Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNiVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONs


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Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
xTruth will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: KENNETH WINTER

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Johnson Can, Should
Act in mississippi

Lessons of the Past
Apply in Viet Nam

ISERE ARE FEW who would argue that
"history repeats itself." One need simp-
ly cast an eye on Viet Nam for an example
of a situation which is, alas, distressingly
unique. But there are equally few who
would deny that "the past has lessons for
the present." Thucydides, in whose fa-
mous analysis of the Peloponnesian War
"all history is contained," as George C.
Marshall said, has some definite bear-
ing on current history, including the
present situation in Viet Nam.
There are numerous suggestions that
have been advanced as solutions to the
problem there; one of the most attractive,
in a superficial way, is withdrawal.
"American boys are dying out there," says
Senator Morse; we are on an immoral
and illegal mission, have established
what amounts to an "empire" and should
leave. Yet, as Thucydides said of the
Athenian Empire, which, like ours, was
established to counter the threat of
foreign powers, "It may have been wrong
to take it; it is certainly dangerous to let
it go."
Such a course would dismay our Asian
allies, themselves faced with the threat
of, Communist penetration, and most of
the world in general. We would also be
creating a dangerous power vacuum in
a highly strategic area. Disengagement
would be dangerous indeed.
HERE ARE OTHERS who take the
opposite course, and ask, in effect,
"Why not victory?" Their answer implies
invasion of North Viet Nam and probably
Communist China as well, involving a,
vast commitment of U.S. arms and per-
sonnel. This form of bold endeavor would
not be unlike the improbable Athenian
campaign against Sicily, of which Thucy-
dides said, "This is no time for running
risks or for grasping at a new empire
before we have secured the one we have
already." The advice ignored, Athens'
expedition was crushed.
"Total victory," not unlike Athens'
grandiose scheme, would involve this
country in conditions strikingly similar
to those Athens faced. The military reali-
ties of the situation-Viet Nam's great
distance from U.S. supply lines, its be-
wilderingly different terrain and popu-

lation, the proximity of the crack North
Vietnamese army and of the vast Chinese
nation-do not indicate stellar prospects.
"Total victory" would be an equally disas-
trous course of action.
THE UNITED STATES assumes, in ironic
disregard of its own beginnings as a
nation, that Viet Nam is a military prob-
lem, that bullets can stop the march of
ideas. Perhaps they can-briefly. Stability
in Viet Nam will come, not when we at-
tempt to destroy southern China, but
when we attempt to help the government
of Viet Nam become responsive to the
traditions and aspirations of the Viet-
namese. No government which betrays
the Vietnamese in political, social and
economic matters can expect help from
them in battle.
It must-among other things-recognize
the legitimate aspirations of the Budd-
hists, who though they form 85 per cent
of the population, have been denied their
rights. It must end the corruption and
inefficiency, remarkable even for South-
east Asia, that have become major strains
on its integrity. It must be devoted to
the people rather than to itself-provid-
ing low cost loans and technical informa-
tion on agricultural problems, allowing
labor unions equity, ceasing suppression
-and then it may succeed.
THE UNITED STATES should do every-
thing possible to encourage it in this
direction. The third way, the only realis-
tic one open to us, is uncertain and ar-
duous-but the other two are definite
and disastrous. The U.S. must promote
a strong, enlightened government in
South Viet Nam by working with that
country; and, if the time comes, Amer-
ica should be prepared to secure a mean-
ingful detente in the area.
This course will be difficult. What John
Kennedy called "the long twilight strug-
gle" will not be won soon. But here, per-
haps is where Thucydides is most in-
structive. "Men do what they can, and
suffer what they must . . . Count him
truly brave who, knowing what is sweet
in life and what is terrible, goes out un-
deterred to meet what is to come."
-MARK KILLINGSWORTH

ni; W
"EUREKA! WE (AME OUT AHEADfI

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Extremism or Consensus?

