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FEIFFER
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
-.,_
ere Opinions Are Free,
Truth Will Prevail 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBORMicH.
NEws PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JULY 28, 1966
NIGHT EDITOR: SHIRLEY ROSICK
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HE DRAFT has been accused of many
things lately from discrimination to
suppression of free speech, but anti-in-
tellectualism seems to have been left out
of the cries of injustice.
However, it just might be time now to
start talking .about the draft in this way,
as it appears to be making its final as-
sault on the American educational struc-
ture by preparing to draft teachers.
THINGS WERE BAD enough when the
Selective Service was only threaten-
ing to draft students. And, in those early
innocent days the Selective Service was
only menacing when a student ceased to
be so.
Later, of course, with the demands for
manpower to supply the "war" in Viet
Nam, the crafty draft system devised oth-
er ingenious schemes by which to snatch
the careless student from beneath the
shelter of his ivied walls. No male stu-
dent need be reminded about the Selec-
tive Service "examination," and the plans
to draft those who do not achieve speci-
fied rankings within their class.
But all this was somehow understand-
able, or at least did not represent a se-
vere threat to education. Manpower needs
are not something that can be denied no
matter how one feels about the war or
the draft system-supplying men is their
job.
THE MICHIGAN Selective Service Sys-
tem's decision to review the status of
teachers, however, does suggest some in-
teresting and difficult situations if, in-
deed, local boards begin to draft them.
Most of the teachers who are young
enough to be drafted are teaching either
in high schools or as teaching assistants
and instructors in college. They are fill-
ing positions in a profession with a serious
manpower shortage. Therefore, in reality
the proposal to draft these men could af-
feet the quality of secondary education
(not to mention that of many college un-
dergraduate courses which are now staff-
ed by teaching assistants) drastically.
And, if the Selective Service wished to
carry these measures to their logical con-
clusion, they could begin to draft the high
school students (and college undergrad-
uates) whose continued presence in school
would otherwise create tremendous pres-
sure on the school system.
THESE POSSIBILITIES are not as far-
fetched as they might seem at first
glance. The armed forces have announced
their intention to draft younger men. Al-
so, we can expect that the war in Viet
Nam will not end tomorrow, nor the next
day, nor in five to 10 years if General Ky
has his way.
With the ever-increasing manpower de-
mands imposed by this strange struggle
in Asia, we may just have to convert all
our schools into training centers of some
kind-eliminating the middleman of the
local board, already shown to be an in-
efficient system.
WHAT NEXT, you may ask? Well, wom-
en go to school also, and in the even-
tuality that they don't end up just teach-
ing themselves and running the country,
something will probably be done with
them too.
This is not being considered yet, natur-
ally, but just think-you may be next.
--CHARLOTTE A. WOLTER
Co-Editor
Com-munity
Or Freedom
A STUDY of the University of Chicago's
students, just completed by the U.S.
Office of Education, questions whether or
not student liberals really are asking for
what they want when they demand unre-
strictive attitudes from their administra-
tions. "Students' needs," the report states,
"are not always synonymous with what
they ask for."
This conclusion is a misinterpretation
of the facts. Somehow the report has
managed to oppose the concept of free-
dom and the desire of students-like
everyone else -- to belong to a larger
group. The almost mystic imprecision of
this sort of analysis surely calls the re-
port's conclusions -- that a university
should enforce some sort of "community"
--into question.
THE NEED for community is surely a
real one. At the University, the Resi-
dential college is the beginning of an
answer to that need.
But to say that the need for community
is a denial of the desire for personal free-
dom, or that the possession of one neces-
sarily means the absence of the other, is
nothing less than an analysis too far re-
moved from a university environment.
It is-an attempt to analyze the society of a
university in terms which are applicable
to urban society perhaps, but certainly
not in terms whicch have any relevance
to the educational process which sup-
posedly was being studied.
--LEONARD PRATT
V'P HATE1-0TO O
CHARLIE OROk.
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E5CUtAk SONIC'STR(FR
7 0
CAMPAIGNING in the Middle
West, the President has used
as one of his main theses the
cry that the war in Viet Nam is
a war to end wars like the one
in Viet Nam. "If guerrilla warfare
succeeds in Asia," he said, "it
can also succeed in Africa and
Latin America as well."
This is precisely what we all
said during World War I. That
war was "a war to end war." To
hear that old slogan brought out
again is, to say the least, creepy.
For not only did World War I not
end war, it sowed the ground for
World War IL
PRESUMABLY the President
means what he is saying. But it
is hard to think that anyone can
believe that the outcome in Viet
Nam will determine whether there
are guerrilla wars "in Africa and
Latin America" or even in other
parts of Asia. Are we really sup-
posed to believe that the future
of guerrilla warfare, that is to
say of rebellion, will be determined
by what happens in Viet Nam?
What is the connection between
the guerrilla wars waged in Ire-
land, Palestine, Armenia, Mace-
donia, Croatia, Crete, Algeria, the
Congo? Were not these uprisings
separate events? .
