Azai4y
Cyprus:.
The
Living Child
MAGAZINE
APPEARING AT
THREE-WEEK INTERVALS
EMER GENT
AFRICA:
"Our Eyes Must Look Unto Tomorrow"
WITH THIS ISSUE of The Mag-
azine, The Daily resumes a tra-
dition that began in November of
1954: the publication of a regularly
appearing Sunday supplement de--
voted to theatre, cinema, literature,
music and the graphic arts. The
tradition was suspended briefly last
spring when the present Daily edi-
tors took office..
Although the Magazine, evolved
greatly since its inception in 1954,
primarily concerns itself with the
arts, it occasionally sets aside an
entire issue to deal in depth with
problems of current interest nor-
mally covered in the pages of the
newspaper. Thus this Magazine is
devoted to the topic of freedom of
the press and the questions this
freedom poses to the Western world.
OCTOBER 11 through 17 is Na-
tional Newspaper Week. While
to many Americans that week will
mean a time to celebrate the liber-
ties granted to the press, the writers
in this issue have taken it to mean
a period for a closer examination of
those liberties: How do they serve
the peoples of the Free World and'
where, in part, do they fail?
In the first article (pages -two
and three), Prof. Beverley J. Pooley
of the University law school writes
of press coverage in Emergent Af-
rica: A New Ghana. A graduate of
the University of Cambridge, Eng-
land, Prof. Pooley substantiates his
article with his own experiences in,
Ghana in 1960-62 when he taught
in the law department at the Uni-
versity of Ghana. He earned his
doctorate in law at the. University
and has been a member of its teach-
ing staff since 1962.
On pages four through six, Wayne
H. Nielsen probes press coverage of
The Second Indo China War. For-
merly a teaching fellow (1960-62)-
and an instructor (1962-64) in the
philosophy department at the Uni-
versity, Mr. Nielsen begins this
September as a special lecturer in
philosophy at the University of Sa-
skatchewan at Saskatoon, Canada.
"I have long been interested in
applying the analytical techniques
of philosophy to practical issues
such as international and domestic
politics," he explains. "Hence, my
interest in Southeast Asia."
Finally, (page seven) Konstan-
tinos Lardas takes a look at West-
ern press reports in Cyprus: The
Living Child. Presently a staff mem-
ber of the University's English de-
partment, Mr. Lardas studied as a
Fulbright scholar at the University
of Athens, _Greece, in 1962-63. He
earned his bachelor's degree at the
University of Pittsburgh and his-
master's at Columbia University,
both in comparative literature. He
is presently working toward his
doctorate at the University.
Stephen Berkowitz, Robert Far-,
rell, O. Ranieri di Sorbello, Jeffrey
Chase and Steven Haller make con-
tributions to Books and Records in
Review on page eight.
Cover artist Jane Reinsberg has
illustrated this issue of The Mag-'
azine. A former Daily staff mem-
ber, Miss Reinsberg is a senior
majoring in painting in the archi-
tecture and design college.
The photograph on page three
was taken by Daily photographer
James Keson, a senior majoring in
English and mathematics at the
University.
Following this issue, The Mag-
azine will appear in the pages of
the Sunday Daily at regular three
week intervals. The next issue is
scheduled for Sunday, October 11.
By BEVERLEY J. POOLEY
DURING A TWO-YEAR STAY in Ghana
recently, my attention was called with
depressing regularity to the inadequacies
of the British and American press in re-
porting the state of affairs in Ghana in
particular and Africa in general. To many
Westerners, the shortcomings of the press
in general are decisively outweighed by
the advantages which they deem to be
secured by a free press and which are not
otherwise attainable. There are, after all,
for those who have developed some sense
of discrimination between various mag-
azines and newspapers, certain estab-
lished methods of acquiring information
not readily available in the press for one
reason or another.
However, it is perhaps not always ap-
parent to us that the price we pay for
the freedom we grant to the press, while
not of great account at home, is sub-
stantial in other countries-especially
those recently emerging from a colonial
rule that did not foster an awareness of
Western institutions. The people of these
newly emerging nations may, indeed, fail
to recognize as "self-evident" the rights
and freedoms enjoyed by the peoples of
the West.
