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Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Michigan MAD
Riue Ribbon' Failures
By Robert Johnston

CITY HOUSING LAW
Court Entanglements
Slow Rights Progress

_4 _

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, 25 MARCH 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: SCOTT BLECH

Need for Unity Pits
Arabs Against Israel

RECENT EVENTS in the Middle East
have made it clear that a confronta-
tion is developing between the Arab na-
tions and Israel which, observers believe,
could lead to a conflict much more seri-
ous than the Suez crisis of 1956. Ob-
viously, with such trouble spots as Viet
Nam, Malaysia, the Congo and others
already threatening peace, another
Arab-Israeli war could create new con-
flicts of interest among enough nations
to bring the world a step closer to to-
tal catastrophe.
An objective onlooker may view the
situation and wonder what the seven ma-
jor Arab countries involved-Egypt, Syr-
ia, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and
Lebanon-want with a nation one-hun-
dred and sixtieth their size. Why are they
constantly vowing to destroy Israel and
drive its people to the sea? Is it fear,
jealousy and bitterness or a legitimate
difference of opinion?
The answer is not simple; United Na-
tions actions and debate have not been
able to come up with an answer. Essen-
tially, it revolves around the urgent need
of the Arab nations to find some force
which would unify them by drawing
concern away from their own local prob-
lems and directing it toward one ele-
ment.
HENCE, ISRAEL becomes the sapegoat.
The Nazis, too, needed an object that
would direct all the Germans' hate and
energies in one direction, and they, too,
found a minority group.
In the case at hand, we have seven ex-
tremely poverty-stricken, over-populated
and illiterate nations which, to find a
cause for all their troubles, do not look
to their own monarchial or totalitarian
governments which often get wealthier
at the expense of their population, but
since 1948 have blamed their troubles on
the existence of the Jewish state. In
the Independence War of 1948, the
Arab nations. were soundly beaten and
humiliated. In the Suez crisis eight years
later, the Israeli army-which military
experts such as Brig. Gen. S. L. A. Mar-
shall rate as one of the best per man
in the world-drove the Egyptian infan-
try across the Sinai Peninsula so quick-
ly that the area was littered with thou-
sands of boots which the Egyptians, not
being used to, discarded as they escaped.
In the most recent example, Israel was
the moral victor when West Germany,
with the eyes of world opinion on it, de-
cided it would risk Arab recognition of
East Germany to establish ofiicial ties
with Jerusalem.
All these defeats, moral or otherwise,
have only spurred the Arabs to cry again
and again for war. And to let the world
know exactly why they do want war,
Nasser always centers his speeches on
the two main problems of late: the refu-
gee issue and the diversion of the Jor-
dan River.
BEFORE THE 1948 Independence War,
all Arab residents of the Palestine
area were given a choice between emi-
gration with reparations and settlement
in Israel. Those who remained are de-

