Seventy-Third Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Trutb Will Prevail"'' ' Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. Tha imust be noted in all reprints. THE ALGER HISS CASE: Making and Breaking of Nixon FRIDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN Learning and Teaching Center Exhibits Great Potential BEING A GOOD teacher requires more than a doctorate in an academic specialty. It is in recognition of the special skills required in teaching that the Center on Learn- ing and Teaching has been created. Already, the center is working on several important pro- jects: programmed learning, the preparation of graduate students to teach and working as a clearing house for the vast body of literature that is produced on teaching and learning. Clearly, this is only a beginning. The center will eventually be engaged in a great deal of research on teaching and learning. But the center, in order to be of the greatest use to the University community, must fulfill two conditions: 1) It ought to be service oriented with the bulk of its energies being concentrated on the introduction of new teaching methods and aid- ing individual teachers and departments in whatever ways it can. 2) It ought to work as much toward achiev- ing an ideal classroom situation as toward alleviating the University's instructional prob- lems at the most crowded level. THE CENTER cannot become solely a re- search unit. Its research ought to be cen- tered around the effects of the implementation of various teaching methods in the University's classrooms. If the center becomes a pure re-. search center, much of its value to the Uni- versity community will be destroyed or diluted. Prof. Ericksen is already doing much along the lines of direct aid to University teachers. Presently, he is planning a series of symposia on programmed learning with faculty members in different areas to determine the relevance of programmed learning to different fields. This is the kind of project the center ought to be undertaking. Similarly, the center could study the effects of large lectures on the learning process. If lec- tures are merely dispensers of facts to passive students, perhaps the lecturers themselves could be dispensed with in favor of programmed learning. Similarly, the center could study questions of optimum class size and the kind of physical situation in which the student learns best. All these are questions of direct relevance to the implementation of educational programs. THE SECOND area-working toward an ideal classroom and teacher-is extremely im- portant. One of the significant projects that falls into the center's area of concern is the relationship between teacher and text. This has to be done through work with the individ- ual faculty members. The center should strive for an answer to the question of how a teacher can balance his presentation between a repeti- tion of text and new material. Another and perhaps a more significant ques- tion is the previously mentioned problem of the optimum classroom. As the University provides new facilities, it is crucial that these new class- rooms be suitable for the newest teaching tech- niques. The center can help the University adapt to the teaching of the future or at least plan for it. The center provides great promise. At the moment, it is living up to that promise. Hope- fully it will expand in the proper direction and be of even greater service to the University community. -DAVID MARCUS (EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the second of two articles dealing with Richard Nixon's involvement in the Alger Hiss case and some of its portents for America today.) By ROBERT SELWA RICHARD NIXON "was respond- ing to a situation in this country," Alger Hiss said on How- ard K. Smith's program on ABC last month. The reference was to the way Nixon went about pushing (and later used) the conviction of Hiss for perjury, "If it hadn't been Mr. Nixon, perhaps someone else would have tried to jump into the same situ- ation and benefit by it," Hiss continued. Like the other points Hiss made on the program (which was greet- ed with angry and irrational de- nunciation), this point has valid- ity. For it was Nixon and Senator Joseph McCarthy who jumped in- to the situation to benefit tcn- porarily by it. Together they launched the second periodof hysteria, the second Red scare, that America has suffered this century. * * * NIXON PLAYED his part by helping to get Hiss convicted for perjury, by pre-empting Mc- Carthy in the charges and out- cries of treachery in the State Department, and then by back- ing McCarthy when the Wiscon- sin Senator began his knife path to fame. Immediately after the first t-'al of Hiss ended July 8, 1949 with a hung jury of eight for convic- tion, four for acquittal, Nixon was interviewed in the New York Her- ald Tribune. The Herald Tribune is noted for its avid Republican partisanship, and remember, the Hiss controversy was partly a par- tisan Republican crusade against the Democratic administration of Harry Truman. The Herald Tribune quoted Nix- on as saying that there should be an immediate investigation of Judge Samuel H. Kaufman's con- duct of the trial. Judge Kaufman's "prejudice . . . against the prose- cution was so