Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
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Tfruth Will Prevail
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This imnst be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, 7 APRIL 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: LAUREN BAHR

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
DeGaulle and the Alliance

--, oft

W HY1

NOT ' :?>: i>;;;ii>' , tf5 .{i~,0' ; '+,

Realtor Is Shirking Duties;
'U' Should Intervene

THE 18-STORY apartment building
known by the grandiose name of Uni-
versity Towers will be ready for occupan-.
cy by at least 500 students in late August.
So says the R. E. Weaver Co., real-es-
tate agent for the $5 million structure.
Anxious students, now in the process of
signing leases for apartments in the
building, are repeatedly asking their fu-
ture landlords whether the apartments
will be ready in time for the beginning
of the fall semester. To all such queries,
R. E. Weaver and his assistants smugly,
confidently assure the future residents
of their luxury country club that there
is nothing to worry about.
The "Critical Path Method," they say,
ensures proper timing and completion on
schedule. But the Critical Path Method
has never been used before in building
construction in Ann Arbor. Thus, the
builders are basing their self-assurance
on performance of their "method" else-
where. Vagaries of weather, possible
strikes by the workers, and shortages of
.vital materials are apparently not taken
into account.
THERE ARE MANY disquieting reports
which must cause nightmares for
those students who have signed their
leases. A recent shortage of steel caused
the Critical Path Method to fall at least
one week behind. But, say the. realtors,
the original target date for completion
of the structure was July 1st, so the de-
lay will not make any difference.
Reports have been spreading (as yet
unconfirmed) that the R. E. Weaver Co.
has booked a large number of rooms in
various Ann Arbor motels for the month
of September. The Office of Student Af-
fairs will not permit female students to
live in motel rooms. Will these girls be
forced to ask for a refund of their apart-
ment deposit and start looking for an-
other apartment when they arrive in Au-
gust? What are the chances of finding
a suitable, convenient apartment at that
time?
Other reports say that, if the building
Is uncompleted, residents will be housed
in the dormitories of Eastern Michigan in
Ypsilanti. EMU does not begin classes
until the end of September, so the roors
will be available, but how will nearly 500
students be transported to and from cam-
7Ji
Acting Editorial Staff
ROBERIJ.OHNSON, Editor
LAURE NE KlR8HBAIIM JEFRE GOODMAN
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pus at all hours of the day and evening?
Recently, a high University official
said he was sure the building could not
be completed in time for the beginning of
the fall semester. The Off-Campus Hous-
ing Office of the OSA, experts on archi-
tecture and construction, and some real-
tors agree with this viewpoint. Only
Weaver and his associates hold the posi-
tion that all is going well and no one
need worry.
THE SITUATION is fairly clear. There
is a good possibility that 500 students
will arrive on campus in August without
adequate accommodations. They have the
option of a refund from the realtor or of
being accommodated elsewhere at the
realtor's expense. A refund will mean that
they will have to go out and look for an-
other apartment. Finding a suitable one
at that late date may be nearly impos-
sible, aside from the inconvenience in-
volved. Living elsewhere may mean in-
tolerable disruptions of normal campus
life.
Are students being misled and deceived
by the R. E. Weaver Co.? Or do the real-
tors sincerely believe their building will
be completed as planned? Although there
is no clear evidence to support either
conclusion, let us be generous and assume
there is no intent to mislead on the part
of the realtors. In that case, Weaver
seems to be guilty of poor planning as
well as faulty management. The possibil-
ity of the building not being completed
by the target date should have been
clearly pointed out to prospective tenants
from the beginning. If this had been
done, and if the building were not com-
pleted in time, there could be no grounds
for charges that the realtors were oper-
ating on bad faith.
APPARENTLY, there is little the stu-
dent as an individual can do to pro-
tect himself from the apparent exploita-
tion of profit-conscious realtors who are
using their prospective tenants' deposits
to help finance construction of the build-
ing. In such cases, the University should
come to the aid of the student. For if
the administration does not help look out
for the students' welfare, and the student
is unable to do so, who will take this re-
sponsibility?
What can be done by the University
to help the students who may be left
without a home at the beginning of the
fall term?
Unfortunately, there are only a few
steps which can be taken. First, the Uni-
versity should insist that Weaver be frank
with the students, even at this late date,
and release a candid report on the prog-
ress of University Towers. Second, th
Office of Student Affairs should waive
the automobile restrictions on residents
of the structure so that, if they are tem-
porarily housed in quarters far removed
from the central campus, they will at
least be able to come and go when they
please.
IN A CASE such as this, where the re-
sponsibility is clearly beyond the stu-
dents' control, the University is called
upon to play an important role. It is to
be hoped that the University will meet its
responsibility both now and in future
cases of this nature.
--CLARENCE FANTO

