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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1962 NIGHT EDITOR: DAVID MARCUS

Burning Deck

LA BELLE FRANCE:
The North and the South

Beginning of the End
For the Southern Die-Hards

GOVERNOR ROSS Barnett stands today a
beaten man.
Despite all efforts to halt it, some light will
shine in Mississippi soon and James A. Mere-
dith will be able to register as the first Negro
student at the University of Mississipip, as-
suming that he is not killed first.
It must not be forgotten that Meredith's life
is in continual danger for he is surrounded by
hate. He stands as the symbol that will shatter
the Mississippi way of life which is rooted in
prejudice, ignorance and hatred.
Barnett will stand trial for contempt of the
court order. This is the first time in history
that a governor has been brought up on such
charges. But this is the first time a governor.
to the utmost of his power, has ever tried to
undermine the federal laws.
The legal implications of this hearing are
hard to determine. No one is certain whether
the court will sentence the governor to jail, a
fine or some other form of rebuke. However, it
does appear that the court will remain firm
in its stand that Meredith must be allowed
to register.
If it should fail to uphold this stand, the
foundations of our government will have re-
ceived a severe blow. The federal government
will have succumbed to state sovereignty at the
price of its own strength.
THIS LEGAL issue is of great importance to
the nation. However, as individuals, our
first reaction is on a moral level.
The question now facing all Americans con-
cerned with an end to segregation and the
hideous human cruelty accompanying it is,
first, who must be held responsible, and sec-
ond, what must now be done?
It is the common thing to assume when a
great mass of people is wrong that no one,
rather than everyone is to blame. It is also
common to give way to big groups no matter
how wrong they may be.
This latter logic makes people passive when
the will of such a large segment of the popu-
that the federal government cannot go against
facing the integration problem. They assume
lation, even if this segment is blocking the
rights of another large segment of the popu-
lation and is undermining the very basic tenets
of our government.
IT MUST not be forgotten that Barnett and
the school board are not going against the
will of their constituency, but are the person-
ifications of the people they represent. If Bar-
nett and the school board were jailed, the
people who would be elected to replace them
would hold the same views.
This does not eradicate the blame, but
spreads it. The problem of blame is moral, legal
and sociological. Morally, guilt lies with all
Americans who believe that the color of a
man's skin is sufficient cause to deny him the
right to public - education. It lies with every
member of the jeering crowd and equally with
every integrationist who would keep silent. So-
ciologically, the guilt goes back hundreds of
years, embracing economics, religion, politics,
and psychology. Legality enters the picture
when it becomes necessary that a symbol be
chosen to indentify this vague, misty, ugly
human condition, so that something may be

done. Justice requires that the human symbol
must not be chosen arbitrarily.
There are undoubtedly thousands of South-
erners who heartily echo Mississippi Governor
Ross Barnett's vicious innuendo against Mere-
dith. The real problem lies with each and
every one of them, for they are all guilty of
Barnett's vow "There is no case in history
where the Caucasian race has survived social
integration. We will not drink from the cup of
genocide." But Governor Barnett has furnished
the courts of Federal law with an ideal, self-
proclaimed symbol of a society's mass guilt-
himself.
LAW CANNOT immediately deal with the
blatant guilt.of thousands of people. The
legal system must punish all in one man, and
let him stand as a symbol of outraged justice,
to proclaim to all who follow him the irrevo-
cable end of a vicious way of life. We cannot
jail them all, but we can put the fear of the
law into their list of social ideals.
Governor. Barnett has volunteered to go to
jail to defend the so-called principles of white
supremacy. Let him stand by his word. May
other segregationists watch and be warned.
For the warning is vitally important, not
only to segregationists, but to every American,
because of the vast international implications
of this, one of the most severe of our national
shames.
It has been said over and over again that
every incident such as this does great damage
to American sincerity all over the world. How-
ever, most people do not realize its full signi-
ficance.
INCIDENTS LIKE this make other nations
form their opinion of the integration situa-
tion. None of the progress reaches people as
the failures do.
An overwhelming number of Europeans think
that all Americans want to suppress the Negro.
The African people are almost convinced that
Americans hate dark people and will do noth-
ing to eliminate the oppression of the Negro in
this country.
It is absurd to expect any cooperation and
understanding from a Negro nation thus firmly
convinced of our insincerity.
Thus, this nation must enforce its laws and
grant every citizen the rights guaranteed him
in the constitution. The law and its adminis-
trators must not be apologetic or lenient. It
must be carried out because it is just and our
nation can be only as strong as its foundation
in justice.
BUT IT IS most important of all that we re-
alize that integration is far more than an
abstract legal right. Integration will not have
succeeded until the Negro is equal to the
white, not only in our laws, but in our minds
and hearts, as Americans and as human beings.
Governor Barnett and his ilk still hold one
last bastion, deep in the private consciousness
of every man who believes in white supremacy.
It is a stronghold that no law can touch, that
no jail can stifle. The rest is up to everyone,
Negro and white alike - we must conquer
the segregationist mind with reason, example,
and keen sensitivity before America can truly
avow her stand on "liberty and justice for all."
CAROLYN WINTER
-MARTHA MacNEAL