obvious and ap- parent that the jury's 8-4 vote for conviction came frankly as a surprise to me." Nixon commented. Within a day these charges were making bannerhheadlines in other papers. And the press was carrying more Nixonia: the rep- resentative said he thought that Judge Kaufman should have al- lowed the prosecution to call a couple of eleventh-hour witnesses whom the judge had ruled out. Nixon added that the Truman Administration "was extremely anxious that nothing bad happen to Mr. Hiss." * * * WHILE THESE and similar charges were burning headlines and while the addresses of two jurors voting for acquital were published, the Christian Science Monitor ran a story by Mary Hornaday, who had covered the trial. Like the New York Times, the Monitor is admired nationally and internationally for its in- tegrity. The Monitor story dealt with the harm that the blasts at Judge Kaufman would do to the in- stitution of a free and impartial U.S. judiciary. "If Mr. Hiss had been acquitted, the attacks on the Judge probably would have been even more violent," the story com- mented. "The great attack on judge and jury that had followed the first trial," A. J. Liebling writes in "The Press," "had obviated any chance of getting a fair jury in New York." Hiss' lawyers asked for a change of venue to Vermont "where the press coverage of the trial was very limited" in contrast to the "extraordinary virulence" of the New York press. This re- quest was denied by the Grand Jury of New York (which had in- dicted Hiss). * * * ON THE OTHER hand, the HUAC, in spite of Nixon's urg- ings, refused at that time to call witnesses to testify before it who had been ruled out by Judge Kaufman during the trial. And several authorities came to Judge Kaufman's defense-notably Rep. Emmanuel Celler, chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, and Robert P. Patterson, president of the New York City Bar. President Truman strongly backed Judge Kaufman at a news conference. And Senator Scott Lucas declared: "Reckless and irresponsible state- ments have aroused fear and in- dignation in the minds of many lawyers." Still the second trial began November 17, 1949 in New York in an atmosphere hostile to Hiss, created by the press, and made possible by Nixon. Hiss was found guilty January 21, 1950 by the second jury on the two counts of denying that he had delivered State Department papers to Whit- taker Chambers and denying that he had know Chambers after 1936. Secretary of State Dean Ache- son was asked his reaction to the situation. "I do not intend to turn my back on Alger Hiss," Acheson replied, quoting the 25th chapter of Matthew: "I was sick and ye visited me; I was in prison and ye came unto me . He later explained that as a Christian mindful of the virtue of compas- sion, he could not turn on Hiss now that Hiss had become a tra- gic figure. IF THERE can be pinpointed one starting place for what has come down to be known to us as McCarthyism, this may have been it. Nixon and McCarthy played the lead roles, using theHiss case and the Acheson defense for the opening scene. McCarthy asserted in the Senate: "I think the Ameri- can people ought to begin to won- der what's going on." And Nixon took the floor of the House for a special order of business attend- ed by 150 representatives. For an hour and a half Nixon meticulously assailed the Truman Administration for "failure to bring that (Communist) conspir- acy to light." He blasted "gaps in government security" and assert- ed. 'Traitors in the high councils of our own government have made sure that the deck is stacked on the Soviet side of the diplomatic tables. The odds are five to three against us." * * * A FEW DAYS later (February 9) McCarthy made the historically famous Wheeling, West Virginia speech with his unexamined list of 57 Communists in the State Department. Denouncing Secre- tary Acheson as "a pompous dip- lomat in striped pants with a phony British accent," he de- clared that the State Department was "infested with Communists." "I have in my hand," he said, "57 cases of individuals who would appear to be either card-carrying members or certainly loyal to the Communist party. But they are nevertheless still helping to shape our foreign policy." Eleven days later McCarthy gave a six-hour speech in the Senate giving details on what was now 81 cases but again leaving out names. "McCarthy had notling but the files of a newspaperman last month vhen he started making speeches about Communists in the State Department," Newsweek said March 13, 1950. "But when Mc- Carthy was challenged to put up or shut up, Nixon, who wants to be a Republican Senator from Cali- fornia, came to McCarthy's rescue with a list of the department's 'suspects' compiled in 1946 when James Byrnes was Secretary of State. A check of the 108 possible 'security risks' on that list showed McCarthy that 38 were still in the State Department and 16 in other government agencies." * * * THE SECOND Red scare began to roll, with a McCarthy-inspired subcommittee investigation in the Senate and with renewed, Nixon- inspired House Un-American Ac- tivities Committee investigations in theHouse based on Chamber's testimony. While McCarthy got temporary demagogic fame out of it, Nixon got the Senate seat he