Sea enty-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED Y STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Michigan MAD
Humanistic Engineering
By Robert Johnston

BLUE RIBBON ISSUES:
Board of Education:
Power Through Prestige

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MIi.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
SUNDAY, 28 MARCH 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM

Federal Law Can and Must
Curb the Ku Klux Klan

TAE ARREST of four Ku Klux Klans-
men for the senseless murder of Mrs.
Viola Liuzzo has focused national atten-
tion once again on the atmosphere of
terror which surrounds the Southern Ne-
gro in his quest for equality.
In response to public outrage, Presi-
dent Lyndon B. Johnson has promised to
offer legislation to bring the Klan "under
the effective control of law" through
federal agencies and suggested a congres-
sional investigation of the "hooded so-
ciety of bigots." Meanwhile, Alabama's
Attorney General Richmond Flowers has
said that he is confident that murder
charges would be sought in the slaying.
Yet the real effect of the proposed
legislation against Klan membership is
disputed. Some critics claim that legisla-
tion, although pandering to the disturbed
conscience of a nation, will have no real
effect on the Klan because the Klan
will continue to operate underground.
History has, however, proved these critics
wrong in the past. If the President's pro-
posed bill gets through Congress with
some teeth remaining, it will be able to
cut off the surging growth of the Klan's
membership and power.
HISTORICALLY, the strength of the
Klan is cyclic. It reaches its apex in
reaction to federal attempts to broadly
impose a new order on the restricted
Southern political and social system -
such as the civil rights bill or the 1954
Supreme Court decision. It reaches its
nadir when federal action is taken to.
specifically curb it.
The seeming conflict between federal
action as the cause of the strength of
the Klan and such action as Its chief
enemy is resolved by the realization that
broad social and political reform is mean-
ingless if the Klan is openly condoned
and supported by the local authorities
which are responsible for enforcing the
broad changes. Specific legislation re-
stricting the Klan, however, can bypass
reluctant local figures and do its work
unhindered through federal agencies.
The Klan was originally formed dur-
ing the Reconstruction period as a re-
action to the policies of the carpetbag
legislatures.
Soon, however, the Klan evolved Into
a terrorist organization dedicated to re-
turning the newly-freed Negro to pre-
Civil War status. At its peak in 1870,
the Klan had a membership of over 500,-
000.
IN REACTION to the violence of the
group Congress passed in 1871 the Ku
Klux Klan Act, which resulted in 1,250
federal convictions. Part of the Klan
went underground, but the great major-
ity of the members was no longer will-
ing to take the risk of being punished
under the federal law, and the Klan's

power declined to practically nil.
The Klan experienced a revival in the
early 1900's and by 1924 was able to march
40,000 strong down Washington's Penn-
sylvania Avenue. Although partially set
back in the 1920's by attacks by the press
and politicians, the Klan retained some
strength until World War II disrupted its
activities.
In the 1950's the Klan rose once again
in reaction to the Supreme Court's deci-
sion in the Brown School desegregation
case. However, membership was estimat-
ed at only about 25,000. Now, however,
the Klan membership is soaring because
of the Civil Rights Act and the recent
Negro civil rights demonstrations. The
New York Times estimates that there
are currently 35,000 Klansmen and 20,-
000 active sympathizers.
The Klan is not operating under-
ground now; its activities are in the open.
"There are over 42 gun clubs in Alabama
which are fronts for Klan activities," ac-
cording to a report on the Klan by the
B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation League.
ALABAMA CHARTERS the largest Klan
group, the United Klan, and its head,
Robert M. Shelton, Jr., claims that the
Klan's support of Gov. George Wallace is
the prime factor behind Wallace's poli-
tical success.
Regardless of the precise accuracy of
this claim, it is quite obvious that local
politicians cannot afford to alienate the
powerful Klan. Its members permeate
the Southern political system, as is evi-
denced by a Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation report on Mississippi's law enforce-
ment agencies which pressured Gov. Paul
B. Johnson to dismiss some officers.
The Klan's trail of violence is clear,
yet the state governments of the South
refuse to act from fear of reprisals from
their constituents. For example, the FBI
believes Klansmen were involved in the
murder of Washington educator Lemuel
Penn, the bombings of Negro churches in,
Birmingham, and the murder of three
civil rights workers last year.
Granted, federal legislation would
drive some of the fanatic fringe of the
Klan underground. But many potential
members would be discouraged, as has
been shown in the past. This is better
than in effect encouraging membership
for all men who are opposed to the civil
rights movement by threatening them
with no consequential legal sanction for
joining the Klan.
THE FEDERAL government must fill the
void filled by the state legislatures.
The terrorism of the Klan prevents any
true adaptation of civil rights laws, and
unless the movement is curbed, the hood-
ed Klansmen will once again dominate
a South paralyzed by fear.
-BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

