Seent y-Fifthb Year
EDITED AND iMANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

NEW SCHEME NEEDED:
HUA C Remains in Spite of Liberals

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBoR, MCN.
Truth Will Prevail

NEws PHoNE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, 11 FEBRUARY 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN BRYANT

The Viet Nam Protest Rally:

U.S. Must Bargain with China

. 0 *

By HAROLD WOLMAN
ON THE BASIS of recent com-
mittee assignments it appears
that ,despite some improvement,
the House Un-American Activities
Committee will continue to be
dominated by congressmen who
see red when they look left.
The improvement is represented
by the appointment of Charles
Weltner (D-Ga), a southern lib-
eral, to the committee. Weltner,
who represents a district in At-
lanta with a high percentage of
Negro voters, was the only rep-
resentative from the Deep South
to vote for the Civil Rights Act
last year. Last week he called for
HUAC to investigate the. Un-
Americtn activities of the Ku
Klux Klan.
However, the two new Republi-
cans appointed to the committee,
John Buchanan (R-Ala) and Del
Clawsen (R-Cal), more than
counter-balance Weltner. Both are
Goldwater conservatives who rep-
resent districts in which anti-

leftism has become almost a cru-
sade.
THIS LEAVES the present com-
mittee with six Democrats and
three Republicans, but not one of
the Democrats is from a liberal
northern state. The chairman is
Edward Willis (D-La), who rated
a moderate 52 per cent on the
liberal Americans for Democratic
Action congressional ratings. Other
Democrats on HUAC are William
Tuck (Va) who supported the
ADA position four per cent of
the time, Joe Pool (Tex), 16 per
cent ADA, Richard Ichord (Mo),
4 per cent, George Senner (Ariz),
72 per cent, and Weltner, 72 per
cent ADA. The third GOP mem-
ber is arch-conservative John
Ashbrook (Ohio), 0 per cent ADA.
Clawsen scored only 4 per cent
according to the same rating.
HUAC's continued strength tes-
tifies to a corresponding weakness
on the part of those fighting it.
Indeed, there are many well-
known and respected people listed
in the cause. A recent petition

urging abolition of HUAC reads
iike a Who's Who in the field of
public law. It includes two Uni-
versity law professors (Robert
Harris and Jerold Israel) and such
social scientists as Robert Hut-
chins, Henry Steele Commager
and Oscar Handlin.
* *4*
UNFORTUNATELY, it has not
been these people who have taken
the lead in their cause.
A good example of the resulting
weakness of the anti-HUAC ef-
fort occurred early last month
when an attempt was made during
the organization of Congress to
scrap HUAC. None of the respect-
ed names were present to lead
the fight. Instead a small group
led by Frank Wilkinson, widely
known by Congressmen as a pro-
fessional advocate of lost causes,
set up offices in a double room at
the Congressional Hotel, across
the street from the House Office
Building.
When I visited the group, I saw,
in addition to Wilkinson, about
ten people, including a priest, a

