwater is a creature of
the far right (i.e. the John Birch
Society) . ."
Mr. Hornberger states that
"Herblock is wrong, and he cannot
prove otherwise."
If Mr. Hornberger would take
the trouble to turn to page 119 of
"The Blue Book" by Robert Welch
he will read the following: "Now
the one man who comes nearest
to measuring up to all the needs
and qualifications, whom we see
on the political horizon at the
present time, is Barry Goldwater.
I know Barry fairly well. He is a
great American . . . I raised
around two thousand dollars in
mystate and sent it on to him
early in 1958 . . . I'd love to see
him President of the United
States, and maybe some day we
shall.'
On page xii of "Footnotes For
The Fourth Printing" of the same
work, Mr. Welch states, "I per-
sonally supported Goldwater for
the Republican nomination."
-David A. Olson, Grad
Kindness? . .
To the Editor:
IN HIS BOOK "Free Society and
Moral Crisis," Prof. Robert
Cooley Angell of the sociology
department states that "a deviant
individual is one who does not
follow the prescription of moral
norms or institutions that are de-
rived from the common values"
of a society.
These moral norms, inculcated
and implemented in individuals
by societal institutions (e.g.
schools, churches), make up the
hypothetical moral web through
which individuals and groups are
able to interact in society and
without which society would dis-
integrate.
ONE OF the common values
Prof. Angell attributes to Ameri-
can society is humanitarianism
and friendliness, which must con-
tain the concept of being a good
samaritan within its scope. Ac-
cording to Prof. Angell, a common
value is a belief or a disposition
held by a great number of people
that is good not only for individ-
uals as such but has a positive,
integrative effect upon society as
a whole. From this it would seem
to follow that an individual act-
ing as a good samaritan would
not only be helping another in-
dividual but would be benefiting
society as a whole.
* a

What's the Difference?

I WRITE THIS LETTER with
no malice or contempt towards
either the Ann Arbor police de-
partment or municipal court be-
cause that police department is a
fine police department and that
municipal court is an honorable
municipal court. I have no ill-
feelings towards any members of
that police department or court
because those members are all
honorablemen. Certainly we all
know how honorable they are.
I can have no ill-feelings to-
ward these kind and honorable
men who are known far and wide
for their sense of justice and fair
play because I was clearly in the
wrong-I committed an atrocity
against mankind and it was only
through the fair play of these
fine men that I could pay the
penalty for my deviant actions.
Only by their sense of justice
could I be made to realize that
I had acted against the moral web
of American society.
I write this letter only as an
open statement to mankind-
against whom I have so wickedly
wronged-to inform all k that I
have reformed. Never again will I
knowingly and willingly "plug"
parking meters. Relax, City Hall,
I have been brought back into the
f old.
-Martin Korchak, '64
MUSKET:
Uneven
Show
IN SPITE OF a delightful score,
excellent settings and costumes
and several superb performances,
this year's MUSKET presentation
of "The Boy Friend" remains a
rough, uneven and unsuccessful
offering.
The two main defects of the
show are its direction and its cast-
ing. In regard to the former, Jack
Rouse too often allowed the action
to drag and flounder in between
the rousing musical numbers. In
placeof tight, controlled develop-
ment of plot and fast moving di-
alogue, squeals and eyebrows are
substituted. The choreography is
excellent however and the songs
are lively and enjoyable. But they
can't hold up the entire show.
THE CASTING is the main
cause of the unevenness. On one
hand there is the unfortunate po-
sitioning of Rick Axsom as Tony,
for while he looks the part per-
fectly, his fluctuating accent and
his incapability of finding or hold-
ing a tune is extremely embarras-
sing. Karen Emens, while easily
the most talented member of the
cast, too often lost sight of the
farcical elements of the play and
thus always seemed in contrast
from every other character.
The finest performances belong
to Mike Schapiro, Ginger Pud-
schun and Howard Travis. They
provided both humor and polish
constantly. Linda Heric and Joanie
Lieber were delightful as ever and
added a skill at comedy sorely
needed. Beverly Karanovich was
hampered by a very weak singing
voice from satisfactorily carrying
her role.
The chorus was adequately lively
in most spots with the exception
of Dave Howe's vapid Marcel and
Linda Shayes obnoxious Nancy.
Special mention should be made
of Richard Perry who gave a sur-
prising and successful lift to a
minor role.

