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"Reckon We Done Won"

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Peacetime Progress
After World Crisis

Y, JANUARY 13, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN


Is a Second Invasion
Of Cuba Inevitable?

Yes ...

I S INVASION of Cuba the only way out?
Events are beginning to point irrevocably in
that direction.
The Soviet Union apparently has no inten-
tion whatsoever of giving up its only Western
bastion of Communism, and the vise has been
clamped so tightly on the island nation as to
make the possibility for a popular uprising
remote.
These two factors, not to mention Dean
Rusk's announcement Friday that the ad-
ministration has lifted the United States'
promise of no invasion of Cuba, have re-
opened the door to possible aggressive action
by the United States.
The withdrawal of Soviet missiles from Cuba
does not mean any weakening in the 'Soviet
bloc's economic, political and moral support
of Castro. Khrushchev's statement to this ef-
fect has become a gugarantee of Castro's sur-
vival. With backing of the size and quality
promised by Russia, it will take a strong force
from the outside to expel Communism from
the island. .
ACCORDING to Castro's lieutenant, Ernesto
Guevara, the USSR and its satellites have
advanced credits totalling about $450 million
to Cuba for the period 1961-65. Actual assist-
ance can only be estimated, but the Soviet
economical journal "Ekonomicheskaya Gazeta"
recently reported that Soviet trade with Cuba
in 1961 had totalled about $536 million and was
expected to reach $750 million last year.
The fact that Moscow is willing to lavish
factories, machines, technicians, advisers, trade
union delegations and political and propaganda
experts, as well as military equipment on Cuba
indicates the strength of the backing available
to Castro. He will become even more firmly
entrenched, and his reign of fear will gradually
become impossible to dislodge.
Even though Castro has lost much popular
support within Cuba, the regime is in no danger
from an internal uprising. And the whole world
should know this; including the Bay of Pigs
invaders, who demonstrate the desperateness
of the Cuban people and who feel that the
longer the delay the slimmer the chances of
ousting Castro will become.
IT IS SAID in all political science treatises
that rule cannot be "by the sword alone."
But nowadays with modern technology, a little
terror goes a long way. The Associated Press
has reported that there are at least 25,000
political convicts in prisons in Cuba, and tens
of thousands of others are regularly detained
and investigated.
The same report indicates that the economic
situation, even with the extensive Russian aid,
is poor at best. Food, agricultural poduction
and commodities such as shoes are scarce.
Cuban farm production, a United States
Foreign Agriculture Service report said, has
fallen off 20 per cent since the Castro regime
took over. Neither have the promised land-
reforms been forthcoming.
The Castro regime, however, is still able to
stay a cut above a Cuban uprising, due to
the efficiency of its police state.
THE MOST impelling factor in the inevita-
bility of invasion is that the United States
is now committed in the eyes of the world to
ousting Castro. President Kennedy's proclama-
tion at the Orange Bowl Game on New Year's
Day-when he pledged to the released Bay
of Pigs prisoners that their flag would be re-
turned to them in a "free Havana" has in-
tensified the administration's position.
Another example of the official clamp-down,
anti-Castro attitude is the newly-propounded
United States policy towards shipping to Cuba
by other countries. A statement by a state
department official holds that the United
States has warned countries whose ships con-
tinue to go to Cuba that they run the danger
of losing United States foreign aid.
And perhaps even more significant than
official United States policy is the prevalent
feeling among the American people-a wide-
spread feeling of fear and determination.
People are nervous; probably one of the most
commonly expressed sentiments is horror over
"a Communist stronghold 90 miles from our
shores." Whether there is any more reason
for panic over Cuba than, for instance, over

East Germany is irrelevant. Public sentiment
can push officialdom to the brink.
IN ADDITION to fear is a certain blood-
s- thirstiness. After the Oct. 22 speech in
which the President outlined the United States
policy toward Cuba, even the most placid
Americans had their national ire up.
Thus, barring some unforeseeable inter-
national crisis, an invasion attempt on the part
of the United States seems inevitable. Since
Russia has no intention of abandoning Castro,
but cotinues to protect, the bearded dictator
against a "Cuban" revolution, and the United
States has committed herself both officially
and morally to 'do something about it," the