Much legitimate concern is occasionally
expressed about our apparent failure in
the West to win over the uncommitted
peoples of the newly developing coun-
tries-if not to adopting our economic
and social institutions-at least to an
acceptance of our more general ideals-of
individual freedom, ordered liberty and
so on. When a frenzied, foaming mob in
some remote fly-blown republic stones
our embassy and hauls down the flag, it
is becoming fashionable to suppose that
the perpetrators must have been goaded
into such excesses by skilled Communist
agitators who alone can foment such
sinister and wayward passions.
IF ONE BELIEVES that all hostility to
Western ideas is engendered by Com-
munist subversion, then one's responses
to individual problems become patterned
by certain simplicity. It is possible, how-
ever, to conclude that by crediting the
Communists with every anti-Western
movement and achievement, one is in
fact not only presenting the Communists
with undeserved kudos (a grave political
betise) but one is also completely mis-
reading the causes and the goals of most
postwar agitation.
"Why is it, one might ask, that such
a misreading of crucial events has oc-
curred? Why is it that our own motives
are so seriously misunderstood abroad?
(Of course, it may be that unrest is
caused by our motives being understood
only too clearly-but this is probably too
uncharitable a view.) Can all the dis-
agreements and conflict which appear to
have occurred between the West and
Ghana, for example, be ascribed to Com-
munist agitation?
BEFORE ATTEMPTING to answer
these questions, let us first examine
some of the popularly-held notions which
the two countries have about each other.
A fair reading of a eross-section of the
American and British press over thelast
three or four years would picture the
African nation something like this:
Ghana is an impoverished country in
West Africa, governed dictatorially by, a
Marxist, Kwame Nkrumah. The country
has virtually severed all its few links
with the West: American professors (in-
cluding Professor William B. Harvey of
the University law school) have been sum-
marily deported; trade with the Eastern
bloc grows day by day; sinister military
links with the East are being established.
The firing of the chief justice six months
ago demonstrated that the constitution
has been overthrown; arbitrary deten-
tion of persons whom the government
dislikes has turned the country into a
nvoife state- 'nd corrunt ministers have
salting away huge fortunes in Swiss
banks.$
At the same time, I think, a ~casual
reading of the Ghanaian press (virtually
controlled by Nkrumah's party) would
give rise to the following conclusions
about the United States: America is a
large and immensely wealthy country,
peopled mainly by white men who live
off the labor of millions of downtrodden
Negroes, kept in their place by the use of
dogs and cattle-rods (illustrations dem-
onstrate the point). Americans do not
favor the idea of new nations, like
Ghana, taking an active role in world
affairs, especially if that role is opposed
to the position of the U.S. Therefore, the
U.S. uses a secret wing of the government,
the Central Intelligence Agency, to re-
move ,by force, those governments with
which the U.S. cannot get along. (Gua-
temala, Viet-Nam, and Cuba are used as
illustrations.) Since Ghana is both black
and politically opposed to the U.S. on
many questions, the Ghanaian press be-
lieves it would be reasonable for Ghana
to expect the attentions of the CIA. The
complete reporting and lack of malice?
It is. difficult to escape the conclusion
that the errors, half-truths and distor-
'tions it contains are the result of in-
competence and neglect alone. Before
attempting a tentative conclusion as to
what interests might best be served by
such misreporting, it is important to point
out the areas in which such misreporting
takes place.
Let us first turn to the charge that
Ghana is run by a Marxist dictator.'
Nkrumah took over in 1957 from a
British colonial government, one of the
starkest forms of dictatorship imaginable,
since the tangible dictator, the governor,
who might be argued with, and with
whom one might reason, was himself
subject to the unseen power of the
colonial office. No political party of-
ficially opposing the government's view
might be formed; indeed, to do so was
treason.
UNDER SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES, to
expect that a model democracy would
emerge is to suppose that persons and
societies exposed to our "superior" way
of life a comparatively short period of
time wil exhibit a standard of political
sophistication achieved, in fact, by a very
few countries, comprising less than a
quarter of the world's population. Such
expectations seem even more unreason-
able if one 'considers the spectacularly
effective demonstration of the breakdown
of democracy in the comparatively well-
fed and well-educated Europe in the first
half of the century.
Of those whose sense of decorum in
these matters is absolutist, one might in-
quire why it is that the Western press
focuses attention with particularly sever-
ity upon Ghana (and some other African
countries) and not -on other lands where
the traditional excuses for dictatorship
seem less valid. It is, for example, a fact
that Nkrumah won three national elec-
tions in Ghana prior to British with-
drawal. There can be little doubt of-his
great popular following at that time, at
least. We know nothing, unfortunately, of
the size of popular following attracted
by General Franco of Spain, or by Dr.