THE ENGINEERING college held
its annual convocation last
Thursday and, even as the self-
congratulatory, honorific' fiunction
it was meant to be, it was pretty
depressing.
The speaker's topc, "Engineer
Management." turned out to be a
series of suggestions .of how the
fledgling engineer should admin-
ister some of the duller details of
his life and job. He spoke to a
hall empty except for robed dig-
nitaries, recipients 6f awards, their
parents and very few- others.
The convocation was a, shatter-
ing example of specialization and
self-centeredness gone to extremes.
The engineering college produces
engineers of the highest caliber.
but it has become so absorbed in
this function that it trains its
students as machines instead of
men.
As long ago as 1944 the Ham-
mond Committee, a national group
studying engineering education,
recommended that a minimum of
20 per cent of the undergraduate
student's time be spent in hu-
manistic-social science study. The
objectives of this non-engineering
work, as the committee listed
them, are at least as important
now as they were then.
THEY INCLUDED:
-"Understanding of the evolu-
tion of the social organization
within which we live and of the
influence of science and engineer-
ing on its development;
-"Ability to recognize and to
make a critical analysis of a prob-
lem involving social and economic
elements, to arrive at an intel i-
gent opinion about it, and to read
with discrimination and purpose
towards these ends; and
-"Development of moral, ethi-
cal and social concepts essential to
a satisfying personal philosophy,
to a career consistent with the
public welfare and to a sound pro-
fessional attitude."
Yet today, 20 years later, the
University's engineering college
offers no organized program in
humanities-social sciences study.
Course requirements in these fields
are set up by the individual de-
partments and range from 5-15
per cent of the 140 credit hours
required for graduation.
At California Institute of Teen-
nology the student is required to
spend a phenomenal 42 per cent
of his time ((99 units out of 234
required for graduation) in hu-

manities and social science studies.
Eighteen units of English litera-
ture, 24 units of advanced litera-
ture {'advanced study of major
literary works in various forms" .
18 units of-history, 12 of economics
and 27 chosen from economics,
English, history, languages, phi-
losophy and psychology are man-
datory.
MASSACHUSETTS Institute of
Technology has for many years
set the pace in producing gradu-
ates trained to deal with any prob-
lem that might confront them as
engineering and science-oriented
professionals working in a complex
and highly interdependent world.
MIT no longer cotsiders itself
a technological institution but a
"university of limited objectives."
A minimum of 20 per cent of the
students' time must be spent in
social sciences and humanities
courses.
The first-year student there
takes what might be called a
humanities survey course, an "in-
troduction to history, literature
and philosophy through intensive
reading and discussion of impor-
tant works from classical, medieval.
and early modern periods."
The second-year student may
work on either "Modern Western
Ideas and Values" or "The Mod-
ern World and Social Science."
Courses for the third and fourth
years are drawn from a wide
variety of offerings of a more
spe'alized nature, with three of
the four required courses to be
taken in one field.
The literary college might take
heed of this example of how a ra-
tional, integrated program of hu-
manistic-social science studies can
be put together for undergradu-
ates.
THE engineering college faculty
has thus far been unable (which
is to say unwilling) to let its stu-
dents stray very far from the
engineering fold. It has grudgingly
Abuilt into the curriculum some
English requirements as well as
engineering oriented training in
economics. The rest is catch-as-
catch-can.
The English program is strongly
geared, unfortunately, to teaching
students how to write and speak,
something for which college stu-
dents shouldn't even get credit
since these skills should have been
learned in hWgh school.