SGC Tries a New 'Line'

STUDENT GOVERNMENT Council has
done it again. Taking student interests
to heart, it has solved the complex prob-
lem caused by students who spend days
waiting ;in line to get block tickets for
the concerts. The SGC solution was sim-
ple: forbid any student from waiting in
line more than two hours before the
tickets actually go on sale.
The plan should work fantastically
well. If students begin violating the regu-
lation, SGC could appoint monitors who
would guard the entrance to Hill Audi-
torium, making sure that no one tries
to get in line too early. These officials
could wear special maize and blue
badges in order to be easily recognized.
To prevent any arguments as to when
the line can legally form, a giant illum-
inated clock might be installed in front
of the auditorium. It would be specially
equipped with an air raid siren which
would go off when the two-hour vigil is
allowed to start.
ANOTHER DIFFICULTY that could arise
is disagreement as to how close to Hill
ticket buyers can get before the official
waiting period begins. The problem could
be overcome by holding the monitors re-
sponsible for patrolling the neighboring
buildings and natural camouflage so as

to prevent eager beavers from having
an unfair advantage. The whole system
could be ruined if the first person in
line got there by lurking behind one of
the nearby elm trees.
This very minor problem might also be
solved by letting ticket buyers assemble
on the Diag prior to the two-hour wait-
ing period. When the air raid siren goes
off these people would sprint over to
the auditorium, with the victors getting
the win, place and show positions in
line. In order to make this system com-
pletely fair, girls could be given a slight
head start and track shoes could be out-
lawed.
BUT OF COURSE even the best laid
plans of mice and men sometimes go
astray, and there is always the possibility
that some obstacle will pop up which
would prevent Student Government
Council's solution from working smooth-
ly. There is a remote chance that so
many people will want good positions in
line that the Diag will be crowded with
people days before the ticket sales begin.
But even if that does happen, SGC could,
always think of something-maybe it
would outlaw concerts.
-CHARLES VETZNER

By WALTER LIPPMANN
AS THE ELECTION campaign
recedes into the distance, we
can begin to see more clearly
what it was about. In the midst
of the bawling and brawling it
seemed to many to be mere din
and blur, offering only a shallow
and a sterile choice. But in retro-
spect, in the clearer view of
hindsight, it is becoming evident
that the choice was profound, and
that it was pregnant with the
central affirmation of the Ameri-
can way of life.
The choice was between ihe
politics of extremism and the
politics of consensus, and in the
difference between them there was
at stake the identity of this
country.
EXTREMISM in any of its
forms rests always on a belief
that some conflict within a so-
ciety is irreconcilable. There is,
therefore, no solution of the con-
flict except the destruction of one
or the other contending groups.
In the world of the extremists
there can be no solution of im -
portant issues by conciliation and
consent. There must always be a
winner and a loser. The conflict
must always end in unconditional
surrender. There is no such tho'ng
as the harmonizing of interests,
Thus, Marxist-Leninism is an
extremist doctrine which has at
its core the dogma that all the
evils of poverty and oppression
arise from an irreconcilable con-
flict between the capitalist class
and the proletarian class. Fascism
and Nazism are extremist cioc-
trines which have at their core
the belief that all that is unde-
sirable springs from irreconcilable
differences of ideology, religion
and race. The white supremacists
are an extremist sect who contend
that the survival of the white :ace
depends on its supremacy over a
subjugated Negro race.
Extremist doctrines appeal not
only to pride and prejudice, to
hate and envy, but also in some
degree to the worldly wisdom of
quite civilized and decent people.
They find it hard to believe that
the persistent conflicts are not
insoluable. In all societies and
throughout recorded history, there
have been persistent conflicts of
class, religion and race: is it not
Utopian and soft-headed to sup-
pose that in the real world such
conflicts can be composed? That
is why the extremists, who always
know in their hearts that they
cannot be wrong, have much more
respect for opposing extremists
than for the contemptible senti-
mental visionaries in the mushy
middle.
THE AMERICAN dream, the
promise of American life, has al-
ways been the revolutionary and
(it has always been argued) the
unworldly conviction that within
a free society all interests can he
conciliated by persuasion and
satisfied by consent. Nobody can
pretend that the American nation
has always followed this dream or
that, even when it tried to follow
it, it has realized the dream. One