No...
THE MISSILES are out of Cuba, the prison-
ers have been ransomed and relations be-
tween the two countries are in limbo with each
side waiting for the other to, do something.
That "something" may not be long in com-
ing, for yesterday Secretary of State Dean Rusk
announced that United States' guarantees
against an invasion of Cuba were herewith
The statement by Rusk seems to indicate
that if the United States has not already de-
cided that an invasion should be the next step,
it is at least being considered as a possibility.
Yet when considered from the point of view
of national interest - whether viewed from
the strategic, moral, or political angle - the
United States could not make a worse move
than invading Cuba.
THE REASON given for the wtihdrawal of
the non-invasion guarantee was that it was
originally given on condition that the Cubans
agree to a ground inspection process designed
to insure that all Russian missiles and bombers
were removed from the island. This agreement
has not been forthcoming and thus this coun-
try feels an invasion is the only way to make
sure that the missiles and bombers have been
removed.
Yet this answer is only a front, because the
United States has already announced that it
was satisfied that the missiles and bombers are
off the island.
President John F. Kennedy had announced
that the number of missiles and planes re-
moved corresponded to our estimates of how
many were brought in the first place (as veri-
fied by our reconnaisance flights over the is-
land which first discovered their presence).
Thus the blockade had been lifted and Cuba
apparently did not represent a threat to our
security any more.
True, there are still Communist arms on
the island. Castro's forces are equipped with
heavy tanks, fighter planes, ground to air mis-
siles and small Soviet-made arms. The point
is that these are defensive weapons and do not
represent a threat to the United States main-
land. Unless this country has adopted a new
policy whereby it intends to decide for other
countries whether or not they may defend
themselves, the presence of Soviet defensive
arms in Cuba constitutes no grounds for in-
vasion.
THE REAL reason the United States wants
to invade Cuba is political, the same reason
that caused us to dislike Castro in the first
place. With the exception of the short-lived
Arbenz regime in Guatemala, Castro represents
the first attempt of a Latin American leader
to solve his country's economic, political and
social problems outside of a developmental
framework laid down by the United States.
Latin America, ever since the issuance of
the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, has always been
an American plantation. When certain leaders
have tended to get out of line American
marines have been sent in to restore the equi-
librium (we have not gotten the name "Col-
ossus of the North" for nothing). Now, however,
Castro is trying to set up an independently or-
ganized developmental revolution and this
country, if it tries to crush it by invasion, will
be acting just as the Russians did in Hungary.
If Castro were just an isolated entity he
would not bother the United States so much.
It is his effect on the other Latin American
nations that has Washington worried. In that
vast area many elements are waking up to the
fact that they do not have to live in poverty
just because the United States thinks it is
in her interest. To them Castro's path repre-
sents the only conceivable alternative to
Washington-dominated reform, and they mean
to take it.
YET THE fault lies with this country which
has left them no choice between a capital-
istic, United States dominated future and a
socialistic, Moscow based authoritarianism.
Officially the United States has offered a third
choice, the Alliance for Progress, which has
been ballyhooed up and down the hemisphere
as the answer for Latin America.
Yet the Alliance is pouring money down the
drain because it does nothing to alter the ex-
isting domination of the poor masses by the
small rich and middle class. It depends for its
success on reforms which we expect the tra-

ditional rulers to initiate, possibly from sen-
timents which Martin Durkheim has called,
"altruistic suicide."
The fact is that these rulers are not making
the necessary reforms in land ownership and
tenure, relationships of social classes, econom-
ic development which are the only real answer
to the appeal of Castro.
AT THIS point the United States must make
two important and necessary changes in
its fundamental relationships with Latin
America and Cuba: We must turn our atten-
tion in the hemisphere away from the paranoic
attempt to wipe out all traces of Communism
in favor of aligning ourselves with the hopes
and aspirations of the mass peasant and work-
er majorities in those countries whose fate

