Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BYS TUDENTS OF THE UNIvERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Where Opions Are Free STUDENT PUBuCATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"'
ditorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

,SEPTEMBER 6, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: GAIL EVANS


Disorganized Democrats
May Get Dumped

HE DEMOCRATS are in trouble and know
it. It looks like the 1964 presidential elec-
i will be another close one, which may go
,inst tradition and dump President Ken-
ly out of the White House.
loth major parties have deep ideological
ts in them, but, for once, the Democrats
being hurt by it more than the Republicans.
e complete inactivity of congressional Demo-
ts and President Kennedy's inability to get
najor bill passed has made voters dissatis-
i with the Democrats.
lost statistics on voting behavior indicate
t the majority of voters do' not decide on
es, but vote from family background, socio-
nomic class or traditional bias. Normally
y are unaffected by campaign oratory and
usually immune to newspaper editorial pre-
ions and recommendations. But even the
rformed cannot ignore blaring headlines
ut Birmingham, riots in South Viet Nam
i inaction on Kennedy's tax bill. They can-
passively sit by and watch a Democratic
jority in Congress act like another "do
hing" body.
'he college liberal who will not vote for a
d more radical party or a solidly Democra-
pr'ofessor cannot avoid condemning the
nocratic party either. When they see Demo-
tic governors pussyfoot around the - civil
its issue at their national conference, they
feel nothing but disgust. When Senator
in keeps recalling Attorney General Robert
inedy in for ridiculous questioning on the
i rights bill or the State Department hedges
South Viet Nam with a familiar "watch
i wait" policy, the educated voter can only
1frustration.
HEN KENNEDY runs in 1964, he may find
that this disenchantment has been organ-
I behind Republicans.

The deep South may split off and look for a
third candidate as its favorite son. Perhaps it
will be J. Edgar Hoover or Senator Harry Byrd
as Mississippi Gov. Ross Barnett recently sug-
gested. Some Southern states may even be
tempted to vote for Goldwater if he ran, since
his conservative philosophy ranks close to
Southern Democrats.
The civil rights controversy has nullified
Kennedy's margin in key Southern states such
as Texas and has alienated much of the public
in general.
CIVIL RIGHTS has also alienated liberal
Democrats, since many think that Ken-
nedy's bill came too late in his term and that
Democrats will mutilate or kill his civil rights
package. With this in mind; New York Gov.
Nelson Rockefeller has begun to beat the drums
for the Republican party as the "true party
of civil rights." While Goldwater hasn't com-
pletely declared himself on this issue, the party
may still try to keep the aura created by
Rockefeller. Republicans have also effectively
started to decry Democratic congressional in-
activity and are getting good results.
President Kennedy appears to be heading-
if he is heading-a highly disorganized and
unpredictable party. Its achievements seem to
be disappearing compared to its failures oc-
curring daily in this congressional session.
The attempt to court everyone has resulted
in satisfying no one, and the deep split in the
party makes it look like it is entering dark days.
AS FAR as most voters are concerned, edu-
cated or uneducated, they just want some-
thing done quickly.
-BARBARA LAZARUS
Personnel Director

It's A Wise Father That Knows His Own Bomb
r----
7 -"
AT
IF -:

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
The Mess in Viet Nam:
Grin and Bear it

4


SUMMER IN NEW YORK:
Bringing The. Point Home

r.