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first
in a series of articles by Daily staff
members who have travelled in Eu-
rope.)
By GLORIA BOWLES
SOUTHE RNFrance is, in some
ways, much like our own south-
ern United States. Montesquieu,
18th century French philosopher
and founder of modern political
science, says in Book 14 of
"L'Esprit des Lois" that the men-
tality of a man is in large part
dependent on the climate in which
he lives.
"One has more vigor in cold
climates. The people of the warm
regions are as timid as old people
and those of colder climates as
courageous as young men," he tells
as, adding that the former are
more pleasure-seeking.
Montesquieu's oft - repeated
theory holds up: the southern
French are easy-going, hospitable
and friendly. An understanding of
the personality traits of the resi-
dents of the Midi and the Cote
d'Azur is imperative to an under-
standing of the political and econ-
omic environment they have cre-
ated in this most centralized na-
tion of Europe. Paris is the over-
sized head of a southern body that
is weak and anaemic by compari-
son; the body, says liberal Le
Monde editor Jacques Fauvet, is
being modernized and the head is
already atomic."
* * *
THE PARISIANS and the farm-
ers and small shopkeepers of
southern France do not get along,
whether they meet in Paris or in
the south. The Parisian calls his
compatriot lazy and uneducated;
southerners have a whole reper-
toire of jokes about the unscrupu-
lous, ambitious Parisians.
Most southern Frenchmen have
been to the "big, wicked" capital.
Some, like Rastignac of Balzac's
Pere Goriot, go to find their for-
tunes and are disappointed; more
of them make the 500-mile trip
armed with a thick roll of French
francs. They fulfill their touristic
desires, and come back when the
money is gone. Though the farm-
er's pride doesn't allow him to ad-
mit it, these tourists are glad to be
back; the bright lights, the chic
and sophistication of Paris ex-
hausts them and makes them un-
comfortable. "C'est une ville qui
tue," (it is a city which kills you)
they say.
* * *
EVERY SUMMER there is an
exodus from Paris to the coast.
Almost every middle class worker,
hoping to "get away from it all,"
packs up his family and heads for
the summer home on the Riviera.
These bumper-to-bumper pleasure
seekers have chased away the rich,
who reigned on the Cote d'Azur a
generation ago. The find fellow
Parisians by the thousands and
little of the solitude they have
sought.
There is, then, Paris, and the
North: this is the France that
creates and progresses, "la France
dynamique." Then there is anoth-
er France, the France situated
south of the Seine and, farther
still, south of the Loire which pro-
duces little and which produces it
at relatively high costs: this is "la
France statique."
It is the France that is dying
or, at the least, in decline, the
France of slow social and economic

