Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:

Diag Demonstration is Hopeful Sign

I

. _

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JEFFREY GOODMAN

A Chinese Atomic Bomb:
Propaganda Victory in Asia

IF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC of China
explodes an atomic bomb in the near
future, the event will not alter the basic
realities of power in East Asia-the Chi-
nese will eventually dominate the entire
area. What the bomb will do is effect the
advance of Chinese domination in certain
areas. It will be irrelevant to the U.S.-
Chinese struggle in Southeast Asia, and
will possibly hurt the Chinese in their
power struggle with India. Most import-
antly, it will hand the Chinese almost
total victory in the fight with Russia
for the allegiance of East Asia's Commu-
nist parties.
The bomb will not alter at all the U.S.-
Chinese military battle in Indochina.
What strength the United States has lies
in the air and sea power of its Seventh
Fleet. China has virtually no air force.
Its navy-a collection of old PT boats,
junks, and a couple of obsolete destroy-
ers-provides no meaningful opposition
to the fleet. The U.S. has often shelled
the Chinese shore for days on end (in
retaliation for Chinese shellings of Que-
moy and Matsu) and has faced no opposi-
tion.
THE STRENGTH OF CHINA and her de-
pendent ally North Viet Nam is vir-
tually unlimited infantry power. China
and her allies will eventually drive the
United States from Indochina because
they will have the support of native arm-
ed troops and thus will control most
open areas. The U.S. puppet in Saigon
has the sole purpose of protecting U.S.
investments in Viet Nam and elsewhere
in Southeast Asia by halting the growth
of Chinese influence. Two factors render
Chinese atomic capability meaningless in
this struggle: first, China fears U.S.
"massive retaliation"; second, China
knows it can drive the United States out
of Indochina by merely further enlist-
ing the armed support of native peoples.
While the bomb would be irrelevant to
Chinese efforts in Indochina, it could
definitely hurt China in its power strug-
gle with India. India is now a neutral na-
tion. But if it should be confronted with
a new border struggle against an atom-
ically-armed China, it might seek to con-
tract a nuclear-backed alliance with eith-
er the United tSates or Russia. For India.

knows that China might risk using limit-
ed tactical atomic bombing against a
nation with no large-scale military alli-
ances.
JT IS VERY POSSIBLE that the United
States would decline to contract such
an alliance because of its already exten-
sive commitments in South Viet Nam.
However, the Soviet Union, with no pre-
vious major commitments in that area
and a desire to curtail Chinese successes,
might agree to such a pact. Thus an atom-
ically-armed China might drive India un-
der the military wing of Russia and fur-
ther from the Chinese sphere of influ-
ence.
The bomb may be a definite help to
China in its power struggle with Russia
for the allegiance of East Asia's Com-
munist parties. China is already substan-
tially winning this struggle: for example,
the Communist parties in the neutral
countries of Cambodia and Indonesia
lean heavily toward Chinese revolution-
ary doctrines. Indonesia's huge party is
slowly pushing President Ahmed Sukarno
to the left; Cambodia's Prince Norodom
Sihanouk openly admires China and says
he expects China to rule all of Asia.
IF CHINA gets the bomb, the already
friendly East Asian parties will get one
message-China is the first non-white
nation to move up to the atomic plateau.
To these Asians, the present four nuclear
powers look somewhat alike: England,
France, the U.S. and Russia are all white,
fairly well-off, satisfied, Western-orient-
ed peoples. The Asians feel they are on
the outside looking in. When China ex-
plodes the bomb; it will impress them
tremendously. China will have achieved
a tremendous propaganda and prestige
victory over Russia.
The Chinese have sacrificed progress in
many fields and devoted intense effort to
the development of the atomic bomb.
They probably know that it can help
them only in their ideological battle with
Russia for allegiance of Asia's Commu-
nists, and that in other areas it might
possibly do them harm. Perhaps this is
an indication of the importance China
attaches to its rivalry with Russia.
--ROBERT HIPPLER