Salazar of Portugal, because it has never
been put to a meaningful test.
TRUE TO Western press reports, Nkru-
mah has indeed used the infamous
Preventive Detention Act to put behind
bars, without trial, those persons whom
he supposes to be plotting against him.
Without in any way trying to defend
this typge.of legislation, it does need to be,
pointed out that this procedure in Ghana
was first used by the British, who im-
prisoned Nkrumah himself under a sim-
ilar act. It is significant that at the
beginning of the Second World War, the
British government in Britain passed
legislation empowering British officials
to imprison anyone deemed a danger to
the security of the state and that the
legislation -was upheld by the courts.
Similar legislation has been used in
virtually all British colonies at one time
or another-not necessarily because of
despotic leanings, but because of the
great difficulty of keeping law and order
in a country where the normal institu-
tions of government are not nearly so
expertly staffed as they are in Western
countries. Again, it is curious that three
or four hundred political prisoners (If
one can call them that) in Ghana have
assumed (in the Western press) an izn-
portance never achieved by the one
hundred thousand political prisoners in
Spain.
What Price Do We Pay
for Freedom of the Press?
By KONSTANTINOS LARDAS
And the king said, Bring me a sword.
And they brought a sword before the
"king.
And the king said,, Divide the.child
in two, and give half to the one, and
half to the other.
T KINGS 3:24-25
KING SOLOMON once sat in judgment
and revealed a truth that saved a
child, and rendered it unto its rightful
mother. I take these words to show how
we, the press, the government, the people
of America have failed to heed a right-
ful cause, have failed to render justice'
unto another child.
Whatever agony occurs on Cyprus has
roots in the aspirations of a people who
for 3500 years have been Greeks, and
who, for all these years, have been denied
this Greekness.
The accusations that I make are that
we have suppressed the just hopes of a
people who comprise 82 per cent of the
population of Cyprus; that we have done
so by falsehoods and inuendos and that
we seek to protect and to implement
alliances rather than to establish truths.
No man can deny the Greekness of
Cyprus. No man does deny it today. And
yet, fourteen years ago, when the Cyp-
riots, in the open plebiscite of January
15, 1950, voted overwhelmingly (96 per
cent) for union with Greece. Great Brit-
ain ignored that will and proclaimed in
1954, the "anti-sedition" laws in order
to intimidate the people and arrest the
growth of the liberation movement. The
British government had proclaimed that
Cyprus would "never" be granted the
right of self-determination. This decision
by Great Britain prompted the decision of
theiGreeks to open warfare-to a war
of liberation.
IMMEDIATELY, our press responded by
calling the liberation fighters "mur-
derous" and "treacherous" and "terroris-
tic" and "gansteristic" rebels. These men
who fought heroicly against 40,000 well-
armed British troops were reviled by our
press. Our press, our government, we-
cried, and still cry, for the Hungarian
youth who rose against the Russians; and
with these same outcries, these same un-
comprehending voices, we condemned the
Greeks who rose against our English
cousins. We had not yet learned; and
shall we ever learn, that other cousins,
too, exist.
Adhering to that course of "never,"
Britain understood the dangerous poli-
cies that she had espoused. She knew
that the will of the Greek people must
be suppressed, so she established con-
centration camps, arresting thousands of
citizens whom she sent there without
trials. With the command of General
Harding, public floggings of youths were
instituted--and deaths by hanging, and
deaths by flame-throwers were heralded
as victories for Britain.
And yet, Great Britain understood that
this was not enough. To retain Cyprus, to
prevent her union with Greece, she knew
that other means must be established. to
confound the Cypriot people, to becloud
the moral issue involved in this war of
liberation. What better means, then, were
at hand, than to stir up the ethnic groups
which comprised the population of
Cyprus? This was the key, as it has been
the key to England's rule over this earth:
to divide the people of Cyprus, and by
dividing them, to rule eternally.
That Greeks and Turks and Maronites
and Armenians had lived together in
Cyprus under the Ottoman Empire and
under the British Empire for five hun-
dred years was not proof enough that
they could live together. This must not
be. Neither the policies of Britain could
permit this truth, neither could our own
news media. So, Britain, deviously, in the
late fifties, placed over the heads of
the majority Greek population a police
force comprised entirely of Turks (i.e.,
-after she had removed all Greeks from
these forces). This was the first overt
action of Britain that established the
Turkish "presence' that we read nbnnt
in involving the Turks of the island in
a collusive policy. And both were enemies
to Greeks.