reform, where are posed the most
serious agricultural and industrial
problems of the nation.
THE MENTALITY of the south-
ern French, and this present econ-
omic stagnation, have interesting
political manifestations. It has
been said that the French nation
is conservative because it is a na-
tion of peasants. In 1956, these
rightist tendencies found their ex-
pression in an extremist move-
ment, an elementary fascism that
was authoritative, and violently
anti-parliamentary.
Poujadism -- in the beginning a
pressure movement for the defense
of small shopkeepers in regions
of economic deelne - became a
powerful party (UDCA), which
scored an amazing electoral suc-
cess in 1956: 2,500,000 votes and 52
Assembly seats. Perre Poujade,
himself a small businessman, cam-
paigned for abolition of the in-
come tax and trumpeted the cause
of the little man. His party was
much less successful in 1958, the
year of de Gaulle, when they and
the UHR captured only 50,000
votes.
* * *
HOWEVER, the farmers are be-
comng less and less conservative
and more and more accessible to
Socialism and Communism.
One of the most rural sections
of France, la Creuse, where 66 per
cent of the active population is
employed in agriculture, also cast
more Communist votes than any
other region, in France, in 1956 a
total of 44 per cent. The regions
south of the Laire are pro-Com-
munist and Communist strength
increases as one approaches the
Mediterranean.
Daniel Halvey, a French politi-
cal scientist, argues that this re-
gion has always been one of re-
publican leanings, or radical or
socialist, depending on the period.
"A fourth word comes," he says,
"Communist, Bolshevist, anarchist
even, and the peasant adopts it.
What's in a word? The intellec-
tuals invent them. The peasants
repeat them. But the sentiment
which moves them come from very
far off, and from themselves alone.
It is a mixture of pride, suspicion
and jealousy." Most of these are
directed against the more pros-
perous industrial north.
* * *
THUS, in France, there is a di-
vision between an area which stag-
n? tes and one which progresses.
Jacques Fauvet, in "France Divid-
ed , Against Itself," notes that
French society is rooted in agrar-
ian structures, in villages and the
ships of small artisans.
"The longer this archaic econ-
omic structure remains, the longer
the country runs the risk of revo-
lution," Fauvet says, for revolu-
tions are born when reforms are
delayed."
The southern French deserve
something better. With the end of
Algerian conflict and the wasteful
drain on the French economy, per-
haps politicians will turn to reform
within the country. Hopefully,
they will cast their eyes toward
the sun and the sea of southern
France, to the land that Picasso
and Cezanne and Van Gogh found
so lovely, and to its friendly peo-
ple. Perhaps "la France statique"
will begin to take on the look of
"la France dynamique."

HELSINKI FESTIVAL:
Conflicting Reports Accurate

The illustrious Alums

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first
of two articles discussing the World
Youth Festival.)
By MICHAEL ZWEIG
THE EIGHTH World Youth Fes-
tival for Peace and Friendship
is over, having ended in August
amid sharp world disagreement
about its real functions, its desir-
ability, its honesty and its fairness
to participants.
A perhaps surprising fact is that
almost all of the conflicting re-
ports are true. The significant as-
pect is that analysts who wish to
"prove" a point indulge in pur-
poseful selection of supporting evi-
dence, and conveniently neglect
important and sometimes o'er-
riding evidence. The result is a
misleading, monolithic, simple
analysis twisted beyond recogni-
tion by evidence greatly lacking in
perspective.
There are reports that partici-
pants from certain nations (Ni-
geria, Senegal, England, Hungary)
were not given an opportunity to
speak at seminars, yet there are
reports of anti-Soviet speeches,
translated honestly into six lan-
guages, given by students from
neutral countries as well as West-
ern participants.
There are reports of the large
number of Communist partici-
pants, and there are indications
of a great many non-Communist
participants who disagreed with
Soviet policy.
* * *
ALMOST every American news-
paper account of the Festival cen-
tered on the demonstrations in
Helsinki, yet occasionally one
reads that the "riots" were not a
manifestation of typical Finnish
reaction to the Festival. The list
of conflicting reports can be drawn
much longer.
Let us try to construct a com-
prehensive picture of the Festival.
* * *
THE FESTIVAL lasted from
July 29 to August 6. In those nine
days were crowded som 800 sched-
uled events, about 775 of which
were .non-political in nature.
These included athletic events,
exhibitions, and competitions, in-
ternational variety shows, where
groups from different nations per-
formed folk dances and songs rep-
resentative of their national cul-
ture, and performances of classi-
cal music, ballet, and opera. There
were national shows devoted en-
tirely to cultural performances of
a single nation. The United States
presented such a show, as did
Cuba, Poland and many others.
Interspersed throughout the
nine days of the Festival were
about 25 political seminars, col-
loquia, or other kinds of scheduled
discussions of political, social and
economci issues. One such collo-
quium was entitled "Colloquium
on the Problems of Peace and Na-
tional Independence", another
"The Democratization of Educa-
tion," a third "Economic Plan-
ning", and many more.
The topics of these seminars,
as well as the entire program and
schedule, were drawn up by the
International Preparatory Com-
mittee, the overall coordinator of
the Festival. The IPC was predom-
inately Communist, although its
membership included people from