recent election campaign, Serater'
Goldwater jolted the conscience
of the great mass of Americans
and President Johnson struci the
mystic chord of memory to which
they respond.
In the current political jargon,
the name for the old American
dream of harmony is the politics
of consensus. It has been a dia-
maic coincidence that ivnen the
politics of consensus was chal-
lenged by an extremist, the de-
fender happened to be a man who
is a conspicuously successful har-
monizer of conflicting interests.
AS A RESULT, though it sounds
Utopian and unworldly to talk in

CLEO FROM 5 TO 7'-
Varga's Film Hurt by
Dull Lead Character

the abstract of harmonizing all
conflicting interests, in the per-
son of Lyndon Johnson it does
not seem unreal and unworldly at
all because in fact it isn't. Lyn-
don Johnson is very far from be-
ing an unworldly man. Indeed, the
politics of consensus as practiced
by him includes the use of auite
worldly means to overcome the
conflict and push and pull tne
contenders together.
Our people have, I think, under-
stood this. They are not too fas-
tidious to have been reassured
rather than put off by the spec-
tacle of a worldly man pursuing
their ancient dream.
(c) 1964, The Washington Post Co.

To the Editor:
A HIDEOUS SCAR on the con-
science of the American people
is the pattern of lawlessness and
discrimination in Mississippi.
Section 333 of Title 10 of the
United States Code empowers the
President to use "any means to
suppress, in a state, any insur-
rection (Oxford), domestic vio-
lence (McComb), unlawful com-
bination, or conspiracy (KKK)"
whenever such an event denies
equal protection to any class of
citizens. Section 242 of Title 18
of the United States Code author-
izes federal punishment of viola-
tors of Section 333.
Section 332 of Title 10 of the
United States Code authorizes
President Johnson to use state
and federal troops "whenever he
considers that unlawful obstruc-
tions or combinations . . . make
it impracticable to enforce the
laws of the United States of
America . . . by the ordinary
course of judical proceedings."
Obviously pertinent: Mississippi's
denial of Negro voting rights
guaranteed by the civil rights acts
of 1957, 1960 and 1964.
Article IV, Section 4 of the
United States Constitution, which
provides a republican form of gov-
ernment in every state, provides
grounds for President Johnson to
take full control of the entire state
government of Mississippi. The
Supreme Court affirmed this
power in 1879.
*~ * *
HAVING WORKED with the
Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee in the Mississippi delta
I found the lack of participation
by Negroes in Mississippi politics
is the result of disenfranchise-
ment, not apathy. SNCC Chair-
man John Lewis has called for
"Negro representation in Con-
gress from Mississippi." Yet Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. estimated
that at the present pace of regis-
tration it will take 135 years for
half the present Negro population
of the closed society to become
registered voters.
It will be necessary for super-
visors of elections appointed by
federal courts to secure open regis-
tration under the direction of the
Department of Justice if political
feudalism is to be ended in this
generation. Consistent with the
amended version of the Enforce-
ment Act of May 31, 1870, inter-
ference with federally appointed
supervisors would be a federal of-
fense, punishment by fine and im-
prisonment.
The Department of Justice
might well apply the Third En-
forcement Act of April 20, 1871
to the most oppressedrcounties in
myopic Mississippi. The law,
known as the Ku Klux Klan Act,
declared that the activity of un-
lawful combinations constituted a
"rebellion against the government
of the United States."
* * *
IN AREAS where the Americans
for the Preservation of the White
Race, White Citizen's Council's,
KKK or the National States
Rights Party are at work, Presi-
dent Johnson could proclaim mar-
tial law. Persons having knowledge
of conspiracies could be held' re-
sponsible for injuries done if they
made no effort to prevent the con-
spirators from carrying out their
designs (Goodman, Schwerner,
Chaney and 10 other victims might
have been saved this summer).
Equal protection of the law is
a right of all citizens of the Unit-
ed States. Ergo, the rights of over
40 per cent of the people of a
slavocracy cannot be neglected
simply because the state dictator-
ship chose to neglect them.
When a state disregards the
constitutional rights of a large
segment of its population the na-
tional government is compelled to
intervene in behalf of the victims.
As of 1964, the civil rights bill not
withstanding, the federal govern-
ment has not provided the citizens
of Mississippi the protection due
them as American citizens.
* . *

