Mir Et~tan aItj
A~ MAAGED Sevty-Third Year
E=Trzv AND MAxA= !!!Y STmen' o T E Urrrr OFMmAN
UNDm AvTmOr TZ of BOARD N CONTLaL o STUDENT PEULCATION
bere OPiatofS mA A e STUDENT P umjcAToNs &DG. AN Aaam, MCH., PHoNE No 2-3241
Truth Will Piea#l"
dit6ria s printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

SDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: GAIL EVANS


'U' Should Back
Fiscal Reform Plans

IT IS TIME for the University to speak out
for fiscal reform.
The University has a vital stake in Gov.
George Romney's tax revision program and
thus far it does not look good for the Univer-.
sity. The plan's failure to raise revenue threat-
ens the University with more years of tight
budgets and inadequate growth just when
demands upon the University are rising.
Virtually all of the University's funds for
undergraduate instruction and faculty salaries
come from the state appropriation. This
amount-$38.2 million this year-has not risen
fast enough to meet the pressure of a one-
third increase in applicants. The approximately
$1.5 million increases of the last two years
have gone to raise faculty salaries slightly and
little else.
WITHOUT MASSIVE INCREASES in the
state appropriation, the University cannot
continue to give the same caliber education it
offers today. Larger and more depersonalized
classes will result as the University tries to
enroll as many students as it can and still
maintain educational quality. Good faculty
members will be harder to recruit and retain.
Fiscal reform points a way out of present
crisis and future stagnation. If properly ar-
ranged, a revision of the state's taxation system
can yield more revenue which can be spent
on higher educration and other state services.
An income tax, added to a more equitable tax
structure, has unlimited possibilities .for future
revenue. It will have a flexibility that can
maintain a high level of state services during
all economic conditions. This structure will
also spur economic growth, easing the tax
burden.
BUT ROMNEY, hemmed in by varied political
considerations, has only attempted to re-
arrange the state's fiscal structure. His- pro-
posals for adding and subtracting $306 million
still leaves the state $580 million next year.
Romney had cut a $610 million "minimum"
budget, computed this summer by Comptroller
Glenn S. Allen, to $580 million and $17 million
in required pension funding. The University set
$41 million-$3 million more than this year
--as its "minimum" figure. The Allen budget
gives higher education only $1 million more
than last year. But $13 million has been slashed
from this overall budget.

Higher education stands to lose under Rom-
ney's meat axe. Unlike many state services, it
has neither earmarked funds nor, fixed ob-
ligations to ensure a steady flow of income.
The Legislature can easily trim the University's
and other colleges' and universities'.appropria-
tions to fit a $580 million ceiling, regardless of
these institutions' needs.
THE UNIVERSITY has only feebly reacted
to this threat. Its general policy is to avoid
involvement in messy political issues that do
not clearly and immediately involve the Uni-
versity. There are no plans to lobby during the
special session.
Regent Paul G. Goebel has done most in
this area when he reminded Romney Monday
of the University's need for money to educate
a rising number of students. To date, he is,
the only University spokesman to warn against
the implications of Romney's standpat fiscal
reform.
THE UNIVERSITY should act now to avoid
future appropriation squeezes. It should
make clear that any fiscal reform program
must yield new revenue for higher education.
It should also endorse a state-wide income tax
as the best means of obtaining this needed
money.
The University need not support a specific
program, but should continually reiterate these
two basic principles. The details, which could
lead the University into hot political water,
should be left to the Legislature, but the gen-
eral principles must be rammed home and ac-
cepted.
If the University fears that public state-
ments would be politically unwise, it should
quietly lobby for these principles. Such lobby-
ing would not hurt the, University and may
even answer a long standing legislative com-
plaint that the University always asks for
money but never suggests how to raise it.
TIMIDITY on fiscal reform can be costly.
The University need not be involved in
legislative politics, but it must stand up to these
basic principles, important to its survival as a
first-rate educational institution, or suffer the
consequences.
-PHILIP SUTIN
National Concerns Editor