To the Editor:
'TUESDAY'S demonstration was
a hopeful sign that two years
of student lethargy on University
problems will now come to end.
Its dynamism comes at a time
when SGC is doing little and Voice
has abandoned the campus to or-
ganize the nation's poor.
However, the demonstration is
only a start. Whether the organiz-
ers of the "Student Action League"
succeed or fail in bringing Uni-
versity reform will depend on their
future actions. While the demon-
stration served as a good thing
to wake up the campus, the youth-
fulness of SAL's leaders and some
of their past statements indicates
much more serious thinking is
needed before SAL will be a suc-
cess.
S* * *
SAL'S FIRST TASK is to learn
about the University. How many
of the leaders know about the
Office of Academic Affairs, who
its key people are, what it is
thinking and where pressure and
influence may be applied? The
same questions could be asked
about the business office. But all
of SAL's demands are pointed at
these two powerful University
agencies. Student action in this
area in the past has floundered
for lack of knowledge of the OSA
and the business office.
The next step is refining the
demands to separate the attain-
able from the visionary. One de-
mand - to participate in long-
range University planning and pol-
icy making-is misdirected. It can
be achieved, in part, right now by
student energy, not by administra-
tive grace. Student Government
Council and the Senate Advisory
Committee on University Affairs
set up a structure last year that
allowed two students to participate
with varying speaking privileges
on SACUA subcommittees.
This is as far as students will
get. But even this significant say.
in University decision making has
not been used by the student body.
The whole program collapsed late
last spring and no new appoint-
ments have been made by SGC.
Thus the studentbody-and cer-
tainly a Student Action League-
is throwing away an opportunity
to be heard and to raise issues be-
fore these important faculty com-
mittees.
* -
THE DEMAND for University
pressure to lower the Ann Arbor
cost of living makes good rhet-
oric but little political or econom-
ic sense. Prices are high because
students form a captive market.
The best way to lower them is to
promote shopping at lower cost Ar-
borland and other non-campus
area stores and, in the case of
books, the co-op book store. The
city bus line should be urged to
increase and speed its service to
Arborland and students should be
encouraged to shop at these dis-
tant, but cheaper stores.
While the University has the le-
gal power to do what it wants in
Ann Arbor no matter what the city
says, it prefers to keep friction to
a minimum and is not about to
change this generally wise policy.
HOW IS the Student Action
League going to achieve its goals?
Its leaders have been vague on
this point. Throughtdemonstra-
tions of 100 or 200 students out
of 29,000? Not very likely. Demon-
strations based on simple slo-
gans stir the soul and make the
spirit feel good, but accomplish
little.
The reforms in the Office of
Student Affairs were not accom-
plished by pickets, but by a pa-
tient student-faculty alliance that
placed pressure on Vice-President
Lewis, the upper administration
and the Regents at strategic times
and places. The work of the Daily
editors and SACUA's Student Re-
lations subcommittee in investi-
gating OSA women's policy under
then Dean of Women Deborah Ba-

con was essential to eventual lib-
eralization and restructuring of
the office.

While maintaining a drumfire
of criticism through petitions and
protests, student reformers sought.
out faculty understanding and
support-especially on influential
SACUA Student Relations sub-
committee-to bring pressure for
change. Much has been accom-
plished since that late May day
in 1961 when the SRC completed
its report on Miss Bacon.
* * *
SIMILAR, albeit less dramatic
opportunities, exist for implement-
ing SAL's demands. What SAL's
leaders must do is know their
opportunities and take advantage
of them. Demonstrations and pe-
titions are not enough! Active par-
ticipation and leadership provid-
ed through the student SACUA
subcommittee members is needed.
Student leaders outside the Daily
must learn the entire University
power structure and politic with
it.
It is good to see a revival of
organized student criticism of the
University which has been silent
for the last two years. The crush
of the baby boom has arrived. The
University is growing frantically
and humanistic values threaten to
be trampled in the crush. The
corporate spirit of the University
needs to be checked.
However, it would be a shame
if this latest efflort comes to
naught because of lack of infor-
mation, shallow thinking and
naivity. Demonstrations - like
those that solved the simple ques-
tion of permissible use of politi-
cal activities at Berkeley -- will
not solve the complex problems
of the University. A new start at
student action has been made. Do
not dash it on the rocks of sim-
ple-mindedness!
-Philip Sutin, Grad.
Civil Rights
To the Editor:
O NE OUTSTANDING similarity
of the Republican and Demo-
cratic conventions was more sig-
nificant than all their differences.
This was the fact that the civil-
rights issue dominated both gath-
erings and neither party took a
stand which comes anywhere near
meeting the demands of Negroes.
The issue presented by the Ne-
gro revolt subjected both parties
to great stresses and strains. In
San Francisco Republican moder-
ates and liberals who opposed
Goldwater's nomination because of
his Senate vote against the Civil
Rights bill tried unsuccessfully to
strengthen the position on its en-
forcement in the platform. They
also failed to insert a clause af-