group has a channel for expressing
its wishes on decisions affecting
them.
ANOTHER MEANS by which
Heyns keeps in touch with the
faculty is through the recently
created Senate Advisory Commit-
tee on Conditions of Staff Excel-
lence, established by the Univer-
sity Senate last spring. The com-
mittee meets with Heyns once a
month, acting in an advisory ca-
pacity only.
To fulfill its responsibilities, the
committee should "develop pro-
cedures by which an individual
faculty member may seek its re-
view of administrative decisions
which he believes have had a
serious adverse effect on his pro-
fessional career," the proposal
which created the committee
states. However, the committee
could act on a specific case only
if all other channels had been
exhausted.
LIn effect, the staff excellence
committee willprobably turn out
to be something close to a gripe
session. But instead of individual
faculty members airing individual
gripes, the committee will point
out areas where administrative
action could improve conditions
that the faculty does not like.
IN SUCH a large institution as
the University, procedures for
handling grievances, appointments
and promotions vary from unit
to unit because of the autonomy
of colleges, schools and depart-
ments. The value of the commit-
tee extends beyond the function
of a mere communication channel:
it can act as a means of recourse
for faculty and as a means of
establishing some standard of pro-
cedure among autonomous units.
Whether or not the committee
does hear any specific case and
advises Heyns on it, it is still de-
sirable since it ensures that no
faculty members will be left solely
to the whims of one person above
him. That is, one person does not
have complete control over pro-
motions.
Uniformity of procedure is val-
uable since discrepancies tend to
lower faculty morale. Such was
the case at Queens College in New
York where four professors re-
sorted to a lawsuit. They felt they
were being discriminated against
in promotion because of their re-
ligion. Hopefully, the University
faculty would view the committee
instead of the law courts as a
last resort.
THE FACULTY ITSELF is pres-
ently developing other channels
of communication. The University
Senate's committee on faculty
freedom and responsibility is pres-
ently considering a restructuring
of the University Senate and
SACUA to include a third group
of about 75 members which would
act in an advisory capacity to the
administration. Many faculty
groups feel that the senate, con-
taining about 2000 members, is too
unwieldy to advise the adminis-
tration and that SACUA, with only
about 20 elected members, is too
small to represent the faculty in
some decisions.
Certainly something is needed
to bring more faculty members
into the process of consideration
on academic matters and to coun-
ter the effect of the University's
size, which would seem to make
faculty members feel that they
have no voice in academic affairs.
Perhaps the proposed third group
will get more faculty involved in
academic decisions of the admin-
istration, in which case a better
system of communication between
Heyns' office and the faculty
would result.

COMMANDMENTS
Interpreting
The Ambiguous

By ROBERT SELWA
THE INTERPRETATIONS that
churches give to the Sixth and
Ninth Commandments are com-
parable to the interpretations that
Supreme Court members have
given to certain phrases in the
Constitution. For better or for
worst, both groups read many
things into simple statements.
Congress' power to regulate in-
terstate commerce is being used
as the Constitutional basis ofuthe
Kennedy administration's civil
rights bill, for example. Civil
rights and interstate commerce
may seem unrelated at first
glance, but through the years Con-
gress has discovered, and the Su-
preme Court has approved, many
uses of the commerce clause. Yet
all the Constitution says is that
"Congress shall have power ... to
regulate commerce with foreign
nations, and among the several
States, and with the" Indian
tribes . .."
In the same way, churches have
found many uses for the Sixth
and Ninth Commandments. All
the Sixth Commandment says is,
"Thou shall not commit adultery."
All the Ninth Commandment says
is, "Thou shall not covet thy
neighbor's wife."
Thesehcommandments, accord-
ing to the Bible, came from God
who handed them to Moses to
direct and guide the lives of his
people. Jesus, who preached a,
gospel of love anddkindness, ne-
glected to go into detail on these
negative commands. His were posi-
tive commands, underscored by his
own deeds, to do good and help
people. The details and interpre-
tations came from followers of
Christ who established churches in
his name.
IT COULD BE argued that Whe
two commandments were social
doctrines. In the time of Moses,
as today, relations between men
and women, married and unmar-
ried, were often loose. The family
may have been then, and may be
today, a weak institution due to
the sexual activities between some
married people and some un-
married people. The two com-
mandments shore up the institu-
tions of marriage and the family
by prohibiting adultery and the
desire for adultery.
This social analysis follows from
the words of the two command-

ments and is part of the inter-
pretation of them by churches.
But only part, for churches use
the commandments to denounce
all sorts of other kinds of sexual
activity, including activity that,
when conducted in privacy, would
seem to have little harmful effect
on the rest of society.
The churches could argue, and
do, that the harmful effect is upon
the individual. This is their inter-
pretation, an interpretation with
which some people may disagree.
The disagreement is seldom voic-
ed because, those who disagree
would face censure for bucking an
established institution of society
and because they do not have the
forum that religion has. Unlike a
university lecture, for example,
the Sunday morning sermon sel-
dom contains the opportunity for
questions, discussion and rebuttal.
This is not to say that the
churches are right, nor that those
who disagree with church inter-
pretations of the commandments
are right.' This is to say that
there is little opportunity for for-
mal disagreement. And, as John
Stuart Mill pointed out, the op-
portunity for discussion enhances
and strengthens that which is
true and enables full truth to be
more truly achieved from partial
truth.
THE CONTROVERSY that sur-
rounds Supreme Court decisions
is healthy for American democracy
because it stimulates citizens to
think about what their constitu-
tion means. The Constitution be-
comes more meaningful to citizens
in this process. The Court's inter-
pretations of clauses in the Con-
stitution become more than rhe-
toric in this way.
In the same way the churches'
interpretations of the Sixth and
Ninth Commandments would be-
come more meaningful if there
were more open, formal discussion
about them. Since there is little or
no open discussion, many people
freely violate them even though
they are supposed to be for the
betterment of 'society and the in-
dividual.
If churches would justify more
often and more distinctly their
interpretations of the command-
ments, while keeping an open
mind to other interpretations, re-
ligion would be able to furnish a
more effective guide to action in
America.