To The Ebwr
To the Editor: as many as five calls in five min-
MR. HERSTEIN in his editorial utes. There was even that 11:59
on the law and demonstra- p.m. call. We still haven't decided
tions states that "it is probably why anyone would call for a sub-
necessary that juries place the law scription to The Daily at mid-
above the justice of an action ex- night.
cept in the most extreme cases."
The direct implication is that he IN SHORT, we have had a mis-
condones the action of the council erable time of it. It is pointless
chamber sit-in. He must feel that to change our number since all
this manner of expression is jus- calls to this number are then given
tified In a larger sense even the new one. We do feel, however,
though the momentary and im- that The Daily can do two things
plicit legality of the issue is not to maintain its fair name: 1) Re-
justified, quest that the copy editor write
Mr. Herstein uses a ludicrous the correct number of The Daily
example to fortify his point. He 100 times, and 2) Send us a free
claims that local juries in Alabama subscription for the remainder of
could consider the killing of a the year. (We think you have a
Negro girl just if they were to very fine newspaper.)
look at it with no consideration of -Mrs. V. Patrick Braden
the law. This point is only an
extremely prejudiced statement
about Alabama values and nothing CINEMA GUILD:
more. The real issue lies in wheth
er violation of a law is in direct T h il 9t l
moral contradiction of the law
being broken. That is, the question
comes down to this: is revolt moral
when moral authority is specific-
ally insensitive to public com-
plaint?
A GOOD comparison can be REVIEWING a suspense movie
a akalmost as delicate as
made between the Southern lunch making the movie itself.The se-
counter sit-ins and the Ann Arbor cretin both cases is to tantalize
sit-ins. In the South the action of the audience; one must reveal just
sitting at a counter ;where it was enough to stimulate interest, yet
forbidden for Negroes to sit con-
stituted a direct violation of the withhold the essentials to create
law which the demonstrators suspense.
"Diabolique," at the Cinema
wanted repealed. Ultimately, the Guild tonight and tomorrow, is an
Supreme Court prohibited the seg- impeccably slick little thriller. If
This justified the morality of you liked "Psycho," you'll love
sit-ins down South. In Ann Arbor this one of the suspense-
the sitlwns violated the criminal horror genre is simplicity. Extran-
trespass law, but this charge has eous matters must not intrude
not been used, rather one of loiter- upon the central question. "Dia-
ing. Nevertheless, the demonstra- bolique" is far simpler. than
tors are not contesting the moral- "Psycho," and therefore is the
ity of the trespass and loitering superior thriller.
laws, they are contesting the fair r ri .
housing ordinance. THE HEADMASTER of a boys
It seems then that the Ann prep school has the best of all
Arbor sit-ins cannot be equated possible worlds with a wife and a
with the Southern, sit-ins on either mistress, both in residence, to
legal or moral grounds. The dem- choose from. That is until the
onstrations. here are no more than women decide to do him in..
bids for attention and if atten- There is n wasted motion in
tion Is not given then the situa- t he chatersm'arenren
this film. The characters are re-
tncn only lead to more ex- vealed immediately: cynical hus-
sensv "law breaking.H to say that band; icy mistress; pious, sub-
saysh"Butthis r i no th s t lat servient wife. The women get a
their breaking of the loitaering tlawt rgfo h ilg a n h
was not justified." I cannot agree drug from the biology lab and the
with him since I see no direct Fantastin though the story is
legal or moral justification, superb characterizations add the
-Harvey Wartosky, '64 necessary element of reality. These
are real people on the screen.
Misprint .. . Simone Signoret does a particular-
To the Editor: ly fine job as the mistress.
WE WOULD like to set the rec- CONSTRAINED from revealing
ord straight. The telephone of what happens, let me say some-
The Daily is numabered 662-3241; thing about how it happens.
ours is 663-3241. Twice in the past Director Henri-Georges Clouzot
week-and-a-half The Daily has is in perfect control of the film.
misprinted its own telephone num- Having reduced the story to its
ber. Approximately 150' times in essentials, he embellishes it with
this period has someone in the numerous deft touches which add
family, politely, and with the immeasurably to the final effect.
cheerfulness born of hopelessness, He has mastered perfectly the
answered a usually irate Daily art of revealing while withholding,
customer to give him the correct and he knows just what to do
number. with background music: throw it
The baby (aged three) has also out.
suffered. She has not had an un- Best line in the movie: "Our
interrupted nap in this time, alibi still holds water."
Meals have been interrupted with --Sam Walker
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Exploring the Moon
Together?