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE NEW CONGRESS is meet-
ing in a time of letdown from
a prolonged crisis. There has come
a pause in world affairs. For the
first time in a number of years-
say since the challenge over Berlin
in 1958--the threat of thermonu-
clear war has receded somewhat
into the background. From Berlin,
the Congo, the resumption of nu-
clear testing and finally to the
climax in Cuba, the crisis mount-
ed. Now, for the time being at
least, in both halves of the world,
the pause which has a faint re-
semblance to peace has relaxed
the tenson enough to release the
rivalries and ambitions of normal
and unfrightened men.
* * *
WE MAY EXPECT that the new
Congress will reflect the pause
in world affairs. In our American
constitutional experience, the pow-
er of the President to lead is,
generally speaking, a function of
some kind of national crisis,
abroad in time of war and at
home in a time like the great
depression of the 1930's. President
Kennedy's problem in this Con-
gress is how to lead it when there
is no apparent national crisis.
There is, to be sure, plenty cf
trouble and danger in the world
in which we are so deeply in-
volved. But trouble which does not
carry with it the danger of nu-
clear war is, for this case-harden
ed generation, not a real crisis.
At home, there are many prob-
lems. But there is no crisis re-
motely resembling that of the
Thirties which generated the
steam behind the New Deal. While
a great many Americans are very
angry about a good number of
thingshmore people are worried
that the government may take
away something that they now
have than are hoping that it will
provide them something whicn
they do not now enjoy. This is
the feeling of a satisfied popula-
tion.
AND YET, under the complacent
surface, there are great matters
which need to be attended to.
These matters do not show their
consequences immediately, but
only in the long run. A prime ex-
ample of this is the weakness of
American education. As we fail
to educate adequately one genera-
tion of school children, the evil
results of this failure do not ap-
pear fully until these children
grow up and become the unedu-
cated parents of a still-less-edu-
cated generation.
It is hard to arouse democracies
about the long run. This is the
President's difficulty in dealing
with the crucial matter of over-
coming the chronic sluggishness
of the American economy. The
American economy is not doing
what it could to provide the means
for meeting the long-time needs
of our expanding urbanized popu-
lation. But the American economy,
sluggish though it is, does never-
theless provide a remarkable de-
fense and a rising standard of
private living. The President mst
try to rally the support of a people
which does not feel itself under
the pressure of a crisis.
* *-*
HE HAS TO TRY, because he is
not President for this day but for
the many days to come. As there

is no crisis which drives the people
to follow him, he must lead by
persuasion. He has to prove his
case not only in a court of im-
partial judges, but in the arena
where prejudice and passion and
special interests contend. Thus
he has to be not only persuasive,
but overwhelmingly persuasive,
which Is impossible with a very
big and complicated program of
measures, but may be possible with
a program which is concentrated
on some gieat issue, as for ex-
ample and in particular, the ex-
pansion of the American economy.
To achieve overwhelming per-
suasion where there is no great
surge of emotion behind him, he
will have to take the risk of boring
the public by saying the ae
thing over and over again, if pos-
sible in different words. That has
not been in the Kennedy style.
But it may be indispensible
(c) 1963, The washington Post Co.
UETTERS
to the
EDITOR
To the Editor:
INTERNATIONAL relations in
today's world are characterised
by most nations' inability to live
harmoniously together. This in-
ability is frequently accompanied
by actions which further heighten
world tension. The benefits of
peaceful relations are not always
obvious, nor do they always seem
worth sacrifice. Understanding Is
needed to appreciate the value of
peace and also to investigate how
to achieve it,
We feel that, especially now,
when civilization is threatened, it
is the responsibility of all educa-
tional institutions to make a de-
termined and specific effort to
educate about the contemporary
world situation as related to the
problems of attaining peace. '
This type of education would
have at least two effects: it would
.clarify the dangers of war, and
it would provide the necessary
bases for solution of the problem
which prevent peace. In other
words, it would give both the im-
petus and the ability to work un-
derstandingly for the control of
conflict.
* * *
SINCE the University does not
yet offer a systematic course or
program in this area, an organiza-
tion named the Peace Research
and Education Project has been
formed which is planning seminars
during the spring term to in-
vestigate the problems mentioned
above. Various faculty members
will participate. Graduate and un-
dergraduate students are invited
to join. The seminar will meet
once a week for twelve weeks com-
mencing in early February. Sign-
ups will take place outside regis-
tration.
We feel that this type of experi-
ment helps fill a vacuum and also
encourages educational institu-
tions to initiate programs in this
field.
.-Betsy Nusbaum, '66
-Roy S. Neuberger, '65
-Joel Woontner,'66


UNDERSCORE:

Goulart: Hope for Brazil

By MALINDA BERRY
REACTING TO pressures from
both the United States and the
recent Brazilian plebiscite, Brazil-
ian President Joao Goulart has
accelerated his campaign to give
the country the leadership it needs
to clean up eight years of eco-
nomic chaos.,
Goulart is working toward win-
ning as much popular support as
possible from the plebiscite, which
returned to him the substantial
presidential powers the Brazilian
legislature confiscated 17 months
ago, since he has encountered
much resistance from some politi-
cal leaders who feel the powers of
the presidency can be made dicta-
torial.
Stagnation was the result of
Challenge
"TWICE - in the 1961 Berlin
crisis and in this year's Cuba
crisis - President Kennedy has
rallied the nation for a firm stand,
at the risk of nuclear war if nec-
essary, against any forcible change
in the power relations between the
Soviet Union and the United
States.
He was of course thoroughly
right in doing so. But it is equally
important that having resisted
forcible change in the military
balance, he should rally the nation
behind a sustained effort for
peaceful diplomatic changes that
will reduce the dangers of nuclear
conflict.
Defending the status quo is not
enough; being willing to risk war
in a crisis is not enough."
-St. Louis Post-Dispatch

having the president and the Con-
gress both in a position to wield
separate and contradictory powers.
What Goulart will do, now that he
has real 'powers and authority, is
still an unknown quantity. But it's
hard to believe that anything he
would do would be worse than the
state of suspended animation
which has gripped the Amazon
nation for the past 16 months.
GOULART MOVED into the
presidency after Janio Quadros
resigned in August, 1961. Brazilian
military leaders in Quadros's cabi-
net tried to block Goulart's rise
from the vice presidency on the
grounds that he had too many
ties with leftists, a sometimes
whispered, sometimes open con-
tact that has been a source of con-
cern to Washington also. (Goulart
supporters maintain that this is at
least in part a political pose aimed
at utilizing the traditional Latin
American insistence on Latin
America, Si, Yankee, No.")
At that time, the Brazilian con-
gress compromised with the mili-
tary by voting to install the par-
liamentary system, stripping the
presidency of its former executive
powers, and allowed Goulart to
take office on Sept. 17, 1961.
But this parliamentary system
has permitted no possibility for
executive leadership to extricate
itself from the financial mire that
engulfed Brazil during the Quad-
ros regime, and stagnation was
the result.
* * *
A MIDDLE-of-the-road conserv-
ative faction in Congress had
blocked Goulart's efforts for an
earlier plebiscite to restore execu-
tive powers, and in mid 1962 the
nation was plunged into its worst

crisis since Quadros's resignation.
The compromise plan which re-
sulted in the recent Jan, 7 plebis-
cite was worked out as fears spread
through Brasilia of military inter-
vention.
Probably in retaliation, in recent
months, Goulart has been replac-
ing many of the conservative mili-
tary officers with more leftist-ori-
ented officers of his own choosing.
Under Quadros, inflation spi-
raled. In 1962, the rate of inflation
was 60 per cent. Paper money was
issued without regard for any rules
of economics whenever the gov-
ernment needed new funds.
Besides cutting the rate of infla-
tion in half this year, and attempt-
ing to reduce it down to 10 per
cent by 1965, there are three main
parts to Goulart's three-year de-
velopment program, aimed at
solving some of Brazil's financial
problems.
The plan, drawn up about three
months ago, listed as other goals
the maintenance of Brazil's 7 per
cent growth rate (the United
States is growing at about 2.5 per
cent), attracting foreign invest-
ment and raising the level of edu-
cation for the nation's 34 million
illiterates.
Goulart, in order to make his
development plan reap the best
possible results has created a new
ministry of planning, headed by
the man who drew up the develop-
ment plan, Celso Furtado.
* * *
THE HOPE for Brazil lies in
Goulart's promise of leadership
combined with his newly acquired
executive powers, giving him the
flexibility to carry out the bold
programs necessary to lay a firm
foundation under Brazil's shaky
economic structure.