*

*

HE RECOMMENDATION of the University
of Wisconsin Faculty Committee on Human
Rights to ban Delta Gamma sorority from that
campus brings a new question of local auton-
omy to the fore. Previously sororities and fra-
ternities faced possible demise on many cam-
puses because of racial or religious discrimina-
tion. Now a new force, national or alumni pres-
sure, may prove to be a deciding factor.
The question is strictly defined at Wiscon-
sin; under the resolution passed in 1954 all
sororities and fraternities must be free to de-
cide upon their own membership or face ban-
ishment from campus. But at the University
the issue is not so clear.
It is obvious that Student Government Coun-
cil is not now deciding the fate of any one fra-
ternity or sorority dependent upon its local
autonomy. But sooner or later the question
must come up since any discrimination question
must probe into whether or not the local chap-
ter is subject to pressures from outside sources.
WHAT EXACTLY is meant by the term local
autonomy is difficult to discern. A sorority
or fraternity member is considered a member
for life; his membership does not cease upon
graduation. Therefore, alumni influence on
deciding the membership practices of a local
chapter is justified if one accepts this role of
the "alum."
But it seems as if the University of Wisconsin
doesn't accept this traditional interpretation.
It feels that a member of a sorority or frater-
nity is a member of the group only for the
period of time he spends in college; after he
graduates he has no right to interfere with
the affairs of that chapter.

asked to register by name and na-
tionality with the secretary for the
seminar, who was to call the
speakers in the order in which
they signed up. All speeches were
to be limited to ten minutes.
It is here that some participants
experienced discrimination. One
delegate from Nigeria, having
waited patiently for two days to
be called to speak at the "Collo-
quium on Peace and National In-
dependence," burst out at the end
demanding to be heard. He was
told by the chair that time had
run out, yet another speaker, who
registered the day after the Ni-
gerian, had had time allotted. The
Nigerian had been passed by and
not heard from, Such discrimina-
tion marred many, if not all, of
the political sessions, an inexcus-
able occurrence and almost cer-
tainly not accidental oversight.

the University and out of contact for so long.
Yet this is precisely what a fraternity or sor-
ority alunnus is entitled to do.
O UT OF contact with the life of the campus,
unknown to most of the members of the
particular local an alumnus can come to a
fraternity or sorority house and help in the
decision making process. Often, alumni do not
even return to campus at all; they make their
presence felt through letters or telephone calls.
And there are others who join a local alumni
group within an area where they live, never
having gone to the particular school which is
in the area or been a member of its chapter.
Under such circumstances it is conceivable
that an alumnus of a fraternity at a college
in Oregon could join a group of alumni in the
state of New York and, if he is very active
in the organization, influence decisions made
at Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute.
Just such alumni pressure can be felt in de-
ciding upon membership and this is the ques-
tion at hand. The committee at Wisconsin has
concluded that with any of this kind of pres-
sure the local should be barred from the cam-
pus. But if this is true, then almost any fra-
ternity or sorority will be liable to expulsion.
IN CONSIDERING sorority or fraternity dis-
crimination it is very necessary to delve into
just how much pressure the alumni or the
national organizations have, for if either pos-
sesses a great deal of jurisdiction then mem-
bership will not be decided upon individual
merit but upon alumni whims.
Student Government Council might do well
to consider the question of local autonomy, for
without it the sorority or fraternity may be