How can anyone deceive him-
self with the notion that uprisings
all over the globe have some kind
of underground common instiga-
tor and that they can be sup-
pressed and discouraged by what
happens in one small corner of
the world?
War' To End This Kind of War
FIFTY YEARS AGO, when the
cry of "a war to end war" was
first heard, it was used to inspire
people who, themselves remote
frompthe fighting, needed a mo-
tive to keep on with the battle.
The slogan was invented by an
Englishman to arouse the insular
British and isolationist Americans
who, not being under fire, saw no
clear vital interests which they
were defending.
Mr. Johnson has dusted off the
old war slogan -because it is not
easy to prove to the American
people that they are fighting for
a vital interest of the United
States. In World War I the United
States did have a vital interest,
which was to prevent the conquest
of Great Britain and France and
to keep open the Atlantic connec-
tion with Europe. This was a dif-
ficult thing to explain in the
excitement of a war, and in lieu
of a true explanation of the issues
of the war we fell back upon the
slogan of "a war to end war."
In Asia the United States does
indeed have a vital interest in
preventing the conquest of the
Asian mainland and of the islands
and archipelagoes of the Western
Pacific. But there is no convincing
reason for thinking that the war
in Viet Nam as it has now de-
veloped is vitalIto the American
interests in the world. The Ameri-
can position has always seen tnft
our interest in Asia must be de-
fended and promoted without
America becoming involved in such
a land war as is now raging in
Viet Nam.
Today
and
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
PRESIDENT JOHNSON sus-
tained his argument about a war
to end guerrilla war with loud
protestations about the firmness
of our intentions to persevere and
to defeat guerrilla warfare. Is he
sure that what people see happen-
ing in Viet Nam convinces them
of this? Does the deeper and deep-
er involvement in Viet Nam in-
dicate that we would put equal
effort into another anti-guerrilla
war on some other continent? Or
does the Vietnamese affairs in-
dicate that we would not be ble
to fight two or three such wars
at the same time?
This is another reason for want-
ing to believe that this one dis-
agreeable war, this one ever-
expanding war, is the last and
only war that will have to be
fought. But to want to believe this
does not make it believable.
* * *
THERE ARE impressive reasons
for the administration's esti-
mate that Red China will not in-
tervene in the Asian war. But they
are not conclusive reasons, and
we must pray that the adminis-
tration is not once again mis-
reading Chinese intentions as it
did 16 years ago in the Korean
War. At that time Secretary of
State Dean Rusk was the assistant
secretary for Far Eastern affairs.
Then, as now, the Chinese said
they would intervene if we carried
the war to their frontier, Then, as
now, a towering argument was ad-
duced to prove that the Chinese
could not and would not do any-
thing that mattered. But our es-
timate of Chinese intentions and
capabilities was wrong then, and
the miscalculation was very costly
indeed.
THE STATEMENT issued from
Peking on Sunday contains the
following sentence: "It is not up
to the United States to decide how
the war should be fought next.
Since the United States imperial-
ists have come from the sky and
sea, why can't others fight back
on the ground?"
This seems to say that in the
next phase of the war, China, like
North Viet Nam today, is prepared
to pit its manpower on the ground
against our airpower. The Peking
statement of Sunday must be read,
I dare say, as notice that in some
way or other Red China will enter
the war by surprise and "will at
any time take action as we deem
necessary . . . Once the war breaks
out it will have no boundaries."
THIS DECLARATION says that
Peking intends to commit its man-
power against American airpower,
that it will use its manpower at
any time and at any place in a
long struggle which "will have on
boundaries." There are plausible
reports from western journalists
who have been to China (not
merely Hong Kong) which tell of
preparatory measures for what
could become a state of seige. I
think we must assume that China
will not stand by passively and
accept the military defeat of
North VietNam which lies on its
own southern frontier.
Almost certainly it is the most
dangerous kind of wishful think-
ing to suppose that the war can
be won by American airpower.
North Viet Nam is a small, weak,
backward and, in the air, a vir-
tually unarmed country. But we
have already had the answer to
our new bombing offensive.
North Vietnamese are evacuat-
ing the civilian population from
their cities because they expect us
to bomb their cities, and they do
not intend to surrender to the
bombers. If the North Vietnamese
cannot be forced into surrender-
ing, what conceivable chance is
there that the Chinese could be
forced into surrendering?
IT IS CLEAR enough from the
defiance of North Viet Nam and
from the statement from Peking
what, for our adversaries, is the
crucial issue. It is whether the
United States military presence
on the ground will continue to
exist on the Asian mainland. This
is the question which will have to
be resolved if there is to be an
end to the conflict between Ameri-
cans and Asians on the continent
of Asia.
(c), 1966, The Washington Post Co.
*1
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Questioning
Legitimacy"
The Growing Problem
Of the Faceless CIA
S A MAGAZINE which lends itself to
the purposes of the CIA in any differ-
ent position from a university which does
so? The question arises from the contro-
versy over a leading article published in
the April issue of Foreign Affairs. The ar-
ticle, "The Faceless Viet Cong," under-
took to .support the State Department's
contention that the National Liberation
Front in South Viet Nam is entirely a
creature of the Hanoi government and
without any "indigenous 'oots" in the
South.