By WALTER LIPPMANN
AFTER SEVERAL VISITS to
Europe during the past year
it has become fairly plain to me
that President Lyndon Johnson
has been right in saying that "the
Atlantic alliance is not in the
midst of crisis, but it is in the
midst of change."
Our prime need is to come to an
understanding of that change so
that our attitude and our policy
may deal with the real world as
it is today.
The Cuban confrontation of
1962 brought a successful testing
and stabilization of the balance
of nuclear power between the So-
viet Union and the United States.
The changes within the Atlantic
alliance have been in theumaking
since the late 1950s. But since
the Kennedy-Khrushchev con-
frontation in 1962 the almost uni-
versal European conviction has
been that the world is not in the
near future faced with a nuclear
war. This has released the forces
of change throughout the whole
continent and indeed in the Soviet
xUnion as well.
If we keep this in mind, it soon
becomes evident that the question
of whether the Western defense
shall be "European" or "Atlantic"
is a false issue. All European
policies, French, German, British,
Italian, Hungarian, Polish, Yugo-
slav, start from and depend wholly
on the maintenance of the balance
of power which was reached in
1962 and has been accepted both
by the Soviet Union and the Unit-
ed States.
WHEN I SAY accepted, I mean
that the United States has accept-
ed the commitment to maintain its
nuclear power and that the Soviet
Union has accepted the existing
relations between its nuclear power
and ours. This was sealed and
ratified in the test ban treaty
which was an abandonment by
both countries of the search for
an "absolute weapon." Everyone in
Europe starts from this premise,
be he General De Gaulle, Mr. Wil-
son, Chancellor Erhard or the
leaders in the Kremlin.
Where then do the differences
w'th General De Gaulle begin?
Not on the fact that the peace of
Europe depends on the big Ameri-
can nuclear force rather than on
the small French force. Not on
the fact that Western Europe
wishes to keep the six American
divisions on the Continent. On the
contrary, despite all that is said
about the independence of Europe,
the French government is count-
ing upon and hoping for the
continuing presence of American
troops for at least 10 years more.
As one Frenchman who speaks
with authority said to me in dis-
cussing the recurring question of
reducing the American forces in
Germany: "We know you will not
,keep them there forever, but we
would rather have four divisions
that stayed for 10 years than six
divisions that stayed for only three
years."
There are no important dif-
ferences on the basic view of East-

