WAGE EIGHT
THE MICHIGAN DAILY
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1964
PAGE EIGHT THE MICHIGAN DAILY SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 1,1964
U.S.
Voters
To
End Strange, Bitter' '64 Campaign
By J. W. DAVIS
Associated Press Newsfeatures Writer
WASHINGTON - Millions of
Americans-perhaps over 70 mil-
lion-will write an end Tuesday
to 1964's strange and bitter pres-
idential campaign.
Their votes may set America's
course for years to come, at home
and in a world where troubles nev-
er seem to end.
They- will decide whether they
want to go along with Big Gov-
ernment programs backed by
President Lyndon B. Johnson as
vital to welfare and progress, or
take up Barry Goldwater's call
for a cutdown on Washington's
direction and control of the af-
fairs of individuals and business-
es.
The civil rights issue could be
i a big factor. Here the question
is whether Negroes are getting
what they deserve, more than they
deserve or less than they deserve.
Dangerous?
Much of the campaign has been
given over to arguments on wheth-
er Republican Goldwater is trig-
ger-happy in a dangerous world,
as the Democrats charge, or
whether Democrat Johnson is the
reckless one, and "soft" on Com-
munism, as the Republicans say.
Voters will carry into the bal-
loting places concern about the
endless fighting Viet Nam, the
leadership overturn in Russia, and
the fact that tough-talking Red
China now has the A-bomb.
Standing out among the do-
mestic issues are Republican
charges that scandal and immor-
ality stain the government under
Johnson, and Democratic state-
ments that "Goldwaterism" would
spread spiritual blight and physi-
cal suffering across the country.
Dems Favored
Since the campaign began, the
odds have favored Johnson and
his Democrats. They have pros-
perity going for them, for one big
thing. Negro leaders and organized
labor, plus some big businessmen,
are in their corner. The pollsters
have shown a constant, wide mar-
gin for Johnson.
In fact, the polls have been
showing Johnson with a bigger
lead than any presidential candi-
date since Thomas E. Dewey in
1948. This can be a chilling
thought for frontrunners; Dewey
was beaten by Harry S. Truman.
No Vice?
One early peak was the storm
son. He was secretary to the Dem-
ocratic majority in the Senate
when Johnson was majority lead-
er, and he resigned under fire
during inquiries into his money-
making side deals. The Senate in-
vestigation of his actions has been
put off until after the election,
despite Republican cries of "White
House coverup."
Explain!'
Goldwater observed that the
polls and pundits have missed
something he saw as troubling the
people.
"Now we know what it is," he
continued. "The people have look-
ed at the White House and found
it dark with scandal. The people
have looked at the man who occu-
pies the White House and found
him shadowed by suspicions which
no amount of handshaking and
hurrahs can chase away."
Johnson, condemning Goldwa-
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Governor-Hopefuls
Evaluaie 'Coa ttails'
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By NEIL GILBRIDE
Associated Press Staff Writer
WASHINGTON - Governor's
mansions in 25 states are at stake
in Tuesday's election, and many
of the candidates are fretting over
how the White House vote will
affect their ambitions.
Voters in 11 states will choose
a brand new chief executive. In
14 other states, they'll either renew
the present governor's lease or
evict him. Eighteen of the 25 gov-
ernorships are now held by Demo-
crats.
While state problems tend to
dominate governorship campaign-
ing, the candidates are keeping a
wary eye on the presidential race.
The coattails of President Lyndon
B. Johnson or GOP candidate Sen.
Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz) could
help furnish a ride into the gov-
ernor's mansion for some.
But for others, setting foot on
the Johnson or Goldwater coat-
tails might be disastrous.
Knowles, Reynolds
Republican Warren P. Knowles,
running in Wisconsin against
Democratic Gov. John P. Reynolds,
summed up the coattail problem:
mInma non-presidential year, I
would swamp Reynolds. But if
Johnson carries the state by 100,-
000 votes, I will be in trouble."
The problem varies with every
state. Some governorship candi-
dates are riding the coattails of
their party's presidential candi-
date for all they're worth. Others
ride with one foot on and one foot
off. Some won't ride at all.
Romney, Staebler
Goldwater has some strong
backers in Michigan, but Gov.