By WALTER LIPPMANN
SINCE South Viet Nam is fogged
in by censorship and propa-
ganda, it is impossible to know for
sure whether there is in fact a
great crisis.
President Diem and his family
have certainly made themselves
violently disliked in the Buddhist.
countries of Asia, and indeed all
over the world.
But at this distance we do not
know whether their power, such
as it has been, to rule the country
is substantially less than it used
to be. For their power does not
rest upon popularity and election,
but upon force, patronage, corrup-
tion and intrigue.
While their will to wage guerrilla
war has never been strong, there is
nothing to show that there is any
decided change.
THERE IS, it would seem, some
confirmation for this view in the
varying reports about the Ken-
nedy administration's line of policy
toward Diem and his family.
At first, it was that they must
be made to go by withholding
American aid until a junta of army
generals overthrew them. But on
second thought, presumably as a
result of reports from Saigon, the
line was changed to one of living
with Diem and trying to reform
him by diplomacy.
* * *
THE SECOND thoughts were
more realistic than the first, not
because there is much chance of
reforming the Diem government,
but because a government of Viet-
namese generals, installed by the
United States, would hardly be
better or more popular than Diem,
and might well be worse.
And so, since we cannot reform
the Diem government, since we
cannot replace it and since we
cannot abandon it, we have to put
up with it for the time being.
How long, we ask ourselves,
might that be? Long enough, I
suppose, for a change to take place
in the complex balance of forces
in Southeast Asia.
As of now, at least, there is a
military and political stalemate
in the whole region. None of the
powers involved has the military
and political strength to impose, or
to bring about the negotiation of,
a settlement that all concerned
could live with.
Thus the Soviet Union, which
we have been regarding as the
principal power in Indo-China, has
manifestly lost control and in-
fluence. It could not now, even if
it wished to, settle the Vietnamese
war.
The power of Red China hangs
over Northern Indo-China, feeds.
the guerrilla.war and stands in the
way of a negotiated settlement.
But Red China, which covets the
riches of Indo-China, is held in
check by the knowledge that overt
expansion will provoke the sea
and air power of the United
States.
* * *
GEN. CHARLES de Gaulle's in-
tervention has behind it little ma-
terial force. There is some French
influence which remains from the
old days, and there is a large cul-
tural connection with France. But
there is no military power and
little economic power.
Yet, Gen. de Gaulle's action has
moral force which adheres to him'
because he may well have reduced
the formula to the only possible
settlement for the future of Indo-
China. An indeterminate number
of people in Indo-China and in the
rest of the world may think this
to be the truth.
However annoying, Gen. de
Gaulle may be right that the ul-
timate objective of policy, though
enormously difficult to attain, is
a reunited, independent and neu-
tral Viet Nam. No other kind of
settlement is possible.
We shall not permit a Chinese
conquest of Indo-China. The
Chinese will not submit to an
American-supported conquest of
North Viet Nam. If there is no

settlement such as Gen. de Gaulle
proposes, then a protracted and
indecisive war of attrition is all
that is left.
I SEE no reason why the ad-
ministration should resent the

51DELINE ON SGC:
Toward A Dynamic Council.

fective . .

STUDENT GOVERNMENT COUNCIL's days of
talk, paper and politics but little meaningful
legislation are going the way of free football
bickets.
If given wholehearted approval, Council's
proposed regulations on discriminatory mem-
bership selection practices among student
groups will at last enable it to govern effec-
bively its electorate.
Wednesday's meeting saw Council making
real strides toward legislating such regula-
tions. If all goes according to schedule; they
will be voted into existence at its next meeting
following an open public hearing.
THE PROPOSED regulations mark the open-
ing of an exciting era for Council, which saw
ts authority to regulate discriminatory prac-
ices among student groups reaffirmed by the
Regents last May. It is the time for an end to
conservative qualms and political reserve.
If its confirned powers are to be used to
best advantage, If it would become the power-
wielding, effective student government its
critics demand, Council must now champion the
liberal cause.
UNFORTUNATELY, the liberal cause had few
champions at Wednesday's meeting. With
he impending resignation of Council member
Eoward Abrams and Interquadrangle Council
President Kent Bourland, SGC faces the crisis
of a diminishing liberal faction.
While a strongly united liberal faction is
not, in itself, an incontestable virtue, it none-
theless often acts as a stimulant to a slow-
moving conservative majority. Such stimulus
is sorely needed now to spur a conservative SGC
oward meaningful legislation in the area of
liscrimination.
The fact of a hesitant conservative major-
ity was unmistakably illustrated Wednesday
when Council voted to delete one of- the pro-
posed regulations of discriminatory practices
from its working papers.
The proposal was one which would prohibit
any group from adopting, maintaining, or em-
ploying a "membership selection procedure
which permits a person or persons (other than
resent local student members of the group),
o exercise substantial control over membership
selection."
IN EFFECT, the proposal sought to curtail
alumni control over membership selection.
Council voted to delete this provision; yet this
s an area which must be regulated if Council is
o end discrimination both open and tacit
among student groups.
The proposal or an equivalent must be re-
stored to the working papers and all necessary
,hanges made if Council is to make best use
of its powers to govern its electorate and to
emerge as a dynamic, activist student govern-
mnent.
Now is no time for conservative cold feet.
--LOUISE LIND