The new committee on condi-
tions of staff excellence also will
act to get more faculty involved
in administrative decisions. The
proposal for the committee called
upon it to "give specific and early
attention to the present procedures
in departments, schools and col-
leges with respect to their effec-
tiveness in assuring faculty par-
ticipation in policy-making."
A PRESENT FACTOR helpful
to administrative sensitivity is
that some staff members of the
OAA have come up through the
ranks of the University faculty.
Heyns was promoted to the vice-
presidency from the deanship of
the literary college, and earlier in
his career he was a professor of
psychology. More important, he
chose part of his staff from the
faculty, too. This is not a minor
point. By keeping part of the of-
fice "within the family," the fac-

ulty ends up with some of its
members making many of the
decisions directly affecting them.
Finally, the OAA recognizes the
function of accessibility. In such
a large university, the policy of
being available to any faculty
member who wishes to bring some-
thing to the attention of the vice-
president is intuitively a good one:
it cuts across the time-consuming
red tape of formal channels when
something important arises. How-
ever, in practice this is not always
possible, and the OAA is no ex-
ception.
IN ANY ORGANIZATION, the
administrators must display some
sensitivity to what is being ad-
ministered. Heyns has demonstrat-
ed well his ability as an adminis-
trator by instituting the required
sensitivity through communica-
tion, use of faculty resources and
accessibility.

F

i

E

i

IN ADVOCATING that "extraordinary"
measures should not be taken to pro-
long the life of a hopelessly ill patient,
Bishop Fulton J. Sheen has taken a stand
which to other members of the cloth must
surely appear heretical. Despite Bishop
Sheen's denial that such a statement is
direct advocacy of euthanasia, not at-
tempting to keep such a person alive can
hardly be considered much different from
outright mercy killing.
The occasion of the pronouncement was
a meeting of the American Medical As-
sociation last summer, where Bishop
Sheen shared the rostrum with Dr. Ed-
ward R. Rynearson of the Mayo Clinic.
Dr. Rynearson has already gained no
small reputation as a supporter of the
doctrine of the hopelessly ill individual's
"right to die." Citing the case of a mil-
lionaire's widow kept alive for 11 years
although "completely unconscious," he
asserted, "If anyone can take pride in
that, I don't understand why."
The doctor added that it is almost im-
possible for a patient to die, even though
he might theoretically be "on the brink
of death," if the attending physician tried
hard enough to keep him alive by means
of intravenous feeding, around-the-clock
care and the administration of drugs
"through a network of tubes."
Yet he added that he personally would
"want no part of keeping people alive un-
der those circumstances"; and Bishop
Sheen agreed wholeheartedly, saying that

he saw "no moral problem" involved with a
patient requesting that his doctor remove
the life-prolonging paraphernalia and let
him die in peace. Yet removing the tubes
through which the sources of life of the
patient flow is surely no different than
depriving the patient of life itself.
THERE HAS BEEN NO END to the con-
troversy connected to mercy killing;
surely a majority of doctors have been
faced at one time or another with the
decision of prolonging or ending the life'
of a patient. Many of them have followed
the dictates of the heart and relieved the
patient from further pain; but if discov-
ered, these physicians are no longer al-
lowed to practice medicine-a great price
to pay for being merciful.
Many doctors, on the other hand, have
compelled themselves to adhere to the
law and to a supposedly moral concept
that to take a life for a merciful reason
is no less murderous than to butcher a
passerby on the street. The number of pa-
tients alive to this day who would much
rather have been put to sleep painlessly
a long time ago is mute testimony to the
tragedy that such a warped moral pre-
cept is responsible for.
BISHOP SHEEN, as a clergyman, must
have spent many a sleepless night pon-
dering over such moral precepts and their
efficacy in modern environmental condi-
tions. His decision will be decried by many
other religious leaders, although it is only
the first. step.
The advocates of euthanasia will have

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3

LAST THURSDAY I was faced
with a situation which gave me
an opportunity to be a good sa-
maritan; this would further imply
that I would help reinforce the
moral strength of American so-
ciety: I put a penny in an expired
parking meter to prevent an of-
ficer of Ann Arbor's honorable,
noble, outstanding and exemplary
police department from issuing a
parking ticket.
There was no egotistical moti-
vation in my act; the car did not
belong to myself nor to anyone
I know. This was merely done to
save some stranger from a park-
ing ticket. The next thing I knew

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