wanted. And betting his new political for- tune on Dwight Eisenhower, he got on the ticket and was swept into the Vice-Presidency through Eisenhower's great popularity. "That first two-dollar bet" on Whittaker Chambers, Liebling notes, landed Nixon "within a heartbeat, a yard of intestine, and 112,000 votes, of the White House, on three separate occasions and in that order." Nixon himself writes that if it hadn't been for the Hiss case, he would have been President. And if it hadn't been for the Hiss case, he would not have been Vice- President and a candidate !or President, he admits. In short, Americans may elect a man like Nixon to almost any office but that of President, a position that requires temperance and compassion. NOW THAT NIXON has lost (running on his own name) twice in a row, he says he is quitting. Americans can help him keep this happy pledge by never electing him to public office again. The pledge should be kept even to the point of not even giving him a primary nomination, for Richard Nixon is a vicious man who man- ages to bring an opponent's al- leged softness on Communism in every election. Like the second period of hys- teria that he helped initiate, Nixon ought to be forever removed from the American political scene. The history he made cannot be erased, however. Like the Sacco and Vanzetti case, the Hiss af- fair is yet to be solved conclusively. New evidence was found last year regarding the Woodstock type- writer involved, to cast more doubt on the alleged guilt of Hiss, just as new evidence on the painful Sacco and Vanzetti case is being uncovered. Neither toothache will go away for good, and since the cases are part of history, they can't be pulled. CAPITOL PRESS: Adlai Stevenson's Political Dissent On Becoming a 'Mensch' GERMAN AND YIDDISH offer a concept' Grecian in its beauty and profundity: the concept of a "mensch." A mensch is, literally, a "real human being." Colloquially he would be a "neat" or "regular." To him we may attribute the vertu of a Renais- sance man, and the endearingly human quali- ties which spring from a great heart. The point is that we face a shortage of mensches, and the University should see about turning out some more. WE CANNOT just transform a motley of 27,- ' 000 students into mensches. We need a pilot group to begin with, and the Honors Col- lege seems a likely guinea pig. Honors stu- dents, having passed a rigid screening, should be capable of the metamorphis to menschlich- keit. Not that Prof. Otto Graf, head of the Honors College, conspicuously wonders whether applicants are mensch material before except- ing them; but only that the ability and achieve- ment necessary for election to Honors, and the liberal arts curriculum of most honors students, should prove useful becoming a mensch. But admission to honors does not auto- matically bestow menschlichkeit. Attaining such a character requires much sweat, which at present is not forthcoming-or at least not in the right direction. How then, can we channel sweat into a mensch machine? THE UNIVERSITY offers the greatest po- tential mensch machine conceivable. Its lec- ture series daily presents glimpses into every No Juniket FOR OVER a week now, Sen. Allen J. Ellen- der of Louisiana has been the target for criticisms of all sorts, but one of the most prevalent is the charge that he is ruining Amer- ica's image "on government money," by carry- ing his segregationist views into Africa. In point of fact, Sen. Ellender finances his trips out of personal funds, using federal fa- cilities only for travel - a privilege to which he is entitled as a Senator. (It goes with the job.) In addition, the Senator, upon returning from his, trips, submits long and detailed re- ports, often running into the thousands of pages and taking many hours to prepare. Somehow, regardless of the Senator's views or alleged remarks, it would seem, in the light of his record, that he is attempting to do a good job for his constituents. On this, at least, he is to be applauded, for in Washington these days, it's a rarity. -MICHAEL HARRAH City Editor Editorial Staff MICHAEL OLINICK, Editor JUDITH OPPEN HEIM MICHAEL HARRAH Editorial Director City Editor CAROLINE DOW...................Personnel Director JUDITH BLEIER ... ............Associate City Editor FRED RUSSELL KRAMER .. Assoc. Editorial Director field of human endeavor. Its concert and professional theatre programs render art a living practicality to those who take advan- tage of them, as do the multitudinous student productions. Even a serious stroll through the University museums broadens the student, mak- ing him more of a mensch. Participating in educational student activi- ties proves even more menschable. The na- tion's best glee club, marching and symphony bands, musical comedy group, college newspa- per, are all available. Or try literary and humor magazines, drama workshops, political groups. In addition to the skills, the mensch's vertu, gained through these activities, the participant gains the mensch's human qualities by working cooperatively with-people of different opinions and backgrounds, with superiors of wider ex- perience, with the most stimulating minds of our generation. But our mensch material in Honors with the 3.0 average and the