firming the constitutionality of the
measure. The Goldwater camp was
far more intent upon attracting
Southern racist and Northern
"white-backlash" support than
with conciliating the Negroes or
their liberal friends in any way.
* * *
THE DEMOCRATIC conven-
tion presented a different picture
because it has long been the home
of the Dixiecrats. It saw a walkout
of Alabama and Mississippi die-
hard segregationist delegates who
couldn't stomach the least con-
cessions to pro-civil rights senti-
ment. And, considering the gravity
of the situation, the concessions
made for electoral purposes by the
Democratic managers headed by
the President were small indeed.
T h e Credentials Committee
sought to prevent any debate on
the floor rather than render jus-
tice to the Freedom Democratic
Party of Mississippi. It did not
dare seat its representatives even
after the departure of the lily-
white delegates. Under immense
pressure it did no more than
award two special delegate-at-
large seats with full voting powers
to its leaders and honored-guest
status to the rest. This compromise
was unacceptable to the Freedom
Party which staged dramatic pro-
test against it outside and inside
the hall.
Johnson told the convention he
was proud to stand on the plat-
form it adopted. Although the
civil-rights plank in that platform
contains stronger language than
the Republicans', it proposes to
leave law enforcement to local
authorities and initiate federal
intervention only as a last resort.
It echoes Johnson by equating
Negro resistance to police brutality
and injustice with the brutal and
violent imposition of inequality.
For the first time in many years
it contains no promise of further
legislation to remedy Negro griev-
ances.
THE DEMOCRATIC high com-
mand apparently feels it has done
and is doing enough for the color-
ed people and is therefore entitled
to their support. It counts on the
fact that the flagrantly hostile
attitude of the Goldwater team
leaves Negroes no alternative but
to back the Johnson-Humphrey
ticket.
The impact of the Freedom
delegation upon Negroes and the
country that followed their pro-
ceedings over TV carried more
weight in spurring the momentum
of the Negro movement than the
illusion that integration and par-
ticipation in the Democratic ma-
chine is the best political way to
get freedom now.,

The increasingly militant and
independent temper of the poli-
tically-minded Negroes, exhibited
in distorted and unripe form in
Atlantic City, should be more
strongly asserted at state and local
levels hereafter. It can build up
into a far more impressive force
by 1968. Wider and deeper dis-
illusionment with the Democratic
token-bearers and defenders of the
status quo can impart such a
stimulus to the totally independent
Freedom Now political forces that
they will then be able to give the
Negro a genuine national political
alternative to follow in addition to
the Socialist Workers Party can-
didates.
-Howard Salita, '65
Rockwell
To the Editor;
WE MUST PROTEST the Michi-
gan Union's invitation to George
Rockwell to speak in Hill Audi-
torium and the policy which en-
courages future invitations to per-
sons of his caliber. We do not deny
his right to speak or the right
of the Union to invite him; we
question the contribution Rockwell
can make to the University com-
munity. When there are so many
speakers who could make a much
greater contribution and we are
so pressed to learn so much, why
invite someone who wishes to de-
stroy rather than criticize?
Because students on the Union's
Special Projects Committee have
the right to invite speakers in the
name of a prominent University
organization, we feel that these
students should assume the re-
sponsibility of inviting those
speakers who can make a positive
contribution.
SINCE the invitation has been
extended to Rockwell, it really is
not feasible to rescind it. There-
fore, the Council of Student Re-
ligious Organizations suggests the
following: a silent protest. All
those attending the presentation
merely walk in, hear the presenta-
tion, and leave without a word,
Without jeering and without any
questions. Let this be a protest
against Rockwell's beliefs and the
Union's speaker policy. We hope
that in the future the Union will
exercise more discretion in its
speaker selection.
--Kenneth Dunker
Arthur Funkhauser
Greta Overvoorde
Christoffel Overvoorde
Judy Kempton, President,
American Baptist Student
Fellowship
Joyce Prokes