West relations - that the two
halves of Europe are drawing to-
gether through increasing eco-
nomic and cultural intercourse, or
that the reunification of Germany
will eventually come as part of
this process, or that the Sino-
Soviet conflict is irreconcilable
for some yearsuto come and that
Russia will thus draw closer to
Europe.
There are, surprising as per-
haps it sounds, no fundamental
differences over the association of
Great Britain with Europe. The
eventual inclusion of Britain in
Europe is assumed by the French.
The question, as the French see
it, is whether and when and how
Britain will adjust its vital inter-
ests in the remaining empire, in
the commonwealth and in the
sterling area, to the European situ-
ation.
IF THE CONFLICTS within the
alliance do not arise from vital
issues, what are they about? They
are about what to expect and
what to prepare for in the next
10 or 15 years. General De Gaulle,
knowing that the present Soviet-
American balance of power will
not last forever, assumes that the
immediate business of Western
Europe, as distinct from the Unit-
ed States, is to begin to prepare
now for the emergencies which
may arise some 15 years from now.
His mind is fixed on the years
immediately ahead of us when
there is still time for Europe to
prepare for the future.
About that future he makes
certain basic assumptions. One is
that in the course of a generation
the United States may not be will-
ing to bear the burdens of pro-
tecting Europe which it has as-
sumed since the Second World
War; the United States has vast
and complicated interests in Asia,
Latin America and Africa which
will demand increasing attention.
Moreover, he assumes that the
European nations will not forever
be willing to depend for their de-
fense on the United States. The
task of the West Europeans in
this post-Cuba era is to begin to
unite politically and to prepare
for their own defense.
The field of Franco-Amercan
discussion is this coming 15-year
period when Western Europe, se-
cured within the balance of power
achieved by the United States,
must seek to find its political unity
and an effective defense of its
own. I made a special effort to
understand concretely the French
view of what the American role
during this period would be.
THERE ARE a number of plans
for European unity in circulation,
a French, a German, a Belgian
and an Italian. All of them, I
think, begin with the proposal for
regular meetings, say quarterly,
of the heads of the European gov-
ernments. Each has its own trim-
mings dealing with such matters
as a European secretariat and
European parliament. The essen-
tial and common idea in all the
plans is that there must be reg-
ular consultation at the highest

level by the French, the Germans,
the Italians and eventually the
British.
If we think of these European
meetings we shall not go far
wrong in understanding General
De Gaulle's purpose when he lays
down the essential French con-
dition: It is that no European
country shall take its problems to
Washington until there has been
a European consultation. The
French say that Europe will never
be united if London and Bonn and
Rome are each trying to make
special arrangements with Wash-
ington
They must first deal with one
another and not compete for the
favor of the United States. This
is the basic reason why France
opposes the entry of Britain into
"Europe" at this time-because
the British count upon a special
relationship with the United
States which has priority over the
interests of Europe. This is why
the French are so strongly opposed
to the American plan for the MLF
-because it is in their minds a
special German-American military
alliance outside of NATO.
WHETHER or not the French
conception of European unity will
work is a question that cannot be
answered unless anduntil it has
been tried. It is not hard for
the American traveler in Europe
today to see strong reasons why a
unification of Western Europe is
exceedingly difficult in view of the
divergent national interests and
preoccupations of Britain, parti-
tioned Germany and Italy.
The
'Right'
Wisdom
AM OBLIGED to confess that
I should sooner live in a society
governed by the first two thou-
sand names in the Boston tele-
phone directory than in a so-
ciety governed by the two thou-
sand faculty members of Harvard
University ...
In the deliberations of two
thousand citizens of Boston I
think one would discern a respect
for the laws of God and for the
wisdom of our ancestors which
does not characterize the thought
of Harvard professors-who, to
the extent that they believe in
God at all, tend to believe He
made some terrible mistakes
which they would undertake to
rectify: and, when they are pay-
ing homage to the wisdom of our
ancestors, tend to do so.with a
kind of condescension toward
those whose accomplishments we
long since surpassed.
-WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY in
Rumbles Left and Right