super-abundance of work demanded of it hanging over its head, rarely finds time to delve into these activities, to explore new realms of thought. And delve the mensch candidate must. Delve, not drown. The honors work load or grade re- quirement should not be drastically reduced to allow students to throw themselves hog-wild into free-lance education; but they could be lib- eralized to permit a bit more mensch-producing experience. LET US COMPARE the values of purely for- mal assignments and the mensch program, with Great Books 191, a survey of ancient Greek literature for freshman honors students, as an example. The course, necessarily limited, ex- cludes study of the sixth century Greek poets. Would the Great Books student not have found a lecture on those poets by an expert beneficial? Yet few found the time to attend such a lec- ture, delivered here this fall, when faced with a myriad of reading assignments, themes, and exams. While studying "Prometheus Bound," would the student not have gained more from seeing the production than from reviewing the script for a blue-book? To develop a lucid writing style, one of the course's objectives, would not working at The Daily, hounded by a host of ruthless superiors demanding constant perfection, achieve more than an essay every few weeks? BUT THE PROBLEM lies more in the gen- eral nature of formal education than in any particular course. Studying four or five courses a semester hardly develops the wide range of a mensch. The English major is rare- ly free to attend lectures on, say, paleontology, a fascinating subject which should be at least mildly familiar to every mensch. Similarly, few chemistry majors get to sing and few political science students can culti- vate an interest in horticulture. Liberalized work loads and grade requirements would en- able such people to improve themselves with such diversity. Enable. True, less work would enable stu- dents'"to mensch it. But some system of seeing that they do so seems necessary. Conferences between students and teachers, such as those held in English universities, suggest themselves. Evaluation of a student's progress would be in- formal. Instructors, with fewer formal assign- ment rn ae.rl wonl have the tim fn rmh By ELLEN SILVERMAN THE ONLY consensus which could be made was that "more than Stevenson has been hurt. The press, the President, the pro- cesses of deliberation within gov- ernment have been damaged," as the New Republic says. The issue at hand is that of a recentsSaturday Evening Post article which depicted United Na- tions Ambassador Adlai Stevenson as the one dissenting official voice in the recent considerations of the Cuban situation. The article wouldn't have caus- ed such a stir except that the authors, Charles Bartlett and Stewart Alsop, have intimate con- tact with the President and Bart- lett was the newsman who four months before Chester Bowles' change in status had predicted that Bowles was out. * * * THE PRESIDENT has " denied that Stevenson "wanted a Mu- nich" as the article says. Steven- son has denied the whole story and labeled it "irresponsible." But newspapers all over, the country are going over the situation with a fine tooth comb. According to U.S. News and, World Report, "all is not serene in the White House." It points out that the authors of the Post story had interviews with Attorney Gen- eral Robert Kennedy and Presi- dential Aide McGeorge Bundy prior to publication. Further, it quotes "unidentified sources" as implying that the article is cor- rect-Stevenson was not in accord with the rest of the National Se- curity Council Executive Commit- tee and did want to go more slowly and talk things out before action was taken-but, that what is "lousy" is the fact that it was leaked to the press. Time seems to disregard much of the article, dismissing it on the grounds that the whole story sounds like something out of fic- tion-Allen Drury's Washington fiction to be exact. But the authors of the Time interpretation note that "it remained far from clear whether the President had ac- tually tried to hurt Stevenson ... 'Much of the evidence was to the contrary. What had probably hap- pended was that some New Fron- tiersmen, knowing of the Presi- dent's lack of deep affection for Adlai, had felt free to knock him." * * * PROBABLY NO ONE will know what really went on at the con- ferences regarding Cuba until 25 years from now when some his- torian digs deep into the archives for a doctoral thesis. The situa- tion is still too near in an his- torical perspective to be clear. And for security's sake there will prob- ably be no investigation of the matter at least until President John F. Kennedy is out of the White House. But in reality, the issue is not the stand Stevenson took. After all, in the follow-through Steven- son acted with precision and strength. The issue is what happened to the privacy of high-level confer- ences over national security. If Stevenson disagreed, it should be taken as a good sign that he was free to express his opinion. In fact, one should hope that not every one agreed with an initial idea. Discussion and evaluation of different points of view would af- ford fuller understanding of the issues and the resulting actions should profit by the intermediate