Richard Garlikov, President
of Hillel
Ronald Glancz
Barkley Bowman, President,
Michigan Christian Fellow-
ship
Anthony Shebaya, President,
Newman Student Association
J. McNiven, Catholic Inter-
national Student Advisor
SGC
To the Editor:
AS REPRESENTATIVES of ma-
jor student organizations and
as interested students, we feel that
there are certain questions that
each student should consider in
electing members to the Student
Government Council in the up-
coming election. These following
questions the student should ask
himself and the candidates:
To begin with, what is the pur-
pose of SGC? Is SGC a govern-
mental organization or is it merely
a big service committee? If it is
a service committee, is it concern-
ed with too many incidentals and
trivialities of campus life, thus
being overloaded with work? Or,
on the other hand, is the problem
that no one on SGC is willing to
work? If so, is this because the
responsibility is not well defined?
Is there lack of delegation of au-
thority and responsibility? For in-
stance, do the standing committees
really understand their individual
spheresof operation? Is there a
lack of authority by the committee
in that sphere? Or is it a question
of the standing committee struc-
ture itself, in relation to SGC,
hindering the procedures of the
student government? Could this
standing committee hindrance re-
sult from, lack of strong executive
and administrative leadership?
And if there is no such leadership,
is this a personality problem or
does it indicate no enthusiasm
among SOC members? In other
words, a lack of unity in SGC?
WE ARE NOT advocating the
dissolution of SGC. This institu-
tion must continue to be our stu-
dent government, but with dras-
tically needed improvements. In
order to have a successful stu-
dent government, responsible to
the students, the above questions
and others must be answered by
SGC members and candidates.
Only the students can ask them.
In the Multi-purpose Room of the
UGLI, on Sunday, Oct. 11, at
7:30, you will have an opportunity
to ask. Will you be there?
-Charles N. Thomas, 167
Judy A. Smith, '66
Bruce Tonkin, '68
No.


4

I

ELECTION FORECASTS-
Ohio is Major Campaign Battleground

A Union That Shouldn't Be

THE NEWLY FORMED Student Em-
ployes Union is making a hopeful
splash, but this period of optimism may
well be brief. A student union in Ann Ar-
bor has little likelihood of being ef-
fective and the wage raises it demands
are not always justifiable. And, ironical-
ly, the union's very success would be self-
defeating.
The student union is practically power-
less. Most students who work do so. for
such a short time that a strike would
scarcely be beneficial. The wages lost in
striking, even if the students were asked
to come back to work for higher wages,
could not be worth the new gains for
the little time that would be left to work.
Unwilling to threaten employers with the
ultimate weapon, the most the union can
do is appeal for a little good will.
BUT, THERE ARE MORE basic weak-
nesses in the student union's bargain-
ing position. Students do not have a cor-
ner on the labor market in Ann Arbor;
nor, in many cases, are students the most
desirable element in the working force.
At best most students are in Ann Ar-
bor for only four years, broken up by
long vacations. As their needs, interests
and academic schedules change, they fre-
quently cease to work or change jobs.
Thus they seldom hold jobs long enough
to be well trained or integrated into the"
business proceedings.
Apparently the reason that businesses
are willing to hire so many students is
that they will work for lower salaries.
If they were forced to pay students high-
er wages, businesses would probably seek
the stability of a permanent labor force
that could be hired on the same salary
basis.
Certainly student employes may be
more intelligent and more easily adapt-
able than the average worker, but jobs