BUT IN THE "motherland" of Turkey,
how was _adarker interference to be
established? From the "Index to the
House of Commons Parliamentary De-
bates, Weekly Hansard," No. 496, July
14, 1960, M. P. Callaghan, Labour Party
speaker for colonial affairs, shows how
Eden enlightened the government of Men-
deres:
The British -prime minister went out
of his way to forment the troubles
which he knew existed, and he did
it because he wanted reinforcement
from the Turks in order to preserve
our position in the base. Those of us
who were at Stratsbourg saw this
tactic being played as long ago as
1954. It was a shabby and discredit-
able period, when even Sir Anthony
Eden, a man of honour for whom I
have a high regard, said, "Let the
Turkish newspapers play it up a
little more than they have done so
far. Tell them to let everybody know
where they stand instead of bringing
them together."
The foreign secretary knows that
when representatives of the Turkish
and Greek governments were brought
to this country in 1955 with a view
to discussing the situation in the
-Middle East, it was not-with the in-
tention of finding a solution, but with
the intention of confronting them
with each other to see how far apart
they were. The whole of the action
of the British government over many
years are suspect in this field. They
have done that of which Britain has
always been accused-divide and rule.
On September 6 and 7, 1955, during
this Tri-Partite London Conference, the
Turkish government, under the Menderes
dictatorship instigated the riots of Istan-
bul and Izmir, wherein the shops and
homes of 100,000 Greeks were looted;
wherein the cemetaries of the patriar-
chate were desecrated, the bones of
bishops and of patriarchs dug up and
scattered through the streets; wherein
were perpetrations of rape, and of murder,
and of death by scalping of Greek priests.
This was unjustifiable " carnage. There
was no reason for these acts in Istanbul
and Izmir, free cities and far from the
strife of Cyprus. That mobs might per-
petrate such actions is conceivable, but
that the Turkish government planned
and executed these outrages is unfor-
givable.'
That the attacks were planned and
executed by Menderes and Zorlu were
proved in public trial by Inonu and
Gursel, the men who rule Turkey today.
The present government of Turkey tried
and hanged this former premier and his
foreign secretary, for this and for other
crimes against their very nation..
And yet, what were the reactions of our
press during the Istanbul-Izmir riots,
riots that were planned not only to ter-
rorize the Greeks of these Turkish cities,
but that were to serve as bargaining tools
by England and by Turkey-tools that
told the Greeks of Cyprus, " You shall
never have ENOSIS, and if you con-
tinue this cry, we shall partition you, we
shall cut you in two and give half of
you to Greece and half of you to Turkey,
or failing this, we shall slaughter every
Greek within our borders." And these
were actions, not idle threats. The world
knows what Turkey, the official govern-
ment of Turkey is capable of doing-what
she has done, not only, in the. dark past,
to Kurds and to Armenians and to
Greeks, but even yesterday, the 8th and
9th of August, 1964. "The Turkish nation
is such a nation that, when its patience
is exhausted, it knows how to eliminate
its opponents from history, for good."-
Mr. Tuncer, a Turkish emissary speaks.
AND THE REACTIONS in America to
these riots and to these threats? Our
Secretary of State Dulles fired off iden-
tical telegrams to Greece and to Turkey
admonishing both countries to behave.
papers, the radios, the T.V. programs
have continued their uninformed, their
reprehensible reportings--reportings that
have emboldened them, out of ignorance,
out of an unjustifiable passion, out of
an unholy concern for the Turkish
minority of Cyprus which is "oppressed"
by the Greeks, to that point of degrad-
ing themselves by calling Greeks "sav-
ages" and "barbarians"-and they have
made a mockery of the "free" press and
of our own freedom because they have,
wittingly or unwittingly, mocked us, the
people of America. They have mocked
us even to the point where we are led
to believe all falsehoods to be truths..
Where have we read in American
papers the refutations of the charges of
genocide against the Greeks of Cyprus--
charges that are wildly proclaimed by
Kuchuck and by Ankara, and which, as
quickly, die away, unfounded? (But cap-
tions of these lies remain with us as
remembrances of truths.)
Where have we read in American
papers of the Turkish and British plans
that forced the Turkish-Cypriot villagers
to move into the northern enclaves of
the island, before independence was pro-
claimed (moves that were prepared first,
to threaten partition until independence
was granted, and that now, since in-
dependence has been granted, not only to
continue the threat of partition, but to
demand it)?