V
t

'1

FISCAL REFORM PLAN:-
Dividing the Income Tax

K1aiazoo and Barnett Too

MISSISSIPPI Gov. Ross T. Barnett stole the
march on his disrespectful audience Tues-
day night in Kalamazoo, and what is more
he did so without their knowing it.
Slyly, he baited his audience with a hell-fire
and brimstone speech that was worthy of a
Baptist evangelist. He carefully skirted direct
reference to segregation and concentrated his
fire on state's rights, which he termed "as
vital today for the preservation of our freedoms
as it was in 1776.
"Disagree (on segregation) if we must," he
entreated. "But let us unite against the on-
slaught of totalitarianism in Washington, and
let us defend those local rights which are
clearly ours."
ITH THESE and many other indirect but
obvious references, he set the stage for
the emotion-packed question-and-answer per-
iod that followed. In his lengthy but honey-
smooth address he tore into such "great Ameri-
can institutions" as the Kennedys, old Supreme
Court decisions and "the great American tra-
ditions."
As such, the question-and-answer period was
characterized by sassy questions, conceived in
haste and delivered in folly. Such questions as
"Do you consider Negroes people" or "Are there
integrated cemetaries in the South" were met
with laughter and catcalls, while Gov. Barnett
waited patiently for the din to subside. He then
proceeded to reply with answers so clever and
pat that his examiners were obviously, even to
the most hostile critic of the governor, neatly
put in their place.
Quite clearly, Gov. Barnett had anticipated
such ridiculous questions and was quite pre-
pared to reply.
UT THE IMPORTANCE of his appearance
lies not in what was said by the governor,
nor in the questions and answers that followed,
but rather in the reception that the whole
matter received.
In this score, Gov. Barnett was quite clearly
the victor. Placed on a podium, surrounded by
an almost totally hostile audience of thousands,
Barnett endeavored to convey the image of the
dignified and patient Southern gentleman
molested by the uncouth and ill-bred rudeness
of a group of teen-agers.
In this, his audience obliged him: they
showed him a very minimum of respect. The
state of Michigan obliged him: Gov. Romney
clj4r £i4tjit Batty

brazenly attempted to prevent his appearance
-to abridge his freedom of speech. And the
local and state civil rights brigades obliged
him: they turned out to picket, lending the
air of unrespectability that demonstrations.
seem to lend nowadays.
He took on a pleading tone, then a magnan-
imous one. And any who were watching and/or
listening without a mind pre-filled with hate
would have found it hard to find this kind and
dignified Southern gentleman anything but
a good man.
He appealed for an end to violence, to bitter-
ness and a restoration "of the dignity of the
races." He invoked the patriotic sentiments of
Americans to "restore our constitutional liber-
ties." He quietly but surely put down the
crudeness of his critics.
IN A VACUUM, such a situation would enlist
the sympathy of any decent person. Here is
patience and dignity being threatened by rude-
ness and folly. And I submit that many within
the earshot of the Hon. Ross. T. Barnett got
the image he sought to convey. Many resented
his rude reception and were ashamed at the
attempts to abridge his freedom of speech. And
because of their negative reactions, they were
less inclined to agree with his enemies.
This is in fact the intent of Ross Barnett.
He hopes to cause his violent opponents to
alienate enough potential supporters by their
outspoken conduct that support will be drawn
off to a third cause-a cause that will split the
control of the government to the point that in
an election the South would hold the swing
votes.
HOW SUCCESSFUL his course will be re-
mains to be seen, but the success of his,
image-projection is becoming more and more
apparent. Such leading journals as the Satur-
day Evening Post, Newsweek, The New York
World Telegram and the Sun and the Christian
Science Monitor are currently reporting that
the uncommitted are cooling off on the race
issue. Such comments as "too much, too fast"
seem to be characterizing more and more
citizens' thoughts on civil rights.
And the same journals report a citizens' dis-
taste for the violence, the demonstrations and
the disrespect which is pretty generally at-
tributed to the pro-civil rights faction. Now
while this alienated support will not shift to
Barnett and his group, it will also be quite
slow in realigning with the liberals. This is the
best Barnett can hope for-that enough people
lose interest in advancing the cause of civil
rights that it will die a.disinterested death.