cidedly better off today than those who
left and who may still be in the UN refu-
gee camps.
One example of this is a sheik whose
rather large trible of Bedouins in the
Negev Desert was being taught modern
agricultural methods by the Israeli gov-
ernment and receiving a quality educa-
tion in Israeli schools (Israel has the
highest literacy rate in the Middle East
through its educational system). These
Bedouins were no longer nomads but per-
manent, peaceful settlers. The sheik,
whose son was studying law at the He-
brew University, said he would never
leave Israel and would fight on the side
of the Jews in case of war.
Meanwhile, other refugees who want to
enter Jordan, Syria, Iraq or other nations
cannot do so because those countries say
they have no room. It has been proven,
however, that Syria alone has enough
good land to sustain them and also that
Egypt has the room to replace at least
the 200,000 Jews it exiled.
The Arab nations will not admit more
refugees because they must, above all,
not eliminate a problem which is such a
good source of hate.
CONTROVERSY OVER the Jordan River
plan is another example of unjustifi-
able stubbornness on the part of the
Arabs. The plan had the full approval
of the United States and UN, was created
by a neutral third party (the TVA), gave
Jordan even more water than Israel and
would have diverted the river so as to
benefit' all nations while preserving the
important river channel.
But as soon as the Israelis implement-
ed that plan to irrigate the Negev, Jor-
dan began counter plans to divert the
river, not only to deprive Israelof any
water but also to dry the entire channel
eventually so that everyone would suf-
fer. Again, the only excuse for not fol-
lowing the original plan was the desire
to hurt Israel.
Israel has a very simple mission It
wants to be a homeland for Jews, and
to do this it has to develop its industry
and agriculture sufficiently to support
its tremendous number of Jewish Immi-
grants. To accomplish this goal, in turn,
requires peace, for no nation can draw
people to its shores when it faces possi-
ble destruction, and no nation can build
factories and cultivate land when it has
to require that all its young men and
women spend three years in the army
and appropriate huge amounts to keep up
that army.
ISRAEL, THEN, does not want war, nor
does it seek to expand, as it has stated
so many times. But if the Arabs persist
in using Israel as a scapegoat for all their
own failures to educate and prosper eco-
nomically, to make their fields fertile
and thus absorb their great population
growth, then they will soon realize that
no nation is so strong as when it is de-
fending its own homes, preserving its
own freedoms and nurturing its own
ideals and aspirations for the future.
-JOSHUA BARLEY

GOV. GEORGE Romney's "blue
ribbon" Citizens' Committee on
Higher Education has labored
mightily and produced a series
of reports that are remarkable
only for their omissions.
Worse than that, higher edu-
cation politics in Michigan are
oresently so intense and so em-
broiled in immediate problems and
feuds that the "blue ribbon" ef-
forts will probably be immediately
shuffled into desk drawers and
onto dusty shelves-never to be
heard from again.
One of the reports says state
schools "should tell the state
board and the Legislature what
new schools they are planning,
what role they can play in grad-
uate and graduate-professional
programs." From all the requests,
"a single, central program to get
an efficient system of education"
will be developed for the state.
"Each request must carry proof
of the need for new construction,
of how much it will be used and
of how it will add in efficiency."
Workng from this, the Ann Arbor
News puts itself in line for the
"fatuous-conclusion -of-the - year
award" when it states, "This
could help the Legislature plan
ahead."
UNFORTUNATELY, the problem
is not one of planning, though
even in this area-supposedly the
special province of the committee
-nothing approach'ng the much-
discussed "master plan" for high-
er education is presented. In fact,
there has already been too much
of the wrong kind of planning-
that is, planning with no provision
for implementation.
For example, the University has
beautifully-planned 1965-66 Cap-
ital Outlay Budget Request for
the Leg slature. It includes details
on a suggested program of capital
outlay at the University through
1970. The problem? The costs of
this five-year plan add up to a
staggering $103 million. Nobody
has done any planning toward
finding that kind of money, yet
this money is vitally needed if the
University is to play the most
productive role it can in higher
education in Michigan.

Fortunately for itself, the "blue
ribbon" group had an "out" which
enabled it to evade such issues
as branch colleges, financing, co-
ordination of professional and
graduate education and college
and university autonomy. The
state Board of Education, with its
role yet undefined in practice, is
handed responsibility for the fu-
ture. It is told to "be prepared at
all times to apply pressure on the
institutions" to follow the board's
plans.
HOWEVER, the board will first
of all have to work out some
means for deciding what its plans
are. The "blue ribbon" report
gives some ambiguous outlines and
second-hand recommendations but
few long-run guides.
Second, the board has to con-
vince Romney, the Legislature and
the colleges and universities that
its recommendations are the best
attainable in the political world
and that dispute would be futile
and possibly damaging to each
interest group's cause. Right now,
the board shows no sign of being
able to command either the in-
fluence or the respect to accom-
plish such a mission.
Finally, both the "blue ribbon"
report and the board are trying
to deal with issues which are on
the one hand so politicallyrcom-
plex and on the other hand so
incredibly difficult that the hope
of really finding any solutions in
the immediate future is almost
nil.
HIGHER EDUCATION is now so
much in demand and so expensive
to supply that it will take a series
of miracles to hold the state's
college and university system to-
gether in the next few years and
keep it functioning properly. More
specifically, it will take an income
tax, additional millions for high-
er education and a willingness on
everybody's part to work to the
utmost to avert a crisis.
But Romney isn't pushing for
the money. The income tax re-
mains an imponderable. The state
board has virtually no power or
prestige to bring to bear on col-
leges' and universities' entrench-
ment in the control of their own