I

AS CHANGE and develop
everywhere accelerate and as
cial ties proliferate, it is beco
an increasingly useless and1
less task for as outstandin
engineering schools as the
versity's to continue to trai
tudent not for dealing wit]
ciety as engineers but for a
ing engineering techniques.
The student versed in acqt
skills, knowledge and inform
when and where they are ne
well able to deal with social,
tical and economic comple
(as opposed to engineering+
will be of more value both to
self and to his society th
technician who has spent his
learning a specialty.
The engineering school!
uate should be an engineer,
civil, chemical, electrical or
chanical engineer. He mu
broad-minded, well-read, pe
tive and steeped in the rigo
good engineering and tem
with an appreciation of the
science from which engine
proceeds and of the society
which he must deal.
With the whole resources a
University at its doorstep, th
gineering college can easily
to the front rank in impleme
significantenew approaches t
dergraduate engineering et
tion.
RELATED aspect of engi
ing at the University that
some serious attention is th
sition the Willow Run: engi.
ing-oriented laboratories ai
occupy. The choice is betwe
education and an industria
search type of role.
Whichever role is chosen
new, yet-unchosen director s
be able to implement it with
vigor and forefight than the
vious one displayed.
* * *
A SUDDENLY-AMBITIOUS
ment of the University's
gated faculty has taken it
itself to get U.S. policy in
Nam re-examined and po
overhauled. It is a truly a
able effort, but as an underg
ate constantly subjected to
lectures, terrible counseling,,
century non-curriculum and
trained instructors, I would
a plea that, while some fa
struggle with U.S. foreign p
they not forget their respon:
ties on the home front.

ament
spe-
)ming
hope-
ig as
Uni-
in its
h so-
pply-
uiring
ration
eeded,
poli-
xities
ones)
him-Q
an a
time
grad-
not a
me-
st be
rcep-
)rs of
pered
pure
Bering
with
)f the
.e en-
move
nting
,o un-
duca-
neer-
needs
e po-

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last-
in a series of articles on the issues
discussed in the ret~ort of Gov.
George Romney's "blue ribbon"
Citizens' Committee on Higher
Education.
By JOHN MEREDITH
THE REPORT of the "blue rib-
bon" Citizens' Committee on
Higher Education envisions a
State Board of Education whose
decisions, simply through prestige,
would be the major consideration
in formulation of educational pol-
icy on the state level.
It urges the board to develop
the potential for strength inher-
ent in its vague assignment to
"plan and coordinate" state edu-
cation in Michigan. Yet, it keeps
the definition of the board's du-
ties in the nebulous terms of the
state constitution-on issues con-
cerning institutions offering bac-
calaureate degree programs, the
board retains its purely advisory
function.
The board, in short, must earn
the prestige that can make it a
truly influential body in dealings
with state universities; but para-
doxically, if the board follows the
course of action necessary to make
its advice an asset to the state,
it is more apt to become univer-
sally unpopular than generally re-
spected.
For coordination, while un-
doubtedly necessary and poten-
tially invaluable, can also destroy
the essence of higher ducation if
it caters to the wishes. of the gen-
eral public, the Legislature or the
vested interests of various state
universities.