is organizing to attack-do not often re-
quire much talent or intelligence.
THE POSITION of students employed
by the University is somewhat differ-
ent. Because the University seems to rec-
ognize a responsibility. to help students
by employing them, students do have a
corner on these jobs. But the present
situation in the residence halls illustrates
the negative effect that union pressure
on the University for higher student
wages would have.-
The student labor shortage there has
forced the Residence Hall Board of Gov-
ernors to approve a proposal for raising
the basic wage rate for students working
in residence halls to $1.25 per hour.
If the proposal is approved, the pay
raise eventually will backfire with in-
creased residence hall fees. A tight resi-
dence hall budget, which, in addition to
paying current operating expenses, must
pay mortgages on present buildings as
well as finance new housing, cannot ac-
commodate a non-essential new expense.
The same sort of backfire would occur if
union pressure forced these wages up.
ACTUALLY THE SALARY situation for
students working in residence halls is
not always as grim as the student union-
ists claim. Most of the jobs with the low-
est wage rate have other advantages. For
instance, a student working in a residence
hall kitchen or dining room can arrange
a flexible work schedule. When he can't
or doesn't wish to work, he can easily ar-
range for a substitute-a rare opportuni-
ty in the working world.
Similarly, working at the reception desk
in a residence hall-which involves rela-
tively little effort-permits the student
to study in between official activities.
The current minimum wage ($1.05 ris-
ing after a certain number of hours)
semsmore than lust. for an .mnlove who

By CAL SKINNER JR.
and HAROLD WOLMAN
AS IN 1960 Ohio promises to be
a major battleground in the
1964 Presidential campaign. Along
with Texas, California, and Il-
linois, the results in that mid-
western industrial state may de-
cide the election.
Ohio is split politically between
North and South. The Democrats
dominate the North with parti-
cular strangth in Cleveland and
Toledo. The Republicans hold
sway in the South with control
of such cities as Cincinnati and
Dayton, as well as most farm
counties. Interestingly enough, the
party split does not parallel the
urban-rural split in Ohio.
Although Nixon managed to
carry Ohio by 270,000 votes, Re-
publican chances this yearare not
nearly as great. In 1960 the Re-
publican organization was united
behind the Republican state chair-
man, Ray C. Bliss; this year the
organization is experiencing grow-
ing tensions between the Bliss-

Taft wing and that headed by
Gov. James Rhodes.
* * *
BESIDES THE CONFLICT for
control of the Republican Party,
much of the disagreement is cen-
tered around Rhodes' extremely
austere administration. Criticism
is leveled at his curtailment of
gains made in the mental health
field. The result may well be
active opposition to the re-
nomination Iof Rhodes from the
Bliss forces.
This party split is not the usual
Goldwater-moderate one, however.
Neither faction from this tradi-
tionally conservative state strongly
favors Goldwater. Needless to say,
although Rhodes has passed up
several opportunities to boost
Barry, and Taft's endorsement has
been less than satisfying to many
Goldwater supporters, both fac-
tions prefer Goldwater more than
does Romney, for example.
* * *
NEVERTHELESS, since the
Democratic Party is as badly split
as it was in 1960, President John-


son's chances are not overwhelm-
ing. A fundamental division along
liberal-conservative lines exists in
the Ohio Democratic Party. Sen-
ator Lausche personifies the wing
of the party that did not support
Kennedy strongly in 1960 and
seems to be putting forth as little
;effort for Johnson. Since Lausche
is the biggest vote-getter in Ohio's
history, lack of his support may
be crucial.
Recent prominent liberals in the
party are former Gov. DiSalle and
Senator Stephen Young. DiSalle
was beaten by Rhodes by 500,000
votes while Lausche was winning
re-election by over 500,000. Al-
though Young is up for relection
this year, he is not expected to
help Johnson carry the state.
* * *
SUPERIMPOSED on this rivalry
is the spring primary battle be-
tween those wanting to dump 74-
year-old Young for astronaut John
Glenn and those party regulars
who thought that Young should
be rewarded for his faithful sup-
port of the Kennedy-Johnson ad-
ministration. Even though Glenn
was forced to withdraw because
of a head injury, theprimary con-
flict is not forgotten.
The combination of these. two
conflicts probably forebodes a rel-
atively ineffective opposition to
the traditionally strong Republican
organization. Nevertheless, the
labor unions are mounting an im-
pressive campaign which will cer-
tainly make the Presidential race
close.
Tendencies which may offset
the labor push may be developing
in rural areas. Although the 1960.
Republican margin will undoubt-
edly be cut by large defections of
rural voters because of Goldwater's
views on nuclear responsibility and
government farm supports, a coun-
ter influence is at work. The
.issue of "whether or not Johnson
is dishonest" may reinforce the
farmers' tendency - to vote Re-
publican.
It should be remembered that
putting the question of whether
stores should be allowed to remain
open on Sundays to referendum
during the 1962 gubernatorial elec-
tion brought out a higher turnout
-- - - - + A - tt t tal1i i