AT THE STATE:
Disney's 'Lobo', Lags
THE DISNEY star shines dim in this western sky. A few years ago,
we had a "that ther fella" Davy Crockett with his coonskin. He was
a pure cornball, but at least he could speak. The Disney western hero in
this one is Lobo, king of the wolf pack. As a character, Lobo has one
major drawback, he can't tell us his story - Disney has to leave it to
another cornball Rex Allen (accompanied by the Sons of the Pioneers).
True, the story is really just one of those animal adventures and
why then, should one complain about character. The reason is "The
Legend of Lobo" has been fash-
ioned as an animal story with
a plot but they decided to make
it from the wrong point of view-
Lobo's.
The real charm of an animal
0 F u l hl adventure is that we see it from
one point of view: the animal's
or the man's. ina successful ani-
Robert Finke thought that the mal adventure a man may nar-
"effectiveness with which SGC rate, but he never appears on
works in the University was ouit screen.
on a certain amount of confi- * * *

SIDELINE ON STUDENT GOVERNMENT:
Council Has Great Potential T

By GLORIA BOWLES
THE REPORTER who goes to an
SGC meeting for the first time
as a reporter, and not just a dis-
passionate, detached constituent
of the audience, finds himself as-
sailed with a whole range of im-
pressions.
He is in a new position now,
and feels a real stake in the de-
liberations. With a recognitionof
his role as constructive critic, the
reporter feels the heavy weight of
responsibility-to his readers, to
his newspaper, to the group he is
writing about, and to himself.
The responsibility is felt even
more acutely when one realizes
the potential of the group, seen
in several fleeting moments dur-
ing Wednesday night's meeting.
It was cut short by participation
in the Emancipation Proclamation
program, and hurried through so
that Council members could study
for exams.
IF THERE is anything wrong
with Student Government Council

They have perhaps only lost
confidence in the ideal. Disillusion-
ment and disenchantment have
set in. It is, then, for a restora-
tion of its own confidence in it-
self, and the work it can do that
Student Government Council
should strive this semester.
* * *
THOUGH THE discussion on the
petitioning for Joint Judiciary
Council was long and uncontrolled,
it was prompted by one Council
member's conviction that the can-
didates were simply not qualified;
a report from the Chairman of the
Student Book Exchange showed
an interest and knowledge that is
commendable. There were other
examples of efficiency and accom-
plishment.
Unfortunately, in this meeting
SGC bypassed an opportunity to
act on one of the best proposals
to come before it in this academic
year: The Council, which often
seems unhappy about its own in-
adequacy, showed an unwilling-
ness to take on a responsibility
that could have changed the whole

candidates it considers most quali-
fied, inform the campus about the
elections, and encourage students
to influence their parents in vot-
ing.
THE PROPOSAL, if accepted,
would have resulted in a Council
which is looking around for some-
thing to do a meaningful role
in that most important selection
of University policy makers.
SGC might have influenced the
votes of a large number of bal-
lotting students and parents, and
at least made the campus more
aware of the function of a group
whose membership 9 out of 10
students could not even name.
There were even some SGC mem-
bers who showed a misunderstand-
ing of the work of the Regents.
But the discussion was lively and
intelligent.
Council President Steven Stock-
meyer thought Council members
would be "presupposing a lot of
knowledge" to make declarations
on the merit of Regental can-
didates .He also feared the elec-


dence" and that endorsement of
candidates might tend to destroy
that condifence. Howie Abrams
called such "straight-out partisan
politicing a totally improper field
of activity."
Chuck Barnell seemed to sup-
port the proposal, and Richard
G'Sell felt the Council should take
an interest in the Regental elec-
tions, but concentrate on taking
the issues to the campus, and ask-
ing students to implement plans
for individual support of candi-
dates.
* * *
IT IS A new year and it wail
soon be a new semester. We always
look on such turnings in the cal-
endar with new hope for a fresn
approach.
Student Government Council has
potential: of that there is not
doubt. Hopefully, the youth will
show more maturity in the coming

IN THE story of Lobo, however,
men have to appear. The key point
of the Lobo legend is that a wolf
outwits man. For example, Lobo
leaves the safety of his lair to save'
his mate from an experienced
bounty hunter.
Because "The Legend of Lobo"
is an animal adventure the bounty
hunter never speaks, he is a sha-
dow of a man. The other wolf
hunters are also shadows.
What, then, is the solution?
Since "The Legend of Lobo" must
include man, change the point of
view - make it a mysterious leg-
end with men and Lobo as key
characters. Pictures of wolf cubs
playing and growing are charm-
ing but they have little relation to
the Lobo legend. This is why the
beginning of the film seems to lag.
We want to get on to the legend.
Why was Lobo so famous? Why
was there a $1,000 reward for
him? When we finally find out,