Spineless. .
SPINELESSNESS in the face of controversy
is an old Student Government Council
technique.
Now that Council has been squarely handed
the membership discrimination crisis, it is
already hedging and ho-humming.
Wednesday's opening Council meeting
brought the furtiveness clearly into 'evidence.
Council was considering a set of rough drafts
for legislation which quite specifically out-
lined procedures for investigating, determining
and punishing discrimination in student or-
ganizations.
THEY WERE too specific. Focal point for dis-
cussion was one clause which prohibited a
group from maintaining a membership selec-
tion procedure that allowed "substantial con-
trol" over the selection by persons other than
present local student members of the group.
This clause, point five of the rough draft,
obviously aimed at preventing alumni black-
balls of prospective members. It was not in-
tended to deprive an individual member of the
student group from keeping anyone out of
his group. The next clause specifically stated
that the rules would not be interpreted to pre-
vent local student members from exercising
their individual right to veto the candidacy of
a prospective member.
Despite the next clause, point five imme-
diately ran into opposition from fraternity-wise
Council members. Realizing that fraternity
alumni hold the purse strings, these members
argued that for a fraternity to deprive alumni
of their balling privilege, where such may exist,
was practically tantamount to severing rela-
tions.
BUT AS DAILY EDITOR Ronald Wilton
countered, alumni would be very likely to
throw discriminatory blackballs-blackballs
that would be practically impossible to discover
or label as discriminatory. After all, he noted,
the business before Council was' to deal ef-
ficiently with alleged discrimination in student
organizations.
Realizing the pragmatics of alumni power
finally motivated Council to strike the point
five despite a last reminder by Ken Miller that
SGC tradition has always discouraged undue
outside influence in membership selections.
BUT PRAGMATICS took an even deeper hold
when the Council added to the next clause
the specific right of an alumni member to cast
a ball. It was small consolation when an official
interpretation of this point was added to the
minutes prohibiting alumni to cast discrimina-
tory balls.
The interpretive comment was just not
enough. Obviously. the fraternity alumni are a
powerful force which must be satisfied if the
fraternity system is to survive. At the same
time, students, administrators and Regents are
looking to Council to concoct a strong and de-
finitive statement and policy against discrim-
ina-in-in m- hare- in nlrt -nr , .- -,,,ivr.~.

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This article
concludes a two part series con-
cerning last summer's surge for
civil rights in New York City.)
By ROBERT GRODY
"WHAT DO we want?"
"Freedom!"
"When do we want it?"
"Now."
These are the chants that greet-
ed the half-awake throng of New
York commuters one morning in
July. The sleepy worker reading
accounts of demonstrations in his
morning paper or passing picket
lines on his way to the office
didn't pay much attention to the
commotion; he automatically at-
tributed the ruckus to some inte-
gration problem in the South, far
away.
It wasn't until lunchtime, when
he becomes fully awake, that he
realized t h e anti - segregation
chants were directed not at Bir-
mingham but at the Bronx, not
at Gov. Wallace but at Mayor
Wagner. Picketing and sit-in dem-
onstrations were being held at
three outlets of a local commer-
cial chain: the White Castles.
WHITE CASTLES are small
whitewashed drive-ins with a me-
dieval flavor to their architecture,,
specializing in the 12-cent ham-
burger. CORE began picketing on
Saturday, July 6, demanding that
the firm hire more Negroes and
Puerto Ricans. The chain has four
Negroes among its 126 employes
in the Bronx. Almost at once, re-
ports of crowds jeering the pickets
and pelting them first with eggs
and later stones, came from one of
the demonstration sites-at Bos-
ton Post Road and Allerton Ave.
On Monday, July 8, 200 police-
men responded to two riot calls,
breaking up the gangs that threat-
ened the 20 CORE pickets. On
Tuesday, the ninth, police arrest-
ed three people-two hecklers and
a white picket-in a brawl alleg-
edly resulting from four hecklers
hurling hot coffee at the pickets;
there were 300 police and the
number of pickets rose to 60. No
one tried to count the crowd.
The Allerton Ave. location was'
especially tense since it already
had a reputation as a hangout for
young toughs long before CORE
arrived.
S * *
"IT'S ALL the fault of that
gang from the White Castle park-
ing lot," a neighborhood woman
remarked. "That place draws
every hoodlum in the Bronx and
Westchester."
By July 10 the City of New York
realized that it had on its hands
what amounted to a substantial
race riot. Reports of violence
mounted, and the newspapers
were brimming with news stories,
interviews, features, and editorials.
On that day the City Commission
on Human Rights announced
plans to talk with representatives
of the White Castle chain in an
effort to solve what the commis-
sion called "a tense interracial
situation threatening to disrupt
an otherwise stable and peaceful