ANN ARBOR CIVIL RIGHTS:
Needed: Good Council Member

ineer-
re to A DEGREE of coordination is
en an necessitated by cost efficiency. The
d re- state of Michigan, like the typi-
cal Ann Arbor student, is perpet-
, the ually short of cash; it cannot af-
hould ford the luxury of programs un-
more necessarily duplicated at several
pre- state supported schools.
There must be some group that
can give overall directions to the
3 seg- rapid development of additional
varie- educational facilities that will be
upon needed in Michigan during the
Viet next decade.
ssibly The blue ribbon report briefly
dmir- discusses four alternative ways of
radu- coordinating such expansion of
large higher education: determination
19th of each institution's role by leg-
un- islative assignment, planning by
enter a state board with authority to
aculty make binding decisions, coordi-
olicy, nation among state schools on a
sibili- voluntary basis, and direction pro-
vided by an advisory board as
outlined above.
THE FIRST TWO possibilities
are unconstitutional in Michigan.
Yet they cannot be dismissed on
this basis, since the committee
5 could easily have recommended a
constitutional amendment elimi -
nating the present requirement
t the that each state institution have an
This autonomous governing body.
tempt While the report d6es not elab-
f the orate on the first possibility-di-
eeling rect legislative determination -
ioral- this alternative can and should be
rejected both as impractical and
undesirable. It is impractical be-
An cause legislators have neither the
Ala- time nor often the interest to give
Ala- higher education the attention
Mrs. needed to develop coordination on
ion in a statewide level; it is undesir-
ha n able because the average legisla-
r pro- tor's background isn't apt to give
pro- him a keen appreciation of what
ever, An higher education in Michigan
e and should be.
the The committee dismisses its sec-
izens. and idea-creating a state board
e the with arbitrary, binding authority,
n Ar-- -for the stated reason that sim-
and ilar arrangements in comparable
Mayor situations have not worked well
il the in other states.

MOST INTRIGUING is the fact
that the authority of the pres-
tigious board apparently envis-
ioned by the report would, in
practice, approach that of a board
with a much broader legal defini-
tion of its power. The committee
seems to be asking for a board
with informal powers almost tan-
tamount to the official authority
it refuses to sanction.
One can speculate that the com-
mittee would indeed like to have
education firmly directed by a
board at the top, but hesitates to
advocate such comprehensive
power to a system as yet un-
proved. In other words, the group
may fear that the untried state
board might not exercise its au-
thority wisely.
TO PLAN WELL Michigan's ed-
ucation, the board must determine
the educational needs of the state,
and these do not correspond to
popular conceptions, The needs of
the state are not solely to find a
slot for every "qualified Michi-
gan student."
Many critics argue that the
guidance essential to providing a
curriculum that will preserve the
university as a center of creativ-
ity and intellectual development
can come only from the intellec-
tual community. From this prem-
ise, it is often argued that coordi-
nation by a board independent
from the centers of learning will
destroy the university in its ideal
form. Autonomy with voluntary
coordination, some educators con-
tend, is the only answer.
YET, MEMBERS of the intel-
lectual community are no more
free of vested interest than poli-
ticians- institutional prestige and
pet projects of private donors be-
come inextricably mingled with the
ideas in which the dynamic qual-
ities of the university are rooted.
On this issue, voluntary coordi-
nation-the third alternative re-
jected by the committee - fre-
quently, if not invariably, breaks
down.
Thus, there is a clear need for
coordination of higher education
by an organization separate from
individual state schools-a body
free from political and institu-
tional prejudices alike. The ques-
tion is whether the state board
suggested in the blue-ribbon re-
port can fill this role.
the state board, at present,
has nothing vaguely resembling
an adequate advisory staff. More-
over, its eight members are all
trying to carry on regular jobs
in addition to their work on the
board. One wonders whether even
the most dedicated men could dis-
charge their responsibility under
such circumstances.
* * *
HOWEVER, if, as the "blue rib-
bon" committee apparently hopes,
the state board develops into an
informed, objective group respon-
sive to ideas emanating from the
entellectual community without be-
coming involved with institutional
prejudices, one wonders if it could
function effectively with only ad-
visory powers.
For, by diverging from the
"numbers game" concept of the
university higher education - a
concept incompatible with the
preservation of the university in
its traditional form - it would
alienate many in the political and
public sectors of the community;
and, by striking down the cost-
ly, superfluous pet projects of in-
dividual institutions, it would cre-
ate enemies in among educators.
BY DOING ITS JOB, it would
lose support, the basis of its po-
tential prestige; and only through
prestige could it give proper direc-
tion to higher education in Mich-
igan

I

I'