affairs at home and in Lansing.
The "blue ribbon" committee
equivocated seriously with respect
to both practical means and prac-
tical ends.
And literary college faculty
would, given the opportunity, im-
pose a limit on the size of the
college.
The state board and the "blue
ribbon" reports (don't have a
chance in struggles like these.
** *
ESTABLISHING two-way com-
munication between 28,000 stu-
dents and a university president
is no mean task in this new age
of student activism. President
Hatcher'sconference with students
last Thursday was one step of
a great many which must be taken
on a path for which there are no
precedents.
President Hatcher indicated a
genuine interest in the role of the
undergraduate in a major univer-
sity. He acknowledged the right of
the student to participate actively
in the university and the world of
which he is a part. "Non-violent
resistance has been very effective
in the civil rights movement," he
said, implying approval.
He acknowledged the right of
the student to engage in protest
in Alabama or to be concerned
with academ c policies at Yale.
And he acknowledged the short-
comings of a world "with which
the student is quite properly im-
patient," of a University where
"student input isn't always pres-
ent and breaks down easily" and
where "values are not always
coming through to the present
generation." On the future of the
University as an intellectual in-
stitution he said, "We want to
keep here a model of how an
academic community copes" with
its many commitments.
It probably requires a certain
amount of idealism to expect both
President Hatcher and the Univer-
sity's students to follow through
with genuine concern for the com-
mitment to real communication
and participation in a spirit of
respect for each other's import-
ance.
But then idealism is still a legi-
timate student prerogative.

First in a Two-Part Series
By JULIE W. FITZGERALD
WHILE CONGRESS is consider-
a vot'ng-rights bill in answer
to recent riots in Selma and
Montgomery, Ala., civil rights
progress in Ann Arbor has come
to a standstill.
One of the causes of this non-
action is the fact that state and
local judicial bodies have been
caught up for almost a year in
questioning the legality of Ann
Arbor's Fair Housing Ordinance.
The issue involved is whether the
state or the city has jurisdiction
in enforcing bans on discrimina-
tion in local housing.
This postponement has left the
city without legal protection for
the individual's right to live where
he chooses.
ONE YEAR AGO a Negro grad-
uate student and social worker
claimed he had been denied an
partment in the Parkhurst-Arbor-
dale units because of his race. The
Ann Arbor apartments are owned
by Cutler-Hubble, Inc. in Detroit
and managed by C. Frank Hubble.
Upon being formally charged in
Ann Arbor Municipal Courtbefore
Judge Francis O'Brien last May,
Hubble questioned the constitu-
tionality of the ordinance he al-
legedly violated.
This was not the first time the
ordinance-which broadly covers
residents of multi-family dwellings
-had been questioned. State Atty.
Gen. Frank Kelley had stated in
the fall of 1963 that the ordi-
nance-then only two months old
-would conflict with the author-
ity of the state Civil Rights Com-
mission to handle discrimination
complaints throughout Michigan.
CAREFULLY SKIRTING a judg-
ment of Kelley's opinion,
O'Brien ruled the ordinance un-
constitutonal on "proceedural
grounds," thus also avoiding an
opinion on the charge against
Hubble.
Differing with both Kelley's
opinion and O'Brien's ruling, City
Attorney Jacob Fahrner is cur-
rently appealing O'Brien's uncon-
stitutionality ruling in Washtenaw
County Circuit Court.
After two pre-trial hearings last
fall before Circuit Court Judge
James Breakey, the trial was set
for Nov. 25. Hubble had appeared
at both of the early hearings
without a lawyer, since Breakey
denied his request for a court-
appointed attorney.
As court trails often go-parti-
cularly controversial ones-the
date for the trial was postponed
indefinitely. Finally, the trial date
was set for Mar. 12.
MEANWHILE, in the time lapse
between the pre-trial hear-
ings and Mar. 12, Hubble was
taken to task on two other dis-
crimination charges in the same
apartment building.
Rising from its state of inertia,
the State Civil Rights Commission
finally stepped in, as Kelley had
said it should, and formally
charged Hubble with the three
violations and threatened him
with the possibility of a public
hearing.
In December, the commission
promised to hold the hearing in
the near future; as yet, no hear-
ing has been scheduled.
MEANWHILE, back at the
March 12 hearing, Breakey re-
fu.ed comment on O'Brien's pro-
cedural ruling, instead questioning
whether the case should not be
sent back to O'Brien for a direct
ruling on the charges brought
against Hubble.
In addition, Breakey recom-
mended the state attorney gen-
eral's office appoint an assistant
to defend Hubble before O'Brien,
so law "could be presented fully
on both sides, since the decision