George Romney is studiously ig-
noring the presidentialdcandidate
to run on the record of prosperity
he says he has brought to the
state.'
But Romney's opponent, Demo-
cratic Rep. Neil Staebler won't let
the governor forget Goldwater.
Staebler also contends it was the
policies of the Kennedy-Johnson
administration that made Michi-
gan's economic upsurge possible.
In a reverse example, Gov. Orval
Faubus of Arkansas exhibits only
lukewarm interest inethe Johnson
candidacy 'in a state where the
racial issue and antipathy to the
administration's civil rights record
;'a strong factor.
Faubus, Rockefeller
i5aubus prefers to plug for his
zixth term by claiming h~e brought
prosperity to Arkansas and de-
pecting his Republican opponent
Winthrop Rockefeller as a kind of
rich carpetbagger.
Rockefeller criticizes the long#
tenure of Faubus, who came to1
national attention by resisting
federal integration efforts in 1957,
and says Arkansas needs a two-
party system.<
But Rockefeller shows only,
slightly more enthusiasm for Gold-
water than Faubus does for John-
son.
Rockefeller backed the bid of
his brother, New York Gov. Nelson
Rockefeller, against Goldwater at
the GOP national convention.
Percy, Kerner
The political climate, and thus
the coattail problem, is consider-
ably different in big industrial Il-
linois where Democratic Gov. Otto
Kerner and GOP opponent Charles
H. Percy are leaning on their re-
spective national. party tickets--
Kerner to a greater degree than
Percy.
Kerner, pumping for votes on
the basis of his claims for jobs
and business gains, is closely dove-
tailing his campaign with John-
son's.
Percy, protege of former Presi-
dent Dwight D. Eisenhower, went
along with the Illinois delegation's
support for Goldwater at the na-
tional convention and has cam-
paigned with him at home. How-
ever, Percy is stressing his own
bid for the governorship over the
national GOP ticket.
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about what critics called Gol ter as "the new and frightening
water's extremism on the far right, voice of the Republican party,,
an issue whipped up by fellow Re- always referring to him as a sort
publicans at the national party of temporary element in politics,
convention, and carried along by avoided mentioning him by name.
Democrats. Not Me
A lately-arrived-at peak was the notheb
disclosure on Oct. 14 that one of The Johnson theme has een
Johnson's closest associates, Wal- responsibility, prosperity, peace
ter Jenkins, had twice been ar- and justice. /
rested on morals charges. Jenkins Nothing was clearer in this cam-
was forced to resign his high White paign than Johnson's fervent de-
House post after the arrests be- termination to win the presidency
came known. He had been John- on his own. Yet he kept alive the
son's confidante and devoted aide torch passed to him in the assassi-
for 25 years. nation of President John F. Ken-
The Jenkins case probably hurt nedy almost one year ago.
Johnson politically, but how much This campaign, he declared in
no one could tell. Its edge was mid-October, has become a cru-
blunted by sensational foreign de- sade "for the ideals and values
velopments which followed quick- which inspired John Fitzgerald
ly-the dumping of Soviet Pre- Kennedy."
mier Nikita S. Khrushchev and Johnson was reported months
Communist China's first nuclear ago to be shooting for a better
explosion, showing than Franklin D. Roose-
Don't Rock the Boat velt made in 1936, when FDR won,
Politicians usually figure that 46 states to 2. One Democrat close
foreign crises help the man in of- to Johnson has said, only half-
fice, since there is a reluctance jokingly, that what the Presi-
to change in time of trouble. dent wants is to win by acclama-
Goldwater didn't comment on tion.
the Jenkins case when it broke. The LBJ strategy is to sweep
However, he had already been the East, hold a possible South-
hammering on scandals he said ern revolt in check and pick' up
had darkened the White House. strength in the Midwest and West.
At one point he said the Bobby Goldwater has been saying he
Baker case was hurting Johnson can win if he can carry Califor-
more than anything else. nia, Texas, Illinois, Ohio and In-
Baker used to be close to John- diana plus Southern and Western'
states he has counted on from
the start.
The importance of the vice-pres-
idency has been upgraded in 1964,
mainly because of the public's
shocked realization last November
that a President's life can be end-
ed in an instant.