A HAS BECOME USUAL when the Unit-
ed States gets embroiled in an inter-
national conflict, University faculty and
students yesterday staged a hastily-or-
ganized rally protesting the allegedly un-
just and cruel acts of the U.S. in inter-
vening in the affairs of another country.
This time the subject was Viet Nam.
But the large and interested crowd soon
discovered that it was not attending a
run-of-the-mill "peace rally." For the
two orators who addressed it were elo-
quent, and though both fell short of per-
fection, the two combined to offer the
crowd a complete presentation of basic
arguments regarding U.S. presence in
Asia and a clear pointer to the solution
of the Southeast Asian crisis-relations
and negotiations with Communist China.
(A later speaker presenting a less "lib-
eral" view of the crisis, though allowed
to speak by a largely hostile crowd, fail-
ed in his attempt to woo it. The reasons
were two. First, he was unimaginative in
presenting his case to the crowd. The
statement that the U.S. was "invited" to
Viet Nam by a "legitimate government" to
"defend freedom"-is both the State De-
partment line and a very simplified argu-
ment. Second, instead of presenting only
a moderately less "liberal" view, which
might have won some people over, he
seemed to swing far to the right, thus
alienating all but the thoroughly con-
vinced.)
THE FIRST SPEAKER, Prof. Freijof
Bergmann of the philosophy depart-
ment, put forth a good line of argument
but fell short of a solution. His basic-
and valid-points-:
A) The majority of the South Vietna-
mese are not pro-United States. The facts
that even Saigon businessmen pay taxes
to the Viet Cong, that knowing villagers
give pro-U.S. troops no advance warning
of attacks, that there is poor morale
among the pro-U.S. conscripts are all
relevant, and Bergmann used them all.
They destroy the argument that the U.S.
should be there because it is wanted.
B) He used his first point to empha-
size that if the U.S. loses political control
over Asia, "it is not 'losing,' for Asia was
never ours to begin with."
C) From there he attacked the U.S.
policy of supporting anti-Communists
indiscriminately and ignoring the radical
Marxist elements in emerging countries.
It is our support of corrupt ruling anti-
Communist elites, he argued, that is los-
ing us respect in the world.
BUT IN CALLING for a politically nego-
tiated solution of the Southeast Asian
problem, Bergmann called for "free elec-
tions" to decide the new government.
Here, he fell into a trap to which demo-
crats are all too vulnerable: He assumed
that democracy is the best way of govern-
ment for a country vastly different from
the developed Western democracies.
Actually, talk of free elections in South
Viet Nam flaunts reality. There are three
outstanding reasons why free elections
just won't work:
A) Most South Vietnamese-meaning
those outside of Saigon-have only local
allegiances. They do not know what vot-

ing is and care less. It has been estimated
by the U.S. government that over one-
third of the population is not fully aware
of the existence of the central govern-
ment.
In fact, if South Vietnamese retain any
loyalty at all above the local level, it is to
Ho Chi Minh, president of North Viet
Nam, who has been active in revolution-
ary work in Indochina since before the
First World War and who has been well
known in the area since the 1920's. These
Vietnamese do not know what voting is
and care less.
B) South Viet Nam simply doesn't have
enough trained political personnel to run
a group of opposing parties. It needs
everybody in the government that it can
get. The same is true in many African
countries, for example, and is a main rea-
son why they are one-party states.
C) Even if all rural South Vietnamese
were to vote, problems would arise. The
people of Saigon, whose constant inter-
necine squabbles we call changes of gov-
ernment, would deeply resent being ruled
by a rural majority. Saigon is the only
part of the South in decent economic con-
dition, and this is because of massive
transfusions of U.S. aid. A representative
government might want to distribute the
aid, and Saigon would rebel. The sys-
tem just wouldn't work.
PROF. KENNETH BOULDING, the sec-
ond speaker at the rally yesterday,
sketched the solution of the Asian prob-
lem. "We cannot settle the problem of
Southeast Asia until we come to a settle-
ment with China," he declared. "Both
the United States and China have been
acting like six-year olds. We need a ma-
ture relationship."
Boulding gave pointed recognition to
the cold political fact that there can be
no solution until China wants one. At
present, China wishes to dominate the
entire Asian continent. It forces countries
like North Viet Nam to a very great ex-
tent into their aggressive policies. The
United States, however, does much the
same thing. Judging from its actions, it
also wants to maintain political control
over as much of Asia as possible.
AT PRESENT, with no agreement with
China, the United States cannot pull
out of South Viet Nam. If it did, China
would immediately take over the area
filling the power vacuum. This would be
fatal to U.S. and European investments,
resources and shipping in Southeast Asia.
The U.S. government, if it is to protect
its vital interests-as it must by defini-
tion and by mandate-must hold the fort
until a satisfactory truce is arranged.
The administration has been carrying
out clandestine negotiations with China.
President Johnson is rumored to be con-
stantly exchanging notes with the astute
and experienced foreign minister of
China, Chou En-lai. In addition, informal
talks go on regularly through Eastern
European embassies. It is imperative that
the administration carry these talks to
conclusion in the near future if it is not
to wreck Southeast Asia and lose thou-
sands of men doing it.
-ROBERT HIPPLER