was of such grave public concern."
He said he had received nine
briefs from the city in appeal of
the unconstitutionality decision
but none on behalf of Hubble or
representing the attorney gen-
eral's opinion.
Kelley gladly agreed to appoint
one of his staff. The next in the
series of trial dates was set for
one week later-March 19- since
Breakey had said the case "would
go with all due speed from here."
As might be expected, however,
Breakey then asked for and was
granted a two week adjournment
for the trial. The new date is April
2.
One year's time has lapsed since
the original plaintiff first charged
he had been discriminated against;
the alleged violation which set off
all those state and local cannons
was to have been considered March
12, and even then it was put off
again,
THE HISTORY of the Fair
Housing Ordinance appeal and
postponements poses some serious
questions-both about the legal
opinions involved and about the
slowness of the court system.
In reference to Kelley's opinion,
Fahrner contended at the Mar. 12
hearing that the State Commis-
sion is relying on some "erron-
eous" law and that a court de-
cision is needed to clarifyuthercom-
mission's responsibilities and du-
ties.
Fahrner had said earlier the
state article dealing with discrim-
ination was merely a policy state-
ment which should be acted upon
with legislative action. Since no
such action has come from the
state, Fahrner feels the individual
cities have a responsibility to im-
plement this statement.
(Article 1, sec. 2 of the state
constitution states that "no per-
son shall be denied the equal pro-
tection of the laws; nor shall any
person be denied the enjoyment
of his civil or political rights or be
discriminated against in the
exercise thereof because of re-
ligion, race, color or national
origin.")
THE QUESTION of . who pre-
empts the civil rights field is
certainly relevant to the Hubble
case, since whether Hubble should
be tried in the Ann Arbor Courts
or by the State Civil Rights Com-
mission sets a precedent for any
future discriminatory charges.
Whatever (if ever) Breakey de-
cides, however, will surely be taken
to the new state Court of Appeals
by the losing side. And meanwhile,
the plaintiff's case is still suspend-
ed in legal jam.
That the case could have been
tried and settled by now if O'Brien
had heard the original charges
and that the State Civil Rights
Commission could at least have
scheduled a public hearing, if not
held it by now-these facts in-
dicate that neither the city nor
the state is quite willing to define
its roles and accept its respon-
sibilities.
Whether our court system and
legal procedures are inept and
inert or whether the entanglement
and slowness are necessary to our
system of justice will probably
never be answered. But what needs
to be answered is whether or not
the plaintiff was discriminated
against last year. If Hubble is
proved innocent, the matter should
be dropped, but if he is proven
guilty, he should be made to pay.
HE PROGRESS of civil rights
in Ann Arbor has been hang-
ing for over a year on decisionsof
both the constitutionality of the
ordinance and of Hubble's inno-
cence or guilt. Will progress ever
be made?
NEXT: Delays stemming from
party-line snags in the Ann
Arbor City Council