THE MISSISSIPPI Advisory
Committee to the United States
Civil Rights Commission has testi-
fied that the state government of
the closed society is not sufficient-
ly concerned with the task of pro-
tecting the rights of all citizens.
The black masses, 42.3 per cent of

the citizens of this police . ate
called Mississippi, must either ac-
cept an inferior station in life and
an attitude of servility or en-
danger themselves and their fam-
ilies by protesting.
I call upon President Johnson
to consider the- use of federal
troops to restore democracy to
Mississippi.
-M. D. Whitty, Grad
Offset
To the Editor:
IRA SHOR'S editorial statement
in Friday's paper, "the near
success of Generation's campaign
to stop the new Offset magazine
is reflected in the decision by the
Board in Control of Student Pub-
lications to allow the Offset group
permission to publish only one
issue," is inaccurate and mis-
leading.
The board limited its Offset au-
thorization to one issue, not out
of concern for its effect upon
Generation, but rather because the
planning for the new 'magazine,
in regard to staff and in regard to
financing, is still quite tentative.
The board's decision permits the
organization to demonstrate its
ability to assemble, publish and
sell a magazine of the kind it has
proposed. The desirability of a
continuing authorization m a y
then be considered, assuming the
organization decides it wants such
authority, on the basis of more
complete information than has to
this time been available.
-Luke K. Cooperrider
Chairman, Board of
Control of Student
Publications
Editor's Note:In the Oct. 28 edition
of The Daily, Professor Cooperrider
said in relation to the board's deci-
Sion to allow the Offset authoriza-
tion: "We are concerned with the
financial soundness of the venture
and with its impact on the other
recognized publications of the board."
Gargoyle
To the Editor:
MR. RAPOPORT expounded a
very interesting but highly
worthless evaluation of the Gar-
goyle which came out on Nov. 11.
Owing his complaints mainly to
the lack of parallelism between
the Gargoyle and Time Magazine,
Mr. Rapoport continues with effi-
ciency the type of anti-Gargoyle
article that usually inhabits The
Daily's pages.
However, certain interesting
facts are important for this "not-
ed" critic to know. It is very sur-
prising to see a magizine of such
"poor" quality being the only stu-
dent publication on campus that
consistently makes a respectable
profit.
IT SHOULD be stated also that,
though the perfection of the Gar-
goyle was not as acute as it was
hoped it would be, this seems to
come second to the enjoyment re-
ceived by the numerous readers
who obviously rushed to buy a
copy.
But what did ie actually say
against the Gargoyle? Mr. Rapo-
port stated in his article that
much of the Gargoyle was gar-
bage. It does seem odd though-
that he found only five things
wrong with the entire magazine
and that among these points was
the terrible mistake about the
length of time that Time Maga-
zine has been publishing. Beyond
this, the only things that were
criticized were isolated statements
picked out from the articles which,
as a whole, met with no obvious
disapproval.
-Alan Axelrod, '68
-Alan Kalter, '68
More Wise