Where have we seen photographs of
dead Greeks in American papers? (They
too have died; and more than Turks and
Britons. Ah, yes. The Greeks are the
majority and therefore more should die.
But where is there one picture to tell
America that they have died?)
AH, BUT THIS counting is an evil. And
this is not my purpose. Yes, Greeks
have killed Turks. And Turks have killed
Greeks. And Englishmen have killed
Greeks. And Greeks have killed English-
men.
There is a question of Turkish rights
on Cyprus? That question has been an-.
swered by Makarios and by his Foreign
Minister Kyprianou: "My government is
ready to guarantee the human rights of
all its citizens irrespective of color, creed
or religion." (UN Security Council, June
18, 1964.)
There is a question of partition or of
union? That question has been answered
by Makarios: "We will repulse any attack
on Cyprus with all means at our dis-
soar once more abo
blast them all, who
Turk.) II. To compe
Turkish leadership wl
leave Cyprus; a lea
since the beginning o
tion, and during, ar
conspired to prevent
liberation. (But, only
other Turk will leave t
the chaos and the op:
Turkey of today.) I
Turkey a tiny Greek
tellorizo in exchange
with Greece. (But G
barter even her time
as Turkey gave lush
of a debt to England.
, And these frustrati
who has returned fr
ported to our Presid
reports, U.S. officia.
have reported (New S
1964) that peace in
terranean can ony
Makarios disbands l
(But this is the gu
scripted solely to wa
threats from Ankara
her fleet to invade
her "oppressed" chii
Greeks who are "
Turkish Cypriots are
25,000,000 Turks. W
this counting? Where
of oppression? Wher
sympathies by whic
II. Makarios raises t
villages. (But this i
imposed upon these v
leaders-villages anc
spired to a partitio
III. Makarios permil
a part of her garriso
this is the garrison
denounced; that gar
miserable reminder
tition.)
But bombings and
of desperation. For
from the English "n
ence was attained. W
we attained by shac
constitution, unique
wretchedness. But C
ably to a complete,
dependence.
THlE SHAME for u
been that we did
this just demand of
tragedy will be t12
Cyprus is made free,
made free because
Asian world,: because
She shall have been
of, and to the oonste
World.
Now it behooves u
Makarios and Gree
had not wisdom to e
proclaim a peace; fc
in mimicry of Engl
condoned and urged
we have shouted t
shouted liberty; for
denied this liberty,
people whose father
what liberty has alv
If we are to be a
are to lead men and
thing there is thai
grasp, something th
learn to see. Our e
tomorrow, and not
the moment-what
to be contained; fo
swiftly and plumme
--or else we lose or I
would be ours.
Both mothers wi
of King Solomon w
are, all of us, in t
nations, thus, But t-
in that one moth
truth, and who ma
the rightful mother
for her child. We ca
this severance of C
<:
three attempts to assassinate President
Nkrumah in the past eighteen months
can safely be ascribed to this kind of
activity.
This view of the U.S. is fostered by a
group of extreme leftists within the ruling
CPP party who have secured control of
the press. It omits; it distorts; it is, to
put it mildly, uncharitable. It is not
presented by a national press whose goal-
is to inform the electorate. It is quite'
manifest that the press does not and is
not intended to play this role in Ghana.-
One's sense of shock and profound dis-
agreement with this state of affairs
(similar to that which exists in many of
our military, political and economic al-,
lies, e.g. Spain, South Africa and South
Korea) should not lead us to a total
rejection of all the philosophies of the
Ghana government.- Nor should it lead
us to judge our own press by less rigorousr
standards than we would impose if the
comparison were not being made with a
country which manifestly and openly sub-
jects its press to political considerations.
posal with courage and determination
ready to sacrifice the last man in defense
of our liberty."
What Ball proposed to Makarios a
few months ago was foolishness-to ac-
cept NATO peace-keeping forces on
Cyprus. (Makarios demanded the United
Nations, for NATO meant partitioning of
Cyprus.)
AT ACHESON has most recently.
proposed to Makarios was even great-
er nonsense: I. To accept NATO or
Turkish bases on Cyprus-this, after the
Turkish slaughter of hundreds of Greek
Cypriots burned horribly by American-
made jets, by American-made napalm
bombs;jets that had flown from a Turk-
ish NATO base, jets that have still to
draw from the lips of Adlai Stevenson
one word, if not of condemnation of this
Turkish act, at least one word of regret
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