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Faculty Groups Back Protest

To the Editor:
WE STRONGLY support the
Michigan faculty teach-in ac-
tion to stop the war in Viet Nam.
Our group at Syracuse welcomes
University initiative and reaffir-
mation of faculty responsibility
on major issues of our times. We
are planning our own coordinate
action.
-Syracuse Standing Faculty-
Student Committee to Stop
the War in Viet Nam
To the Editor:
WE, MEMBERS of Stanford fac-
ulty, welcome the University
teach-in on Viet Nam and plan
to hold one here. The Vietnamese
crisis demands public concern and

the struggle has just begun.
SARASOHN twits SNCC for not
communicating well with Rev.
Martin Luther King's group
(Southern Christian Leadership
Conference). But that doesn't say
who is to blame or why. Sarasohn
further suggests SNCC supporters
drop out of school and go south.
But one can have it both ways-
be a student and sometime-dem-
onstrator; it is hard to see what
Sarasohn has against diversity.
Particular arguments aside, the
main problem with Sarasohn's
counsels is that they misconstrue
the nature of an uncompromising
radicalism and its place in a de-
mocracy. Responsible decision-
making and compromise are cer-
tainly necessary, but it is com-
patible with (and perhaps neces-
sary for) this responsibility and
compromise that there be groups
which present their interests and
beliefs unflinchingly, make de-
mands that can't be met and dem-
onstrate by actions how important
these demands are to them.
It is for the decision-makers to
make the compromises, not for the
citizens (who, though they must
accept them, need not advocate
them).
It is especially necessary, fur-

thermore, that when these groups
beg'n to have some political suc-
cess, they do not succumb to the
triumph of short-range victory
and "moderate" their cause out
of existence. Right now a renewed
radicalism is necessary to guard
against being too "responsible."
Democracy is a system of pushes
and pulls, and if the ultimate
decisions will lie somewhere in
the middle of the spectrum of pos-
sibilities, that middle is determin-
ed by where the extremes lie. An
uncompromising civil rights rad-
icalism can only have the effect
of pulling the middle toward the
left and thus hastening the prog-
ress towards meaningful equality.
IT IS the young-those still un-
encumbered by many of the
entanglements of life-who are
most free to espouse and work for
uncompromising ideals and be-
cause of their very newness to
express the new possibilities a
democratic society can incorporate
into its structure.
There is time enough later for
"responsibility" and "maturity."
Let us be wary of these calls to
responsibility which are simply
the invitation to a premature old.
age.
-Bruce Landesman, Grad

discussion.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.
-Prof.

Gabriel Almond
Christian Bay
Charles Dreckmeier
Richard Fagen
Ole Holsti
Joseph Katz
Max Levin
Thomas Plaut
Nevitt Sanford
Sidney Verba

SNCC: Courageous Strategy

THE STUDENT Nonviolent Coordinat-
ing Committee is the youngest of the
civil rights groups, but the age and de-
gree of maturity of SNCC workers is not
the most important factor wrich distin-
guishes it from the other, older civil
rights organizations.
SNCC's policy, as indicated in its name,
is one of nonviolent protest. Working
within the American system, SNCC feels
the most effective way to carry out its
policy of nonviolence is through public
protest in the form of marches and sit-
ins.
The effectiveness of this kind of pro-
test is evidenced by the nationwide sym-
pathy and response which the Selma and
Montgomery demonstrations evoked.
BUT IT IS NOT questions of the value
of protests which lead the Rev. Martin
Luther King. Jr.. James Farmer or even

nied unless the group protesting has been
given a permit by local officials.
SNCC refuses to apply for such per-
mits because it contends that by apply-
ing for the permit, it is furthering the
unconstitutional and un-American poli-
cies of Alabama law.
REV. KING, on the other hand, has nev-
er marched without this unnecessary
permit.
Another example of SNCC's attempt to
thwart unconstitutional policies in-
volves its policies regarding civil rights
workers who have been arrested. The
recent decision of four University stu-
dents, arrested in Montgomery for dem-
onstrating, to refuse to put up bond and
therefore stay in jail until their trial,
represents such a case.
Since demonstrations are constitution-
ally valid the arrest of these students