Some well qualified experts on Viet
Nam disagree with this analysis, but
whether it is right or wrong it should, we
think, have been identicied as a CIA
analysis. The author, George A. Carver,
Jr., was described by the magazine only
as a "student of political theory and As-
ian affairs" and a former officer of the
U.S. aid mission in Saigon. Later the
press disclosed that he is also an officer
of the CIA. Surely that particular bit of
background was highly pertinent and
worthy of being shared with its readers
by the magazine.
HAMILTON FISH ARMSTRONG, editor
of Foreign Affairs, says he would have
preferred to let his readers know who Mr.
~ £icnvi~wnc &11j
Carver is, but the CIA has a general rule
against divulging the identity of its staff
members. For an undercover agency the
rule is understandable enough, but if the
CIA wishes to remain "faceless" then it
ought to be denied the opportunity to in-
fluence public opinion in a faceless way
through a non-governmental journal sup-
posedly devoted to articles of independent
scholarship.
--ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH
Oh, What
A Boring War!
PREMIER NGUYEN CAO KY has offer-
ed the United States an alternative:
either invade the North or continue to
aid the South for another 5-10 years.
The Senate demanded that the John-
son administration disassociate itself
from Ky's statement. An official in the
State Department duly complied by say-
ing that "Our position of not seeking
any wider war has been repeatedly made
clear and remains our position."
And another political statement of
mumbo-jumbo does nothing to answer
the questions nor give even a partial
answer to the latest demand of Premier
Ky.
ARE WE GOING to fight someone else's
war for the next 10 years or are we
To the Editor:
I READ with alternate interest
and disappointment what Mr.
Andrew Lugg has speciously label-
ed a "review" in Tuesday's issue.
Mr. Lugg arouses attention when
he states early in his article that
"melodrama can stand up very
well as theatre." His assertion,
however, loses cogency as one fin-
ishes the last papagraph. That he
had been "charmed" constitutes
the sole justification of consider-
ing the melodrama genre on a par
with legitimate theatre. I would
substitute "entertained," or per-
haps more correctly, "fooled."
MELODRAMAS by definition
are to be ruled out as legitimate
theatre. Any play based "on a
romantic plot and developed sen-
sationally, with little regard for
convincing motivation and with a
constant appeal to the emotions
of the audience" would suffer in
comparison to a work engendered
without such superficial preten-
tions and based on true artistic
merit.
Mr. Lugg's peculiar brand of
non sequitur) reasoning seems
merely to imply that what he
enjoys, is good. I assure him that
this is not the case.
THE MOST amusing part,
though, was when he relegated the
state of the world to melodramatic
dimensions. A closer investigation
of his "post-facto Freudian analy-
sis" would reveal that indeed the
world is not divided into archety-
pal characters of good and bad.
But then I have overlooked some-
thing. He does qualify this last
statement by noting that it was
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-Barrett W. Kalellis concert-master, the people.
School of Music, '68
THE CLOSING Souza March
Editor: posed the question-will we shake
ENTLY this writer thrilled the Liberty Bells into a glorious
the melody of the Univer- crescendo or-shall it be the dirge
immer Band. What a testi- of nuclear death and silence?
of man's best behavior it -G. Johnson
was good to be there-yet . South Lyon, Mich.
cordant sounds of our sick
could not be muted. To the Editor:
uctordRevelli chilled me SOME TIME AGO at Berkeley,
he indicated a need fora Ambassador Goldberg said, "If
50,000 to build a permanent the people vote freely for the Viet
Cong, or for a coalition govern-
COMMON knowledge that ment we must be and will be pre-
s upon millions of dollars pared to accept their judgment
i It is difficult for me to
Lug expended to perfect the believe that this is an accurate
ant "art" of destruction. piue ofaadmirat thnk
alk of research is controlled
"tra iti nalits" who rus iDespite official disclaimers was
he efforts of contemporarys not it to prevent just such a
heir esciting composition f-probably outcome of an election
rt Jaeger's beautifulSuite in South Viet Nam that we inter-
Led me that to continue to venedin favor ftWoul it a von
e the cacophony of the mean that all American effort,
ist"pifit-s te sof-cal suffering and casualties have been
e destructive disunity must in vain?
ly prevent all possibility of IF THE AMERICAN people
ionious symphony of a truly knew the truth about this bar-
society. barous intervention of the "ugly
stro Revelli recommended American" into the affairs ,of
and its appreciation as an Asian people they would under-
te for "vandalism." He could stand the attitude of North Viet-
umerate: namese who propose to try Ameri-
can fliers as war criminals. More
00 MILLION human sacri- of us might then be capable of
ince 1900, at the altar of making a comparison of some of
which, according to Wood- our acts with those of Nazi Ger-
ilson, is but the expression many and recognize that infamous
petitive domestic policy on as were Hitler's cremation ovens,
ernational level) our baptism of living people with
he exploitation or defraud- the sticky, searing hell fire known
the workers of our world as napalm may be even more dia-
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