Selma's Lawsuit: An Outrage

jHAT FRIGHTFUL GALL, what as-
tounding nerve it must take for the
City of Selma to sue Rev. Martin Luther
King, Jr. and other civil rights leaders
for $100,000 to pay policemen who worked
overtime "trying to control demonstra-
tions!" To say such an action is adding
insult to injury is to realize the stark
limitations of commonly-used expres-
sions.
For "injury" is a pathetically feeble
understatement to use in reference to the
vicious clubbing and gassing Selma Sher-
iff James Clark and his posse have ad-
ministered to scores of demonstrators in
the name of "police action."
THE INSULT involved is also painfully
obvious. By no stretch of the imagi-
nation can it be claimed the policemen
of Selma acted in any way as an agency
of protection or reasonable control where
the civil rights protestors were concern-
ed.
In the first place, many? of Sheriff
Clark's posse are Ku Klux Klan members,
Acting Editorial Staff

a group not noted for racial tolerance;
and, many others of Selma's Finest were
conservation officers or other officials
apparently sworn in and handed billy
clubs in one swift movement. Together
they formed a brutally efficient obstacle
to any semblance of police justice in
Selma.
Furthermore, the attitude of the citi-
zens of Selma, condoned or aided out-.
right by the duly-appointed police force,
forced the situation so far out of con-
trol that even a police force geared to-
wards true justice would have proved in-
adequate. The good townfolk of Selma
harassed, threatened, assaulted and even
murdered until the outside world final-
ly began to take a more concerted inter-
est in the issues at stake. But by'then it
was too late for some: the crumpled
form of Rev. James Reeb was mute testi-
mony to the quality of protection and
control afforded the demonstrators by
the Selma police.
NO MATTER what the officials in Sel-
ma may say, they cannot obscure the
fact that American citizens fighting for
their constitutional rights in Selma were
brutally treated, not only by the citizens
but by the officers supposedly sworn to

Second in a Two-Part Series
By JULIE W. FITZGERALD
A NN ARBOR City Council's
party-line votes have severely
delayed, if not curtailed, local
civil rights progress for the past
several months.
Though the city is presently in-
volved in a legal tie-up as it ap-
peals Municipal Court Judge
Francis O'Brien's ruling that the
ordinance is unconstitutional on
"procedural grounds," the coun-
cil's six-vote Republican majority
has both delayed and prevented
civil rights progress in the mean-
time.
ALL CIVIL RIGHTS action since
last May has been presented to
council by the Democrats. At that
time, First Ward Democratic
Councilwoman Mrs. Eunice Burns
offered the first proposal to amend
the Fair Housing Ordinance,
which had been passed in the fall
of 1963. The ordinance is still
subject to amendment, since the
city's appeal of the Municipal
Court ruling effectively stalls the
effect of that ruling.
The law prohibits racial dis-
crimination in buildings with five
or more separate dwelling units.
Mrs. Burns' amendment would
have extended the ordinance's cov-
erage to commercial space and the
rental of rooms.
Council voted to refer the
amendment to a working session
after the Republicans defeated the
possibility of a first reading on the
amendment the following week.
The amendment regarding com-
mercial space and rooming houses
'was brought up again in July but
was voted down by a five-to-three
vote. All five Democratic members
voted for it, but because they did
not have the, six-vote majority
needed to pass the ordinances, the
amendment was defeated.
Mrs. Burns then moved the
amendment be reconsidered after
the court case involving the or-
dinance was completed, but this
motion lost by the same vote.
UNDAUNTED, Mrs. Burns re-
turned in November with three
amendments: to extend the cover-
age of the ordinance to rooming
houses, to prohibit discriminatory
practices by real estate agents