To the Editor:
WE HEREWITH express our
wholehearted support and
solidarity with the University
teach-in to protest Administra-
tion policies in Viet Nam. We will
act soon to lend weight to this
protest.
Ad Hoc Committee
on Viet Nam
University of Illinois
Defends SNCC
To the Editor:
(OME DAILY editorial writers
" evidently aspire to be respon-
sible and mature individuals. They
might consider the possibility,
however, that they are becoming
old before their time.
Peter Sarasohn's editorial on
March 23 counsels SNCC to be
more mature. Because Congress is
showing some progress on civil
rights, he wants "less spectacular"
demonstrations, less prone to pro-
voke violence. He obviously thinks
the struggle is about over, and
whatever further demonstrations
are necessary should simply re-
mind "everyone" of certain con-
stitutional precepts.
Demonstrations, however, are
not meant to remaind; they're

HIGHER EDUCATION ISSUES:
What cOlder Sisters' Do for Branches


EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
second in a series of articles on the
issues discussed ini Gov. George
P-n'ey's "blue ribbon" Citizens'
Committee on Higher Education.
By MARCY PELLY
THE GENERAL consensus of
opinion in Michigan seems to
be "Autonomy, Si; Branches, No."
Gov. George Romney's "blue
ribbon" Citizens' Committee on
Higher Education, though its re-
port last week seems content to
let the Univers'ty continue with
plans for a branch at Flint,
nevertheless reaffirms "the au-
tonomous government of institu-
tions." It recommends that, should
the new State Board of Educa-
tion permit the establishment of
branches, these institutions should
be given their appropriations sep-
arately and ways and means
should be found to make the

Since the branch college would
have the resources and backing of
a large school, these experiments
could be carried out wisely.
Moreover, it is not fair to say,
as branch opponents do, that the
prestige which the branch gains
through its association with the
larger institution is unimportant;
this is closing one's eyes to reality.
Of two competitors for the same
job in another state, for instance,
someone with a 3.0 average from
the University will most likely be
hired much sooner than someone
with a 3.5 average from a small,
unknown school like Ferris In-
stitute.
An even more basic question,
though, is whether the branch col-
lege would be worthy of the par-
ent's prestige name in the first
place. Should the University and
Michigan State University, for in-
stance, continue to be embroiled

BUT WHAT makes the commit-
tee certain that the two auton-
omous four-year institutions it
feels are necessary-one at Flint
and one in the Saginaw-Bay City-
Midland area-would function any
more efficiently? Right now, the
newly opened Grand Valley State
College is having serious problems
attracting teachers and students,
and all the state schools, accord-
ing to a survey taken by The Daily
last fall, have admitted having
many difficulties in finding and
keeping qualified staff.
At the same time, the Univer-
sity and MSU-the two largest-
can obtain new and qualified fac-
ulty with some ease due, among
other attractions, to their valuable
prestige: Why should they not use
this prestige? And if they do want
to use a branch as a proving
ground for their faculty, there are
certain possible benefits, despite

tially autonomous from the start:
Their finances would be separate-
ly appropriated and they would
have their own regental boards,
but they would still operate under
the auspices of a larger univer-
sity which would exercise some
formal control in advising on fac-
ulty selection, degree requirements,
expansion and other broad policy
issues.
Indeed, the blue ribbon commit-
tee seems implicitly to be recom-
mending such a compromise when,
in one breath, it asks for eventual
autonomy for all branches and by
indirection supports the Univer-
sity's plans for a Flint branch.
Also implicit in this compromise
would be specifically allocating
certain state areas to existing in-
stitutions for developing branches.
Thus the Flint area could be given
to the University for a branch
and the Saginaw-Bay City-Mid-