few students, a matronly woman,
two efficient PTA-type women
and an elderly man with the d4-
meanor of a Kentucky colonel.
The atmosphere resembled a mnet-
ing of a weekly bridge lub-
which it might just as well have
been, for the group was !oliti-
cally incompetent. It had to that
the leader of the Democratic
Study Group, the liberal organiza-
tion in the House, was John Blat-
nik (D-Minn), not James Roose-
velt (D-Cal). They were also
hopelessly unaware of the posi-
tions various congressmen had
taken in the past and of the
various pressures involved.
* * *
WORSE, however, their strategy
was dangerous to House liberls,
for it threatened the proposed re-
form package the DSG was push-
ing. The only chance for accept-
ance of DSG proposals was to
have them proposed and voted on
as a packtge without opening them
to amendment, thus denying Re-
publicans an opportunity to cripple
the reforms.
However, because ofthep arlia-
mentary situation, abolition of
HUAC could only be considered in
the form of an amendment to the
DSG package-and one amend-
ment would open the floodgates,
the DSG feared.
As a result the anti-HUAC
people were working at cross pur-
poses with their closest allies, and,
as could be expected, they came
away empty-handed. No motion
to abolish the committee was even

ALL THIS demonstrates not
only the poverty of the anti-
HUAC active leadership, but also
the inevitable ineffectiveness of
any strategy which requires the
representative to put himself on
record as voting against the cam-
mittee. Although it is regarded
with fervid animosity in liberal
circles, the committee has wide
support in the general public. Vot-
ing to abolish HUAC, congress-
men fear, will appear to the un-
sophisticated electorate as a vete
in favor of un-American activities.
The way to success is thus al-
most certainly not abolishing the
committee. Instead, liberals, some-
what more politically sophisticated
than the present active anti-
HUAC leaders, are now suggesting
that the way to deal with the
committee is to stack it with lib-
erals-such as Weltner-who are
not likely to go on anti-left cru-
sades.
For those in the movement, this
calls for a concentration of effort
on specific political points, par-
ticularly on liberal congressmen
who previously refused to serve on
HUAC because of its relative un-
importance in all spheres except
Communist-hunting.
This kind of strategy, since it
does not call for mobilization of
public opinion may not be as
flamboyant as the strategy cur-
rently beingused, but in the long
run it is likely to be more effec-
tive.

introduced.

4

Pennant-Winner

s /
r s
A 4
i p Q
a
}


'IVAN THE TERRIBLE':
Eisenstein's Last Work
Is Stylized Masterpiece

At the Cinema Guild

fC

''
-A

%J'

_ *
,.
s:,::z -,- .
: / ,

IVAN IV, PRINCE of Muscovy,
becametCzar of the Russians in
1547 at the age of 17. Spending
the early part of his reign welding
the various states into a powerful
nation, he had to contend with the
Boyar princes who were jealous
of his and Moscow's ascendancy,
as well as with the Tartars and
the German-Livonians.
Sergei Eisenstein spent five
years during World War II on his
last major film, an epic history of
Ivan, revolving about the need for
Russia to be united against her
enemies.
This late work of an acknowl-
edged cinematic master draws on
unexpected techniques. The drama
is worked out in a style of pag-
eantry, akin to pantomime, and
the acting is presented in terms
of stylized motions, gestures, and
juxtapositions of the players.
*' * *
THE CORONATION scene which
this print of the film opens im-
mediately establishes the issues
and sets the air of tension by cut-
ting from one to another of the
several representative characters:
the determined, stiong and in-
spired young Ivan; his grotesque
and cruel aunt; the chalky cour-
tiers; all in a dark medieval
cathedral echoing with the hymns
of a magnificent basso and choir.
Nikolai Cherkasov, to Eisen-
stein what Max von Sydow has
been to Bergman, is a lordly and
eloquent Ivan, becoming increas-
ingly sinister as the audience rec-
ognizes his monolithic, fierce and