Hand-Picked
Both vice-presidential candi-
dates-Rep. William E. Miller (R-
NY) and Sen. Hubert Humphrey
(D-Minn)-were hand-picked by
the presidential nominees.
Never before had anything hap-
pened like Johnson's in-person
"nomination" of Humphrey last
August at the Democratic conven-
tion in Atlantic City.
Goldwater's choice of Miller,
though less dramatic, was just as
firm-handed. The Republican
convention delegates at San Fran-
cisco simply went along.
The big Democratic charge
against Goldwater is that he is top
impulsive, trigger - happy, and
might get the United States into
a nuclear war. Goldwater, while
calling it a lie, recognized it as
"the most damaging thing I have
run into."
He's Changed
In an effort to get this burden
off Goldwater's back, former
President Dwight D.. Eisenhower
came out with a statement say-
ing Goldwater has changed over
the years.
"For a long time he was a free-
wheeling senator and could not be
held accountable for everything he
said. Today there is nothing flip,
no impulsiveness about him."
Goldwater has said that if he is
elected, he'll ask Eisenhower to
go to Viet Nam and see what can
be done to end the fighting there.
The war holds potentially great
damage to the Johnson adminis-
tration politically, aside from its
broader effects.
Johnson at one time set up the
possibility of a conference with
Khrushchev, if he won. With
Khrushchev now sidelined, new
steps were in order.
Backlash?
There is the great but hard-to-
measure issue of "the white back-
lash"-the question being wheth-
er whites in large numbers might
vote against Johnson because of
his backing of the new federal
civil rights law, and because ofa
resentment against Negro demon-
strations.
Johnson has taken the stand
that for every Democratic voter
who turns against him on the civil
rights issue, three Republicans will{
turn against Goldwater because of
fear of what he might do with
nuclear weapons if he is given the
presidency.
When Gov. George C. Wallace of
Alabama withdrew in July as an
independent candidate for Presi-
dent, it was taken as a boost for
Goldwater, who voted against the
civil rights law.
Good Showing
All four top candidates have
pulled enthusiastic crowds, some
of them huge.
Johnson made full use of his
unique advantages as President,
too. He had more to tell the peo-
ple than that they ought to vote
Democratic. He was able to bul-
wark his talks with sensational
announcements of satellite-killing
rockets and radar that can see
around the curve of the earth.
A Goldwater campaign feature
was the obvious dedication of a
solid core-men and women who
cheered him even when they couldf
not hear what he was saying.
They clearly looked upon him as
the country's saviour.
Verbal Scalpels
Goldwater also demonstrated
a facility for saying sharp things
about the opposition without
sounding nearly as harsh as his
words would look in print.
Those who traveled with Gold-
water often remarked on his cas-
ual, almost carefree air.
In the final weeks of the cam-
paign Goldwater's strategists turn-
ed more and more to television.
They figured he had just the per-
sonality for it-they said they
wished they could afford to put
him on more often.
ADA Ties
Miller time and again attacked
Humphrey's longtime association
with the organization Americans
for Democratic Action.
Miller said the ADA, which de-
scribes itself as a liberal, inde-
pendent political organization, is
i trying to "transform our govern-
ment into a foreign, socialistic to-
talitarianism."
To this, and similar thrusts,
Humphrey replied.
f "This puts Miller in strange
company. I hope he'll take a good
look at the enemies of ADA, such
as Communists and Birchites. If
Miller wants to associate with
those groups, he may. I don't care
to."
The role of the John Birch So-
ciety, and its right-wing views,
came up importantly in the "ex-
tremism" fight at the Republican
national convention.
Gov. William Scranton of Penn-
sylvania, opposing Goldwater for
the nomination, tried to get the
convention to denounce the so-
ciety by name, but the platform
committee refused to do so.
One big difference between this
campaign and the 1960 Kennedy-
Nixon contest is that four years
ago there were four television de-
bates between the presidential
[candidates, watched by millions.
"I wouldn't have won the elec-
tion without the debates," Ken-
nedy said flatly.
This year Goldwater kept call-
ing on Johnson to meet him in
debate, but Johnson wasn't hav-
ing any. His attitude seemed to
be: I'm doing all right; why try
anything else?
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