PICKETING and negotiations
continued without incident until
late Wednesday night, July. 17,
when pickets were withdrawn as a
result of a phone call from the
commission to Herbert Callender,
CORE Bronx co-chairman, in-
forming him that the White
Castle was "reconsidering" CORE's
proposals. But the following day
the chain turned down the de-
mands. Picketing resumed" under
heavy police protection and a
CORE spokesman said that "we
will continue to picket until our
demands are met."
The picketing itself, its sur-
roundings, and the violence attest
to the mounting open racial ten-
sion which is a new and arresting
experience for New York.
* * *
NORTHERN pickets in the past
were usually regarded-when they
weren't ignored - by the public
and the press as irresponsible and
insignificant, a bunch of over-
enthusiastic kids whose young
energy was either distorted or
even perhaps exploited by some
subversive organization. The Wool-
worth demonstrations of last year
and two years ago, protesting
segregation of lunch counters in
the chain's southern stores fell
victim to such a public reaction,
and died an unheralded death.
Today's demonstrations are dif-
ferent, not in the names the
pickets are called but in the fact
that pickets cannot be dismissed
nearly so easily as in the past.
In the past demonstrations
were usually directed, as in the
Woolworth case, at remote in-
stances of discrimination, pri-
marily those in the South; people
involved in cases of local dis-
crimination were understandably
afraid to have such cases brought
into the perilous limelight.
THIS SUMMER the picketing
has been organized primarily by
CORE, a group of young, educated,
well organized and well financed
people; and they get plenty of
publicity. They're not afraid to
throw up a picket line anywhere.
In general, things are more out in
the open. COIR has matured into
CCHR (City Commission on Hu-
man Rights). The organization
still has nowhere near sufficient
funds or personnel, but it is now
recognized as the official mediator
in cases of racial friction.
T h e White Castle incident
served as a warning. It showed
that racially, all was not well in
New York, and that there is a
great deal of popular resistance
to change.
Without warning the civil rights
movement, subject of countless
newspaper articles, television doc-
umentaries, and Sunday barbecue
discussions had come to New York.
It had suddenly become very real:
it no longer went away when one
flipped to the sports page or
turned-off the television set. It
affected the life of everyone.
People were confused, appalled
and frightened.
* * *
PEOPLE in the North, and es-

gem and sometimes open disre-
gard for statutes form a subtle,
de-facto, but nonetheless effective
web of discrimination around
Negroes. Whites "up here" like
to point to the sparkling paper
monuments to their liberalism;
and are usually blinded by them.
Only a Negro can feel the full
effect of the paper curtain. Novel-
ist James Baldwin points out that
every Negro girl ever born is look-
ed upon as a prostitute by whites,
if she happens to be walking down
Times Square. Subtle and deep-
seated conditioned prejudice like
that one are the most difficult to
overcome.
The fact that Negroes are
exerting pressure to destroy types
of discrimination most whites
don't understand, or don't even
consciously know exist, leads the
average white newspaper reader
to be resentful, since to him
there is little apparent reason for
a sudden outbreak of belligerence.
COMEDIAN Dick Gregory once
made a profound statement of
the difference between the two
white attitudes toward Negroes:
"In the South they don't care
how close they get, as long as they
don't get too big; and in the
North they don't care how big
they get so long as they don't get
too close."
Our recent problems emerge
from the fact that Negroes have
realized that in the South in
order to become truly close he
has to be big, and "up here" in
order to become really big he has
to be close. In order for individ-
ual Negroes to get the standards
of education, housing and employ-
ment they deserve regardless of
color society has to be integrated-
completely. The northern white
will not think twice about sitting
next to a Negro on the subway,
but he will not meet him socially.
And if Negroes are to gain true
individual freedom this disdain
for social contact will have to be
wiped out.
Here is the heart of the ponflict
in the North.