totalitarian aim of a united Rus-
sia regardless of anyone who
stands in his way.
Serafima Birman, as Euphro-
syne Staritsky, the Czar's aunt,
is marvelously malevolent in her
portrayal of jealousy and hatred
which comes perilously close to
being trite, as she schemes with
the boyars to get her idiot son
Vladimir proclaimed Czar.
AS IN HIS previous works,
Eisenstein has made outstanding
use of pictorial composition. For
example, Ivan's profile and a
globe, both cast as shadows, need
no subtitling as Ivan talks of
world trade. Again, Ivan's tall
curved figure observing from
above the long sinuous proces-
sion of Muscovites in the snow
constitutes a truly memorable
image.
As in "Alexander Nevsky," the
score by Prokofiev ties in very
closely with the visual images, be-
ing neither submerged nor over-
whelming them.
Perhaps the one important de-
fect is the poor continuity of the
"story line." Undefined intervals
of time elapse between contiguous
elements - the coronation, the
wedding feast, and the siege of
Kazan occur in almost unbroken
sequence.
Stylized and stilted, the film is
nonethelessa masterpiece, con-
veying a sweeping if frightening
image of an epoch from which
modern totalitarianism may well
date.
-Gerry Ahronheim

p

4

01


17fa LAs JdT J' Pt'S'?-

E

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
How To Educate Educators

f

... The Protestors Are Naive

T HE DIAG was treated yesterday to one
of those rare and enjoyable effusions
of early springtime, the protest rally,
which, in this instance, was protesting
United States policy in the war in Viet
Nam. "The U.S. Must Stop the War before
a World War Starts!!!" said an impec-
cable and restrained handout.
Ironically, this view is official United
States policy, although, to be sure, it
has never been enunciated with any great
degree of forcefulness. As Arthur Schles-
inger, Jr., noted in his speech here on Sat-
H. NEIL BERKSON, Editor
KENNETH WINTER EDWARD HERSTEIN
Managing Editor Editorial Director
ANN GWIRTZMAN . .... Personnel Director
BILL BULLARD ........................ Sports Editor
MICHAEL SATTINGER .... Associate Managing Editor
JOHN KENNY........... Assistant Managing Editor
DEBORAH BEATTIE .... Associate Editorial Director
LOUISE LIND........Assistant Editorial Director in

urday, "We should be doing what the ad-
ministration is doing now-keep things
going long enough until some sort of
basis for neutralization comes along."
James Reston, writing in Tuesday's New
York Times, added, "Washington is em-
phasizing by military strikes in North Viet
Nam that it will not tolerate a defeat in
the hope that this will finally persuade
the Communists to halt their infiltra-
tion and negotiate a fair and honorable
settlement."
INASMUCH as statements from the
North Vietnamese Lao Dong Hak Xat
(Communist) Party since 1959 have made
obvious North Viet Nam's active coordi-
nating and supporting role, we can hard-
ly do anything else; no one assails us
with impunity. On the other hand, yes-
terday's energetic demonstrators, in their
assumption that the United States in-
tends to expand the war in Southeast

To the Editor:
1N THE FEB. 7 edition of The
IDaily there was an editorial
dealing withethe school of educa-
tion, its students and the place
of the school in the University.
Generally I agree with the tone
of the editorial. However, I would
like to maketsome amplifications
and observations. First, the edi-
torial states that approximately
70 per cent of the education stu-
dents do not go on to teach. I do
not question this figure. But of
this 70 per cent many are young
ladiesin elementary or secondi ry
education who become housewives
upon graduation.
Also, probably a few elect to do
additional work in order to do
college teaching. Finally, some of
the 70 per cent decide, partially
on the basis of their student
teaching experience, that they do
not wish to teach.
* * .
A MINOR POINT mentioned in
the editorial was that the educa-
tion students were slightly below
the intellectual level of the stu-
dents in other schools in the
University. Again, I think this is
true. However, considering the
intellectual level of the Univer-
sity's students in reference to the
general population of this coun-
try, it should not cause too much
concern for any group on this
campus to be slightly below av r-
age here. After all, it really
too bad to be the fourth or fifth
individual in an honor society of
five people.
Finally, I wish to make a major
observation concerning the place
of education schools in our cour-
try and in relation to our univer-
sities. Any university wants to
have well prepared students in all