considerations. If every time an administrative official disagreed there were ban- ner headlines in national maga- zines the results would be tre- mendous. Officials would soon stop volunteering to give their own ideas for fear of criticism. WHEREAS in many decision- making processes it will hurt no one to have all the issues brought forth in public, in the case of national security an administra- tion wishes to follow a unified line of attack against the "enemy." In order to do this there should be full discussion before policy is made and this includes disagree- ment, modification and compro- mise. But once this is done, the policy is set forth and supported by all those in higher positions. If newspapers and magazines continue to attack personages like Stevenson no one can be more hurt than the administration and the nation. As Newsweek put it, "the most precious commodity a government can have is honest advice by in- formed and intelligent men. "The question is whether Adla Stevenson-or any other member of the nation's highest councils of government-should be permitted to speak his mind freely." -1) WAl 3m - Al*3 -A 4 ^ WELLES: 'Journey' Plods A long SOON AFTER he had made "Citizen Kane," Orsen Welles took an Eric Ambler spy mystery and produced what he probably felt would be an exciting movie. It's too bad that he didn't have more of a hand in "Journey Into Fear," other than producing it and acting a part. Maybe if he had directed it and written the screenplay as he did in "Citizen Kane" a great spy film would have been made. The ingredients are there, but they have not been mixed correctly. What we have here is a so-so ad- venture, mystery, spy movie that has too little adventure, mystery or spying. Joseph Cotton is the harassed munitions expert leaving Turkey. His life is in danger because he is too valuable to the Turkish government and too dangerous t its enemies. Various incidents in- volving close scrapes with death are meant to propel Cotton through the movie to leave the viewer panting from suspense and adventure. This is rarely the case. THE ACTING is good, but still on the usual thriller-of-a-movie level. The only fascinating thing about "Journey Into Fear" is its cinematography. It's a good guess that Welles had something to do with it. His technique for phoo- graphing scenes, so well done in "Citizen Kane," is obvious here: odd angles, mingling shadows, chiaroscuro lighting. The fault with the script is not the lack of credibility as is the case in many spy movies, but the lack of real adventure, sus- pense or thrilling tension. There's no real, action on the cattle boat on which Cotton gets stuck-just some cute characterizations. Cot- ton's acting has the usual restraint for a man whose life is in danger in a spy movie. -Michael Juliar LETTERS to the EDITOR To the Editor: AS THE LATIN Americanist of this department I am distress- ed by the reports that I read in the press of the dismissal of Pro- fessor Samuel Shapiro from-Mich- igan State University-Oakland. I realize from forty years of ex- perience in university life that delicate factors often enter into such decisions, but I find it dif- ficult to understand the contradic- tory statements and improper comments by Dean George Matth- ews quoted in the Press. Professor Shapiro has demon- strated acceptable scholarship to the guild of historians as well as an ability to reach a larger au- dience. And it seems incredible to me that an academic adminis- trator would declare that a dis- cussion of controversial matters pertaining to Cuba and Latin America is undesirable The ig- norance of our people in things Latin American -is excessive and dangerous for our national wel- fare. Many of us here have thought of the Oakland institution as an admirable experiment in progres- sive education at the college level and have wished it well, but such attitudes on freedom of discussion on the part of administrators creates the depressing conviction that the Michigan State Univer- sity at Oakland is, in fact, retro- gressive. -Prof. Irving A. Leonard History Department NAACP*.* To the Editor: CERTAINLY, it is true that left and right elements in this country often deviate from real and worthy goals. More than often they are extreme and defensive in rationalizing injustices heaped upon them as may be the, case of the NAACP in its so-called bid for preferential treatment' in American textbooks. However, when such a group's value is judg- ed solely on what may be a weak- ness after obtaining more rights for Negroes than any voluntary recognition by whites of the per- sonal merit of individual Negroes, obviously something is wrong. It requires a great deal of mag- nanimousrestraint to understand the demand that Negroes although culturally bereaved, economically exploited and politically inferior display virtues not equal but su- perior than those of his more ad- vantaged white brother. By what right does one demand that a Negro organization be more nobler and generous with faults than other groups, and then to evaluate them singularly on frequent fail- ings. It would seem that the mi- nority always has to be more per- fect than the dominant majority. Freedom is not given for pro- na.r hahnlin nv rphieaiment, 11 00.t.,, L.0o ;, v i(o 00