president of France speaking about
the pacification of what used to be
French Indo-China. The French
must know some things that we,
who are newcomers and novices in
the region, do not know.
They have been present in
Indo-China for a generation. They
have educated the leaders of Viet
Nam. They have built its cities.
And they have fought a long and
difficult war and have tasted the
bitterness of defeat.
We should welcome the advice
of the French and, since there is
no possibility that they can re-
store their old colonial empire, we
should welcome their help.
(c) 1963, The Washington Post Co.
LETTERS
to the
EDITOR
To the Editor:
FRESHMAN, do not fear! Mine
is a solution to the problem of
four finals in one day. It is ob-
vious the administrators In the
labyrinth of their bureaucratic
chambers have hoped to create all
sorts of devilish plans which will
rob you of all that you hold dear
and precious.
Certainly this will include so
many finals so fast that your grade
point will plummit to unrecogniz-
able depths. But now they have
gone too far and we can defeat
their sinister aims.
Don't buy your athletic coupons.
Don't let them rob you of $12.
Stay home on those seven Satur-
days and review and prepare for
finals. Happiness and a rightfully
earned grade point can only be
your results.
* * *
TO THE REST of you, and es-
pecially to Daily staff writer Ken
Winter, such a solution probably
is unacceptable because you sort
of secretly (neurotically, I sup-
pose) enjoy the games.
For you, I have an even more
radical plan. You have fifteen
weeks before finals. Keep up with
your work and review every so
often. Probably such a plan is un-
acceptable, theoretically implaus
able if I may use such a bold term.
FINALLY to conclude this her-
esy especially for you Mr. Winter,
but also for all the uninitiated, I
offerprobably the most revolu-
tionary of all ideas. I offer no
proof for the following because
any right-thinking person will
realize no one would allow their
thinking to degenerate to such a
level.
Is it not possible that a student
(I use the term quite loosely) may
achieve the twin objectives of
learning something from a course
and also getting a good grade be-
cause he worked hard at it and
also because a good grade is often
the result of having learned some-
thing. Or do I give a venerable
professor too much credit in
thinking that 'he can successfully
write such an examination?
-Robert Ankli, Grad
THE STATE:
Messy
'Bpeach'
WHAT HAPPENS when typical
American Teenagers shed their
typical American school clothes
and don typical American Bikinis
on their typical playmate figures?
What happens when the typical
teenage couples mouth typical
Mickey Mouse club dialogue in a
typical teenage setting? What hap-
pens when typical American surf-
ers meet typical American motor-
cycle gangs? Hmmmm? Ya' wanna
know? Beach Party.
* * *

"BEACH PARTY" is just anoth-
er assembly line picture designed
to cash in on a current fad, this
time surfing. From Maine to Mali-
bu, the slang and dress of the
surfers is all the rage. So why not
make a movie about it for all those
non-Californians? If the movie is
"Beach Party," there are many
reasons why not.
The producer of "Beach Party"
never could make up his mind
whether his cast was to be 14 or
24 years of age. Consequently, the
dialogue and actions shift and in-
termingle between the two levels
so that college and junior high
audiences alike will squirm and
groan.
The photography of the surfers
in action is beautiful but of course
severely limited. It gets in the way
of the plot. The plot is out of Mad
Magazine.
THE ACTING ranges from bad
to worse. The only exception is
Annette Funicello, the Mousketeer
that grew up. Someone someday
is going to take her out of these
teenage vehicles and give her a de-
cent role. She is capable of surpris-
ing quite a few people.
Not so with Frankie Avalon. He
couldn't surprise anyone. He is his
usual insipid self. Dorothy Malone
is wor. Bnh nmmings seemq sa

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A Time For Greatness

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