THE MICHIGAN DAILY
FRIDAY, SEPTE ER 11,_ 1962'
TUE 1~IIiUuI~Al~ DAILY FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 14. 1982
INSEPARABLE ALLIES IN EUROPE:
Adenauer, de Gaulle Bind Nations in Friendship Pact
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
Associated Press News Analyst
Two indestructible old political
warriors have thrown away the
politicians' rule book in an at-
tempt to produce one of the most
significant developments of the
century in western Europe.
Their handshake Sept. 4 rep-
resented a long step in the recon-
ciliation of two traditional ene-
mies who have been at each oth-
er's throats thrice in less than 100
years.
Back in 1870, in the Franco-
Prussian War, one of the first of
the modern people-against-people
corflicts, the Germans under the
Iron Chancellor Otto von Bis-
marck utterly defeated the French
Emperor Napoleon III.
The war actually gave birth to
modern Germany by uniting the
loose federation of German states
under the banner of King Wil-
helm of Prussia, who became the
Emperor Wilhelm I of Germany.
Western Allies
Again, in 1914, the Germans m-
vaded French soil only to be de-
feated . by an alliance including
French, English and American ar-
mies in World War*I. That war
ended the German Empire of tl e
Emperor Wilhelm II.
For the third time in 70 years,
in 1940, the Germans under dic-
tator Adolf Hitler overwhelmed
the French in World War II .end
were in turn crushed by the
French allies, the English, Ameri-
cans and Russians.
It's hardly the background for
a friendlly handclasp.
Yet today, the leaders of West
Germany and France, the tower-
ing figures of Western Europe, are
saying things about one another's
notion which would have meant
political suicide for a French or
German politician not too long
ago.
Mixed Emotions
The Sept. 4 state visit of aus-
tere, 71-year-old President Charles
de Gaulle to patriarchal, 86-year-
old Chancellor Konrad Adenauer
drives another rivet into a grow-
ing, sturdy structure. And for a
variety of reasons, many in the
West view the alliance with mixed
enthusiasm and apprehension.
The United States welcomes any
harbinger of a future European
political integration. But United
States policy makers have had
their problems with de Gaulle, and
have had them, to a somewhat
lesser degree, with the crusty West
German chancellor.
De Gaulle apparently still be-
lieves in the North Atlantic Trea-
ty Organization. But he also be-
lieves in France's individual glory
and in the idea that it should
have its own national nuclear
force. The United States does not
welcome the idea of one more fin-
ger on the nuclear trigger.
Not long ago West Germans had
been reported hostile to United
States maneuvers regarding an
approach to the Russians on the
Berlin question. There had been
other friction over what some Bonn
officials regarded as hints that
West Germany should beef up her
contribution to NATO conven-
tional forces. These difficulties ap-
pear since to have been smoothed
over.
European Nationalism
There are other important as-
pects in the French-German
courtship. One of the most sig-
nificant is the indication of a
burgeoning feeling of European
nationalism and support for the
idea of a large degree of inde-
pendence in shaping European pol-
icy. This bespeaks an urge in Eu-
rope-as Europe-to be regarded
as the equal partner of the Unit-
ed States in NATO.
Against this is posed 'he c-p-
prehension of the smaller Bene-
lux--Belgium, the Netherlands
and Luxembourg-nations tnat the
French-German combine can r M-
inate the European Common Mar-
ket and an integrated Europe. The
Benelux nations have been hop-
ing British membership in the
Common Market might fend off
such a development. But Britain
herself is divided on when, how or
whether to join the Common Mar-
ket and participate in the- politi-
cal unity which is supposed to
grow out of close economic cooper-
ation.
The possibility of the Bonn-
Paris understanding creating fric-
tion elsewhere in the NATO camp
does not make it any more at-
tractive to the Hussians. They view
it with deep suspicion, call it a
"notorious axis" aimed at prevent-
ing settlement of the Berlin and
German problems. They accuse de
Gaulle of wanting to recruit West
German know-how to produce
French nuclear weapons.
De Gaulle and Adenauer do not
seem impressed by the sensatioi
tL.,y have produced on both sides
of the Iron Curtain. They are one
in the conviction that there is
nothing in Berlin to negotiate with
the Russians. De Gaulle has told
Adenauer the Paris government
stands firmly for German reunifi-
cation on the principle of self-
determination.
French Surrender
Adenauer has been more enthu-
siastic for actual political unity
than de Gaulle, who has no in-
tention of agreeing to any supra-
national structure which would en-
tail surrender of French sover-
eignty. De Gaulle's idea of unity
is a "Europe of the Fatherlands,"
undominated by any one nation or
group, but cooperating closely
while retaining national individ-
uality.
The German leader has been pic-
tured as preferring a system of
periodic meetings of heads of the
European Common Market gov-
ernments to make decisions on
the basis.of majority vote.
Apparently, however, what dif-
ference of views remain between
them have not dampened their ar-
dor for their alliance. Adenauer
has told de Gaulle he sees it as a
firm political dam against Com-
munism. He has credited de Gaulle
with the wisdom and energy to
make possible a reconciliation
which can permit 103 million
French and Germans to live in
harmony and become a great po-
litical and economic force.
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