r| The Anti-Bias Rule:
Liberalism Blinded
By Jeffrey Goodman
CURRENT STYLES of thought have a habit of becoming immut-
able, all-encompassing laws of nature in the public's mind. The
validity of these notions notwithstanding, this situation is dangerous,
for it reduces out-of-hand the acceptability of creative alternatives
and stifles the open conflict of ideas which is the only way better
styles of thought ever take hold.
Right now its is cool to be against racial and religious dis-
crimination, so of course the -Regents, SGC and fraternity and
sorority officers have proclaimed that Greek houses shall not dis-
criminate. This is not only a safe and thus hypocritical means of
"going along," nor is it just anti-democratic. Somehow the very
loudness with which Greek bias is denounced also means that anyone
with a different slant ends up looking decidedly uncool.
ALL THE CLAIMS of all the fraternity and sorority presidents
that their chapters are integral components of the University's aca-
demic mission will not change the fact that the chapters are
social clubs: they exist for the purpose of institutionalizing definite
styles of dressing, behaving and thinking. For some they provide an
anchor on an impersonal, confusing and anxious campus, thus
minimizing the personal estrangements which would make the rest
of the educational process meaningless.
These are valuable functions, and if the University community is
so meaningless that fraternities and sororities must perform them
for some people, then the houses should be left alone for now and
more comprehensive changes made. But it must be realized that it
is with these functions that the relevance of the Greek system to
education ends.
THE TROUBLE is that what fraternities and sororities do offer
all depends on cameraderie and intimacy, and these require dis-
criminating judgments about who is to be included and who excluded.
To the liberal zealots who have swallowed civil rights in one un-
differentiated lump, this requirement is inherently bad, and so mem-
bership clauses must be made non-exclusive.
As in so many other areas, however, our initially well-meaning
missionary spirit oversteps its ethical bounds. In the civil rights
field we enact laws ostensibly to open doors to the Negroes, though
actually we mean them to enforce our morality on others. With
respect to the Negro, the result does not usually depend on how we
view the purpose; the danger is that our real motivation leads
directly to anti-bias rulings in universities.
IF CIVIL RIGHTS legislation is eminently necessary to allow
Negroes the advantage of certain basic opportunities, one must never-
theless draw the line when it comes to private friendship circles,
for no one is going to benefit from forcing his way into a narrow
circle which does not want him. On the other side of the coin, no
public agency has the right to dictate the composition of friendship
groups.
Even to charge that the University, SGC and Greek officers,
unable to free themselves from the current social necessity to be
unquestioningly liberal, are blindly reacting in a very illiberal manner
would be too generous. For in the back of everyone's mind is the
realization that anti-bias clauses do not eliminate discrimination.
All they really do is gloss over guilt feelings and make nice public
relations. Since hash sessions will still be secret, exclusivism and the
system will continue and everyone will be happy because, de juris,
there is no more discrimination.
THE SUGGESTION has been made several times-eloquently a
year ago by Regent Allen Sorenson-that the University revoke the
student organization status and privileges of fraternities and sorori-
ties, thus freeing the clubs to operate as they wish.
Again, however, the pervasive power of current thought-fads is
evident: the Greeks would then have to admit publicly that they
are indeed private social clubs and that by nature they discriminate
in selections. Thus going off-campus would undoubtedly destroy too
many illusions and make the system look far too uncool.
If the Greek system and the University want to be at all honest
and ethical and consistent about the whole matter, they should
accept the system for what it is and allow it to operate in that manner
-as non-University-affiliated private clubs. Where any opportunities
opened would be meaningless and where the attempt to alter morality
would be obnoxious and ineffective, legislation and punishment are
silly and vulgar.

I

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Urges Participation in Protest March on Capital

To the Editor:
THE CURRENT WAR in Viet
Nam in being waged in behalf
of a succession of unpopular South
Vietnamese dictatorships, not in
behalf of freedom. No American-
supported South Vietnamese re-
gime in the past few years has
gained the support of its people,
for the simple reason that the
people overwhelmingly want peace,
self-determination and the oppor-
tunity for development. American
prosecution of the war has de-
prived them of all three.
The war is fundamentally a
civil war, waged by South Viet-
namese against their government;
it is not a "war of aggression."
Military assistance from North
Viet Nam and China has been

minimal; most guerrilla weapons
are home-made or are captured
American arms.
The people could not and can-
not be isolated from the guerrillas
by forced settlement in "strategic
hamlets;" again and again gov-
ernment military attacks fail be-
cause the people tip off the guer-
rillas. Each repressive government
policy, each napalm bomb, each
instance of torture creates more
guerrillas.
THE WAR is a losing war. Well
over half of the area of South
Viet Nam is already governed by
the National Liberation Front-
the political arm of the "Viet
Cong." In the guerrillas the peas-
ants see relief from dictatorial