organization will probably put
forth a major effort on Gold-
water's behalf. Ray Bliss has def-
inite ambitions for his future. He
wants to become National Chair-
man of the Republican Party in
the probable event that Gold-
water loses the national election.
In order to heighten his chances
of attaining this post, Bliss will
spare no effort for a Goldwater
victory in Ohio. With such a vic-
tory in his pocket Bliss would be
in a powerful position to argue
that the Republican Party needs a
competent technician at its head
instead of one of Goldwater's
junior lieutenants.
Nevertheless, Bliss will not risk
Robert Taft, Jr's loss to Demo-
crat Steve Young in order to elect
Goldwater. Since Bliss is at odds
with Rhodes, he needs Taft's vic-
tory to ensure his control of the
Republican Party in Ohio. This is
probably the main reason that
Taft did not whistle-stop through
southern Ohio with Goldwater. It
seems that Bliss is unwilling to tie
a potential Presidential candidate
too closely to Goldwater's coat-
tails.
BUT EVEN with Goldwater on
the ticket, Taft is considered a
sure winner by most. Apparently
no one but Young himself gives
him a chance of retaining the seat
he won while riding in on' the
defeat of the right to work issue
in 1958. The Taft name is golden
in Ohio. Young is pinning his
hopes on being able to attach the
label of "Goldwater Republican"
on Taft, but he is having diffi-
culty doing this because Taft vot-
ed in favor of the civil rights bill
and avoided Goldwater when he
toured Ohio.
Those close to the Ohio political
scene predict that, Young's only
chance is to ride in on Johnson's
coattails. They estimate that
Johnson's margin would have to be
500,000 to overcome the inherent
advantage of the Taft name. Even
having Goldwater on the ballot
is unlikely to yield such a large
Democratic victory in the state
having the best Republican organ-
ization in the country.
T~rt. s rrr ~ri-*r * * _a_

UNIVERSITY PLAYERS:
Production Fails to Give Message
WHEN A PLAYWRIGHT sets out to lay bare the central conflicts of
the human condition, he is assuming a responsibility of considerable
magnitude. When a troupe of players thrusts the message at the
humans who share that condition, it assumes the burden. The Univer-
sity Players and Paddy Chayefsky tried last night to tell us something
about meaningful love between God and man; they didn't.
The fault lies largely in the fact that the Players chose to inaugu-
rate their season with Chayefsky's Gideon. It is the Biblical story of a
fool who becomes a fathead. Selected by God as an instrument of His
glory, young Gideon becomes a national hero. As his star rises, Gideon's
growing vanity eclipses his awareness of his ordained role.
THUS, ON THE one hand, we have Gideon, a believable chap, done
competently and straightforwardly by Stephen Wyman. If the acco-
lades of the braggart Shillem (Richard Reichman) make sense to
Gideon, we agree. If Randy Sue Baris, undulating through the sexiest
dance routine Ann Arbor will see this year, melts him a bit, Why not?
This is because, on the other hand, Chayefsky and Thomas Man-
ning have given us a straw-man God as. dramatic counterbalance to
all this silliness. The God Gideon meets is a posturing, florid, jealous
and merely theatrical God. He is a God of paranoid caprice who