THE DISCRIMINATION seemed
patterned against English-speak-
ing Africans such as Nigerians and
Kenyans. Perhaps because those
people tend to be less harsh in dis-
cussing African colonialism than
nationals of former French col-
onies.
This discrimination, reprehen-
sible as it is, must be seen in the
total context of opportunity for
exchange of views, as well as in
the light of at least some anti-
Soviet, even pro-Western speeches
given by neutrals at political ses-
sions.
Some of the 10-minute speeches
I heard were descriptions, de-
fenses and explanations of West-
ern policy and goals, given by
American, Englishmen, Dutchmen,
and others from the West. I heard
a Brazilian speak out against what
he explained to be the "myth of
Soviet aid to Brazil", and he
praised the reality of Alliance for
Progress.
A woman from Ceylon and a
student from Denmark called for
honesty on both sides, and an im-
mediate end to nuclear testing.
There was serious castigation of
the Soviet decision to resume nu-
clear testing. In short, a wide
range of political views were ex-
pressed, although all who would
have liked to express them were
not allowed to do so.
* * *
BUT TO look at the political
seminars alone is to look at a
rather small segment of the time
in which political matters were
discussed. Participants often met
in the streets of Helsinki, intro-
duced themselves, found a com-
mon language or translator, and
began talking. Often people met at
cultural events, and discussed
serious questions. The Interna-
tional Students' Center was an-
other locus of personal tete-a-
tetes where individuals met at
random or sought one another out
to exchange ideas and explain is-
sues.
In these meetings there were no
imposed bars, no discriminations,
and no restrictions on what might
be said. Many more hours were
spent informally than at the more
s t r u c t u r e d seminars - which
heightens the significance of these
free and unstructured meetings
to the total communication at the
Festival.
Tf is - - u- ir-wnfr- +^v e f n r_

very exaggerated and boringly
repetitive.
Even Western speakers often felt
themselves forced to speak equally
unintelligently in relation to So-
viet policy or in defense of our
own.
Africans particularly were dis-
appointed by the lack of real
analysis and constructive, intelli-
gent debate, and to a lesser or
greater degree almost all partici-
pants agreed that the scheduled
seminars were in fact almost
worthless to attend from an in-
tellectual standpoint.
* * *
ANOTHER source of contact,
personal although organized, were
the inter-delegation meetings, at
which members of one national
delegation visited another nation's
delegation, mixed freely and dis-
cussed any topic which came up.
Americans met on such terms
with "Russians, Germans from
both sides, North Vietnamese and
other students from Eastern as
well as neutral nations. These
meetings were 'often the scene of
serious discussion and explanation
of issues as both sides saw them.
All public schools in the greater
Helsinki area were converted into
dormitory quarters. The advantage
was clean, not uncomfortable liv-
ing; the great disadvantage was
considerable dispersion of people
throughout a large area,
THIS PHYSICAL separation of
delegation headquarters by large
distances, not a feature of any
ed by almost all participants. Some
previous festival, was disappoint-
ing to us in the suburbs, and not-
political implications were perhaps
justifiably attached to the actual
placement of the delegations.
The demonstrations which took
place the first four evenings of the
Festival cannot be forgotten, but
again are in desperate need of
context if they are to be under-
stood.
Unquestionably, the majority of
the Finnish population was op-
posed to the staging of the Festi-
val in Helsinki. The Soviet govern-
ment, through economic pressures,
managed to convince the Finnish
government to allow it.
Faced with the fait accompli,
the great majority of the Finns
resigned themselves to the fact
and perhaps anxiously awaited the
end of the Festival.
A SMALL group of Finnish
youth, however, staged violent
demonstrations against the pres-
ence of Communists in Helsinki.
Time Magazine reports 140 Finns
arrested, but the New York Times
adds the important fact that all.
were under eighteen years old. The
Finnish people received the Festi-
val with resignation and indiffer-
ence, but they received the parti-
cipants as individuals with kind-
ness and openness.
The violent acts of a few drunk-
en teen-agers distorts the resigna-
tion which was the attitude of the
Finnish people, and to point con-
tinually to the violence as indica-
tive of popular mood not only
overstates the real opposition, but
is a disservice to the Finnish peo-
ple, who acted with dignity in the
face of an unwanted Festival foist-
ed nnn them bh internatinnd