support and adequately provide
for their schools of education,
these future teachers will ack
good preparation. Consequently,
the universities' future students
must be inferior to the desired
standards of the universities. Per-
haps the vast potential of college
faculty should be put to use to
strengthen our precollege educa-
tional system.
-R. O. Young, Grad
To the Editor:
THE EDITORIAL in last Sun-
day's Daily concerning the
average grade for elementary
physics which stated that "the
average grade for elementary
physics in the literary college has
for many years been a D," caused
me to check the grade sheets on
file in my office.
I found the grade distribution
for the elementary physics courses
for the Fall Term. 1964 to be:
158-A's
249-B's
256-C's
45-D's
5-E's
2-Incompletes
The median (midmost measure)
grade of each of the courses and
of the total was a B. There were
407 A's and B's; and 308 C's, D's,
E's and Incompletes.
In reference to the enrollment
in the schood of, education, I
might add that the enrollment last
fall was 2814; of these, 1181 were
undergraduates.
-Edward G. Groesbeck
Registrar
Symiphoniy

and Brass Instruments" and Szy-
manowski's "Concerto for Violin
and Orchestra, No. 2" was, to be
sure, incongruous, from the very
beginning. The incongruity-is that
both selections are certainly not
symphonies in any sense of the
word.
THE FIRST selection is struc-
tured much like the more familiar
"Concerto for Orchestra" by Bar-
tok. (Of course, Bartok composed
his in 1943, while Hinemith did
in 1930.) But though the basic
structures are the same, that is
the only similarity.
It is supposed to be a dynamic
composition, utilizing almost the,
full ranges of tone and octave
for all the orchestral instruments.
Though it does accomplish this
end, it is done in such a disjoint-
ed way that we cannot truly be-
lieve it was composed; it rather
sounds much like some of these
new paintings look-the ones that
are painted by throwing the pig-
menu from a distance of at least
10.29 feet.
In view of this fact, it is rath-
er difficult to judge the quality of
dhe orchestra at this point: though
it was distinctly noted that some
:f the brass solos were not well
rehearsed.
THE CONCLUDING selection of
the concert. Tchaikovsky's "Sym-
phony No. 5," was very enjoyable.
Anpropriately, it was executed
with a dynamic flare. The only
two suggestions I would have for
Conductor Skrowaczewski is that
he take a little more care in pro-
tecting the woodwind solos in the
first movement; and that he not
vary the measure length in the

'AN EVENING'S FROST':
Donald Hall Produces
A Noteworthy Evening
RANGING OVER the poems, letters and conversations of Robert
Frost with a loving directness, Donald Hall has put together a de-
lightful tribute to the poet and his poetry. Not so much a play, "An
Evening's Frost" is rather a form of dramatic saturation-with all the
various moods and reflections of a great poet. Nothing is missing,
from the lyric joy in nature to the pessimism and doubt about life; and
in between, there is a liberal amount of the dramatic and the ironic,
the comic and the sad.
No aspect of Frost has been neglected. It is a series of wonderful
moments strung neatly together. One is constantly aware of being in
the very processes of Frost's life. Donald Hall has allowed the poet's
voice to sing out; this has been truly a labor of love.
Not that the continuity is flawless. Much as we like Frost, the
poetry flags a bit in the second half. Mr. Hall has been reluctant to
sacrifice anything he admires; further, he meanders a bit; the arrow-
straight narration of the first part tends to go awry in the latter
sections.
BUT THE HIGH spots! Unerringly right about the best of Frost,
Hall has made the dramatic pieces the high spots: "Death of the
Hired Man," "Home Burial," "The Witch of Coos"-these prove the
dramatic power of Frost. Add to these everybody's favorite lyrics and
the wonderful comments from Frost's prose and the triumphal moments
are accounted for.
The major disappointment comes from a failure completely to
realize the more difficult, questioning aspect of Frost. "Design," "I
Have Been Acquainted with the Night" and "The Most of It" do not
quite come off. Perhaps they are too profound for a dramatic reading.
Perhaps they are not quite rightly set; there may not be sufficient
preparation in the script. Or, it may be that we need some variety in
the technique of speaking and acting to convey this different quality,
this depth.
THE PRODUCTION seemed to me quite handsome. Miss Cisney
has managed movement with the sensitivity and intelligence of sim-

t

I

f
4

f