FEIFFER

government agents. Thousands of
government troops have defected
-the traditional signal of a los-
ing counter-guerrilla war.
The war is self-defeating. If the
U.S. objective is to guarantee self-
determination in South Viet Nam,
that objective is far better served
by allowing the South Vietnamese
to choose their own government-
something provided for by the
1954 Geneva Agreement but sabo-
taged in 1956 by the American-
supported dictator Ngo Dinh Diem
and never allowed since.
THE VIETNAMESE, North and
South, have no taste for Chinese
domination-these two countries
have fought one another for over
1000 years.
It is a war never declared by
Congress, although it costs almost
$2 million a day and has cost
billions of dollars since the U.S.
began its involvement. The facts
of the war have been systematical-
ly concealed by the U.S. govern-
ment for years, making it appear
as if those expenditures have been
helping the Vietnamese people.
We are outraged that $2 million
a day is expended for a war on
the poor in Viet Nam, while gov-
ernment financing is so desperate-
ly needed to abolish poverty at
home. What kind of America is
it whose response to poverty and
oppression in South Viet Nam is
napalm and defoliation, whose re-
sponse to poverty in Mississippi is
. silence?
BUT THE SIGNS are plain
that Americans are increasingly
disaffected by this state of af-
fairs. To draw together, express
and enlarge the number of these
voices of protest and to make
this sentiment visible- S!tudents

and a meeting with both students
and adult speakers. Sen. Ernest
Gruening of Alaska and journalist
I. F. Stone have already agreed
to address the body.
THOUSANDS of us can be
heard. We dare not remain silent.
Those interested in the march
are invited to attend a meeting to
be held in the 3rd floor conference
room of the Michigan Union at 8
p.m., tomorrow night, April 8.
Plans for the march and ways of
gaining academic help in prepara-
tion for final exams will be dis-
cussed. (Several faculty members
are willing to provide tutorial
help for students en route to
Washington.)
Further enquiries can be direct-
ed to Jeanne Jackson, 761-1632.
--Roger Manela, '68SW
SNCC and King
To the Editor:
IT IS WITH INTEREST and
some cynicism that I have fol-
lowed the recent tempest concern-
the maturity and responsibility of
SNCC relative to the other civil
rights organizations working in
the south.
The question of maturity and
responsibility is essentially irrele-
vant, but let us clear the record
on two points:
1. That SNCC has been in Sel-
ma for two years reflects the true
dedication and maturity of that
organization. As evidenced by re-
cent police brutality, Selma has
long been one of the most re-
sistant areas in the South. Those
two years were spent developing
a community organization strong
enounh tonmake it nnosihh for

SNCC spearheaded the Mississippi
Summer Project, with minimal
help from the SCLC. Who was
mature last summer? Who was re-
sponsible in their approach to
problems?
BUT LET US now focus on more
important questions. The lesson
of Selma and Montgomery, as I
see it, is that there are large
numbers of Negroes in the south,
and sympathizers in the North,
who are willing to take action on
civil rights. The disturbing fea-
ture is that nobody really knows
how to channel the good will and
energies of these people toward
real solutions of the problems of
Negroes living in the South. *
President Johnson initiated the
voting legislation that essentially
the demonstrators were after. But
how much will the right to vote
help? What will be the conse-
quences of a Negro sheriff in Dal-
las county, of a liberalized legis-
lature in Georgia, of an ex-Sena-
tor Eastland?
Could the political power in Ala-
bama and Mississippi find jobs
for those Negroes displaced by the
declining and automating cotton
economy, even if it wanted to?
No. Those states do not have the
facilities to cope with these prob-
lems. And I doubt that the Negro
electorate would ever bcome large
enough to create a body politic
of such good will.
While it is clearly imperative to
develop an informed, organized Ne-
gro electorate in the south, this
is not enough! Real solutions are
going to have to come from out-
side the states of Alabama and
Mississippi. I think SNCC realizes
this, hence its plans to organize
a stronger lobby in Washington.

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