In February, chairman of the
HRC Paul Wagner reported the
commission's recommendations on
the amendments to council.
Council exploded into party fac-
tions. The Republicans supported
full housing coverage-but only
on a state-wide basis. They prom-
ised to vote down the amendments
because the "constitutionality of
the ordinance had not been de-
termined." The Democrats replied
that. further discussion was use-
less unless the GOP position
changed.
The amendments were defeated,
however, on the first reading the
next week.
REASONS BEHIND the party-
line split and resulting civil rights
snag are varied and have been
from the beginning of the amend-
ments controversy. But one im-
portant difference has been that
the Democrats have been pushing
specific local coverage while the
Republicans seem to think a gen-
eral statement sufficies to protect
the rights of the city's Negroes.
A recent fly in the civil rights
ointment, consideration of the
"Hulcher" amendment, illustrates
this difference. In January, Wen-
dell Hulcher, Republican candidate
for mayor and former city coun-
cilman, wrote a letter to city
council asking they meet with the
State Civil Rights Commission to
consider the possibility of incor-
porating the state's civil rights
article in the city's ordinance.
This article very broadly pro-
hibits discrimination. Its inclusion
in the local law would give the Re-
publicans added leverage in their
fight for broad state-:wide protec-
tion, but the Democrats oppose the
amendment precisely because it
does not give the needed specific
coverage to the Ann Arbor Negro.
THE REPUBLICANS have used
the Hulcher amendment as a lever
against the Democrats, supporting
it both- as "needed civil rights
action" and because it is in ac-
cordance with state Atty. Gen.
Frank Kelley's opinion that the
state should have sole jurisdiction
in civil rights matters.
Hulcher, who proposed the
original Fair Housing Ordinance
in September, 1963, says his
amendmnent would give the comn-

the Democrats will never ge
specific coverage they ask.
is unfortunate, for their att
reflects an understanding o
civil rights problem and fe
for the equality the Negroes m
ly and now legally deserve.
After the recent march in
Arbor to protest the brutality
to local demonstrators in
bama, mayoral candidate
Burns contended discriminati
Ann Arbor is more subtle ths
the South, and so it is as
to combat. Also, the need for
tection is not so obvious. Hov
the psychological brutality it
Arbor needs quick, effective
specific action to combat
wrongs suffered by local cit
It is interesting to note
march was sponsored by An
bor civil rights groups
churches-and led by i
Creal, who didn't decide unt
last minute whether or n
could lead the march becau
of a "previous commitment,"
Better that he had kep
"previous commitment," fo
participation manifests the
pocrisy the Republican c
members practice.
Surely, they will reply the
in favor of civil rights
"broadly." But the Consti
of the United States "bro
guarantees equality. Why b
with "specifics?"
BOTHER because the "b
coverage results in no prot
at all. Negroes in Selma and)
gomery.- are also "broadly"
tected, but theycertainly hk
been allowed their civil r
Although the situation in
Arbor is not as volatile<
Alabama. the situation he
certainly worthy of improve
The Democrats participati
Ann Arbor's march were act
accordance with beliefs they
been expressing for over a y
council chambers. Obviously
Republicans are willing to
pathize" but are not willing t
The Hulcher Amendment, K
opinion and the State Civil F
Commission are no solutioi
Ann Arbor.
Hopefully, in the April 5
tion Ann Arbor voters will gi
Democrats the two seats they

ot be
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ay are
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ection
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aven't
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Ann
as in
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have
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elley's
ights
n for
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A

SHOWMANSHIP
Glee Club Concert:
Spirited Nostalgia
At Hill Auditorium
THE MEN'S GLEE CLUB is one of the few performing groups on
this campus that is able to maintain almost professional standards
while infusing its performances with that enjoyably anachronistic
"college spirit."
This isn't to say that the Club does not have its musical limita-
tions. A two hour program of only men's voices, some trained-others
not, could easily challenge the features at local theatres for boring
fare, if it were nt for the musicianship and showmanship of Director
Philip Duey.
First there's Duey's choice of program material and arrangements.
It's obvious that he sees the Club as a group of entertainers, not a
stagnant "institution." Such diverse material as Jacob Handl's "0
Magnum Mysterium" and Anton Jobim's "Girl from Ipanema" ap-
peared on the program, giving the group a chance to demonstrate
its versatility and freeing it from dull, musical traditionalism.
The material with which Duey works, about 80 enthusiastic
men, evinces two indispensable qualities, innate musicionship and
stamina.
Duey has sought out and features soloists who prove that the
Club's components are of the finest potentiality. First, Norm Brody
handled his well-trained baritone voice with dexterity, shifting effort-
lessly from a lyric baliad into the comedy of a Beethoven novelty and
a Gilbert and Sullivan parody.
* * *

I

4

i