To the Editor:
THE EDITORIAL by Miss Ruth
Hetmanski c o n c e r h i n g me
which appeared in The Michigan
Daily September 18, has occa-
sioned me no little astonishment
and chagrin. Miss Hetmanski, evi-
dently a young woman of integ-
rity who merely got her facts bad-
ly confused, has had the goodness
to write me a letter of profuse
apology. Lest some of your readers
remain impressed by the original '
editorial, however, allow me to en-
lighten you and them with the fol-
lowing brief set of facts.
I was one of many scholars who
played some considerable part in
the preparation of the N.A.A.C.P.
brief in the now celebrated school
segregation cases of 1954. This
gave me an opportunity to work
rather closely with Thurgood Mar-
shall over an interval of several
months in the fall of 1953. Last
December at the annual meeting
of the American Historical Asso-'
ciation I read a paper describing
in some detail the process of the
preparation of the N.A.A.C.P.'s
school brief that fall. My paper
made it entirely clear that the
Supreme Court's decision in Brown
v. Board was, in the opinion of the
author, an eminently sound and
just one. I praised Thurgood Mar-
shall virtually to the skies as a
great American who would take
his place in history as one of the
principal public figures of our
times. And because I thought I
was addressing solely a group of
historians, I told a number of very
affectionate anecdotes about Mar-
shall, none of which, when con-
sidered in context, reflected in the'
slightest fashion on his character,
personality, integrity or ability.
I had hoped after careful revi-
sion to publish this paper for an
- -a1r1%A itinnn t m rorsn

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Marshall Appointment

THEREAFTER, certain South-
erners in the Senate Judiciary
Sub-Committee charged with the
consideration of Marshall's ap-
pointment as a judge of the United
States Court of Appeals, secured
possession of the paper and used
the distorted version as a pretext
for their opposition to Marshall's
confirmation. To do this, they
were obliged to pull quotations out
of context and to mangle and dis-
tort completely the paper's basic
theme. In furtherance of their
pursuit, I was presently subpoe-
naed by the Senate Judiciary
Committee.
I at once prepared a statement
which strongly condemned and
ridiculed the Committee's proce-
dure and reaffirmed my faith in
Thurgood Marshall's integrity and
ability. To reassure certain wor-
ried N.A.A.C.P. officials in New
York, I communicated my state-
ment to them. They in turn ex-
pressed complete approval of what
I planned to say.
In a sense, the entire incident
was a piece of nonsense from be-
ginning to end. The Southern
senators in the Judiciary Com-
mittee were privately assuring
their Northern colleagues that
they would allow Marshall's ap-
pointment to go out on the Senate
floor as soon as the principal
Southern primaries were over. In
other words, they did not expect
to change any votes - they were
merely putting on an act for the
benefit of their constituents. My
appearance before their Commit-
tee was merely part of that show.
In the last analysis, the South-
ern stratav hnkfired hadlv The

my . permission,
paper at length
tailored to fit its
purposes.

published the
but carefully
own "peculiar"

,,..

I

I

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