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
ninth in a series of articles investi-
gating Gov. George Romney's pro-
posed fiscal reform plan.)
By STEVEN HALLER
A GOOD DEAL of the ill will
centered about Gov. George
Romney's 12-part plan comes from
the Detroit area. The main reason
for that city's strong opposition to
the plan is the eleventh specific
legislation, which calls for De-
troit's current city income tax to
be cut down the middle.
The local option legislation pro-
posed by Romney has three major
provisions, and it is the first of
these that is causing all the con-
troversy. The governor requests
"legislation for optional city in-
come taxes establishing uniform
authority, standards and rate of
one per cent; providing state ad-
ministration and re-distribution;
with the ordinance to be enacted
upon approval of the governing
body of the city."
* * *
UNDER THIS proposal, Romney
further suggests that "within the
area of a city's income taxing
authority, two principles be firmly
established by legislation: that
the state pre-empt the field of
taxing corporation income, and
that the taxation of personal in-
come by cities be on a shared basis
-one-half where the taxpayer
works, one-half where he lives."
The governor explains that "vil-
lages, counties, townships and
other local units are not practical
governmental units to install an
income tax." Although he does not
clarify the rationale behind this
statement, some insight on the
matter is provided by House
Speaker Allison Green (R-King-
ston).
Green has pointed out that the
idea of school districts being al-
lowed to levy income taxes for
their use is not a feasible one.
"Many districts are located with-
in more than one county, creating
a jurisdictional problem: if the
power is given to such districts to
collect taxes other than property
taxes, who would collect it?"
* * *
ON THE OTHER HAND, if such
taxes are levied by city and county
governments, there is no way at
present in which the funds can
legally be channeled into the
school system, Green adds. He
notes that current school revenue
("if one counts retirement bene-
fits, and one must include them")
is fairly equally divided between
state and property taxes.
Romney suggests that those
cities which do not have an in-
come tax at the present time not
have the authority to collect the
levy until after Jan. 1, 1964. He
also proposes that the matter of
what a city shall do with the in-
come tax be left strictly up to the
local government, which is prob-
ably the most sensible part of the
entire local option plan.
According to the governor, his
plan "will free. (cities') existing
property tax base for use by school
districts, counties, townships, vil-
lages and other units of local gov-
ernment. The results should be

THE GOVERNOR'S desire for
a more uniform plan is commend-
able, but to follow through with
it will mean a severe restriction
on the cities' authority to levy
such a tax. If the Legislature
passes this part of the program,
however, it will nullify the State
Supreme Court decision of last
year stating that no body could
disallow cities the right to levy
an income tax.
In addition, it can be said of
non-incorporated businesses-part-
nerships or single proprietorships
-that they "frequently rest with-
in several local taxing jurisdic-
tions, and their tax liability should
be on a uniform basis," just as
with corporations. The problem is
not avoided merely by avoiding a
city-imposed corporate income tax.
As it is, such non-incorporated
concerns are not liable to the taxes
imposed on incorporated firms, al-
though the individual partners
face the usual income and pro-
perty taxes. Many salesmen, doc-
tors and milkmen fall into this
general category.
THERE ARE two relatively mi-
nor provisions encountered in
Romney's local option package.
One calls for the establishment
of 'uniform authority and stan-
dards for county real estate trans-
fer tax ordinances and county
motor vehicle fees." Romney notes
that this move would "provide
elbow room for county government
and permit further property tax
relief or more adequate financing
of county services"
The other suggestion would "en-
able adoption of fixed allocation
of property taxes among counties,
school districts and townships
within the new 18-mill limitation."
Since it would be up to the coun-
ties to decide by popular vote
whether the fixed allocation would
serve the area well, this should
not be greatly decried.
THE PORTION of Romney's lo-
cal option proposal on which the
most newsprint has been frittered
away of late, however, is also the
one on which the most attention
will surely be focused this fall.
This is the idea that Detroit's
city income tax should be cut
down the middle so that it may be
shared equally between the city
and the neighboring suburbs.
Says Romney, "Each of us owes
certain responsibility for taxpay-
ing support of the community
where he works, and also to the
community wherenhe lives and
where his children go to school.
It would be unfair for one city to
usurp the entire taxpaying ability
of the individual.
"The logical and fair answer in
the case of those who live in one
community and work in another
is to share the responsibility-half
of the tax on earnings where the
taxpayer lives, half where he
works. This is tax justice."
The total loss to the city of De-
troit is so great that it is not
surprising that Romney devoted
HOOT':