Sayings
Those politicians who have been
and are guilty, wittingly or un-
wittingly, of betrayal of our coun-
try, ought to be brought before
the bar of public opinion, to stand
convicted in the light of history.
It is the great paradox of Amer-
ican history that the political
school responsible for our undoing
should' continue to govern our
country. There is not another such
parallel in history.
The enemy hurls a multitude of
unsubstantiated charges against
effective anti-Communists; and
while they are busy refuting the
charges, nothing is being donetto
halt Communism.
Even without statistical analy-
sis, it is obvious that not only have
Communist successes not been
halted, but they are increasing at
an accelerated rate. The ignorance
of the average American on this
subject is appalling . .
What the American people have

At the Cinema Guild
IN SPITE of a clear, controlled
presentation and a good per-
formance by leading lady Corinne
Marchand, Agnes Varda's "Cleo
from 5 to 7" suffers from an un-
forgivable fault. It fails to arouse
interest in its principal character.
Miss Varda, France's only fe-
male professional film-maker, re-
lies exclusively upon everyday ele-
ments of the contemporary scene
to develop her theme. Modern Par-
is is her setting and her stars
have coffee in restaurants, ride in
taxis, and her lovers walk in the
park and ride the bus together.
Even the unusual incidents-for
example, the man swallowing
frogs-could easily be encountered
in the proper sections of any big
city.
4'4' *
THE USE of the "movie-within-
a-movie" technique is especially
praiseworthy in this film. Rather
than the usual awkward presenta-
tion of facts, or rehash of inci-
dents that weren't clear, the first
time, the movie-within-a-movie
provides a cheerful interlude
which focuses attention upon the
thematic development of the film.
The character in the movie-with-
in-a-movie tells us that "every-
thing was black because (his)
glasses were black." In the same
way, Cleo's faulty vision prevents
her from coping with life.
Miss Varda neatly divides her
presentation into "chapters," each
titled with the name of a person.
Her careful control of the movie
is evident in this simple device.
We watch a progression from the
early chapters, each with a single
name title, to the last chapter,
significantly titled with two linked
names-"Cleo and Antoine."
In the early chapters, the min-
utes are carefully counted. In the
last few chapters, the time elapsed
grows longer, until one finally
loses track of time. Cleo is now
able to see life clearly; hence the
artificial restrictions imposed upon
life by man become unimportant.

the early scenes, one is certain
that Cleo doesn't realize the grav-
ity of her situation. Her under-
standing of life is too superficial.
* * *
WHEN she comes to a realiza-
tion of the value of life, her con-
ception is on such an exalted plane
that she has no need of sympathy.
with her life.
Again one remains uninvolved
with her life. At first she had
feared the loss of her beauty rath-
er than understood the signifi-
cance of death. Now she under-
stands the significance of death,
but has such a serene, mature ac-
ceptance of the conditions of life
that death holds no terror for her.
For that very reason, her life holds
little interest.
Miss Varda's conception of char-
acter adds to the film's inability
to interest us in Cleo's life. She
presents figures who walk and talk
together but do not interact with
each other. They are like cold, in-
dividual objects in space, rather
than warm people with human
relationships.
-Lee Bomberg

The Countdown

On Being a Responsible Student

YOU'RE A RESPONSIBLE student if:
a) you ask the administration what it
thinks the administration should do
about things (e.g., what new dormitories
should be built); b) you go back a little
later and "strongly recommend" to the
administration that it do what it told
you it thinks it should do; c) you succeed
in the difficult task of persuading the
administration to this point of view; d)
you and the administration then sail off

You're irresponsible if: a) you try to
get at the real problems which plague
today's student, the kind of problems few
administrators will encourage you to
probe; b) you come up with answers that
the administration doesn't already agree
with; c) you advocate these policies in
a manner not officially approved (the
scientific term is "agitation"); and, worst
of all, d) you do all this without the
warm, fatherly glad hand of three or four

.--" .. * v ms s :.4"-I