no little space to that city's prob-
lems in his speech to the Leg-
islature. Romney noted that De-
troit would lose $5-6 million from
this plan and from the loss of the
city corporate income tax, but he
said that Detroit should have no
trouble making up the deficit
somehow by the time the plan
would go into effect.
Even if Detroit were able to
make it up with dispatch-which
is not a foregone conclusion-the
initial shock to Detroit taxpayers
was nothing compared to that
which seized Mayor Jerome Cava-
nagh. He immediately denounced
the whole idea, pointing out that
a loss of $5-6 million would have
been bad enough, but Detroit
would lose at least $10 million
through Romney's proposal.
The immediate reaction to such
a statement might have been to
chalk it up to the fact that Cava-
nagh is a Democrat; but as it
turned out, Cavanagh was right.
The hitch is that Romney was
operating with an inaccurate set
of data about Detroit's financial
situation to begin with.
* * *
THE MAIN REASON for the
mix-up was Romney's insistence
upon keeping his plan a secret until
he announced it. When his aide
called City Controller Alfred Pel-
ham to find out how much the
city had collected from corpora-
tions last year, the figure quoted
was about $2 million.
According to the aide, Pelham
failed to point out that most cor-
porations had been granted a de-
lay in paying their taxes until
six months later. According to a
Detroit newspaper, the aide did
not expand upon the question any
further than finding out the fig-
ure of $2 million. In any case, the
error meant that the governor was
basing his estimate on a total $6
million loss to Detroit
THE AIDE added that even with
the figures straightened around,
the basic philosophy behind the
local option plan has not changed
in the governor's mind. The gen-
eral idea remains that Detroit
would not be hit by the loss the
first year, and by that time the
county would have assumed a
larger share of the total respon-
sibility.
The one item overlooked in the
talk about the fairness of the
share-the-income tax plan is the
fact that the commuters involved
are already paying a property tax
to the suburb in which they live,
whereas they are not responsible
in any comparable way to the city
in which they work.
This property tax is levied on
a higher rate than the income
tax in question, so that the "fair
and equal division" of the income
tax actually places half of an in-
come tax on top of a property tax
in one city and leaves only the
rest of the income tax for the
commuter to pay where he works.
If the idea is to equalize the pres-
sure on both sides, levying the in-
come tax entirely in the business
area would come closer to the
mark.

By WALTER LIPPMANN
TVHE PRESIDENT has made his
suggestion of collaboration in
going to the moon at a time when
there is some improvement in
USSR-United States relations. It
happens also to be a time when
there is a growing doubt among
American scientists and among
the people generally about the
commitment to put an American
on the moon by the year 1970.
The President's proposal at the
United Nations is excellent, it
seems to me, even if the joint
effort proves to be technically and
politically impracticable. It is ex-
cellent because it may offer an
honorable way to correct the mis-
takes of our original commitments
about going to the moon.
There were two big mistakes.
One was the commitment to put
a man, a living person rather than
instruments, on the moon. The
other mistake was to set a dead-
line-1970-when the man was to
land on the moon.
* * *
THESE TWO mistakes have
transformed what is an immensely
fascinating scientific experiment
into a morbid and vulgar stunt.
The use of living man rather than
instruments has given a gruesome
color to the whole enterprise
which is akin to that of the circus,
performer who shoots a flower.out
of his daughter's mouth. For this
is showmanship and not science,
and it contaminates the whole
affair. We shall be back in the
realm of honest science when we
proclaim as our objective the land-
ing and orbiting of instruments
which can send back exact data.
The setting of 1970 as a target
date turned the enterprise into a
race in which the objective is not

mids has a society devoted such
gigantic sums to a purpose which
has almost nothing to do with its
security or its welfare.
AND YET, the exploration of
space will bring a new under-
standing of the universe and of
life, and this is a noble end for
which to work. But all this will be
done best-all this, it may be, can
be done only-if the impulses of
the project are purified, if they are
cleansed of showmanship, chauv-
inism and morbid commercialism.
Opening up the heavens is too big
an enterprise to be mixed with
concern about which nation gets
the first headlines and the biggest
ones.
As I see it, the best way to purify
the moon project is to do what
the President has suggested, to
work out with the Soviet Union at
least a common program with
growing exchange of scientific data
and increasing consultation. It
does not matter much whether the
first trip to the moon is made by
an American astronaut and a
Soviet astronette. What does mat-
ter is that we should agree to treat
our separate efforts as a scientific
and not a cold-war operation.
(c) 1963,',The Washington Post Co
Idealis
THERE ARE those who say, and
sometimes with reason, that
social fraternities have so de-
generated that they bear little
resemblance to the ideal I have
presented. There are others who
say that materialism is "the wave
of the future" so why fight it?
But, let us not accept evil Just

T'

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