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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

July 27: Alumnus, Alumna, Alumni

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 27, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER


University and Legislature:
Communications Break

By LEONARD PRATT
Co-Editor
A UNIVERSITY'S alumni are a
lot like the jet stream. They
are an invisible, powerful and often
misunderstood force that can help
along many efforts and hurt
others.
The University's alumni's power
to do both is currently on the rise
because of the two immense proj-
ects here with which they are in-
timately involved: the $55 Million
Fund Drive and the Sesquicenten-
nial. Both are giving them more
and more importance to the men
who make the decisions around
here.
IT'S IRONIC that a group of
people as important as that should
traditionally be among the most
misunderstood grqups at a uni-
versity. Thinking about the alumni
phenomenon is usually carried on
under a series of pretty unhelpful
steryotypes. The faculty tends to
see them largely as former stu-
dents and thus of even less con-
sequence than present students.'
Students themselves see alumni as
adults and, that being presumed

Original Sin, they are written off
as irrelevant at best.
Even some lower-level adminis-
trators approach the alumni in
these terms.
Yet those ideas are wrong. The
actual elements of alumni in-
fluence are both much more subtle
and much more important than
that sort of thinking begins to
suggest.
It has first to be realized that
the alumni of a college are really
more than its graduates. They are
also the numerous influential and
often wealthy individuals that be-
come associated with a university
for a variety of reasons.
ALUMNI POSSESS power in-
dividually and collectively, both
types of which evoke a response
from a university's administration
in an attempt to utilize them on
terms they favor.
Individually their power is us-
ually expressed in financial terms
in the form of gifts to an institu-
tion. The University has been ser-
iously altered, and for the better,
by this form of alunmi influence.
The law school, part of the den-

tal school, the school of public
health, the Union, the League,
Alumni Memorial Hall, the Rack-
ham Bldg., some intramural fields,
the Phoenix reactor and Hill Aud.
were all built by alumni donations.
It has to be noted that these are
distinctive contributions-not just
classrooms or dormitories-that
have seriously altered the nature
of the institution to which they
were given.
The University's response in this
case is the $55 million drive, an
attempt to coordinate and channel
that source of creative power.
ANOTHER WAY individual
alumni can play an important role
is just by putting in a good word
for a university at the right time.
They thus play a major part in
creating the public image of a
university that is so important in
deciding what sort of a place it is
to have in the state and nation.
A university's response to this
power is just to keep them happy.
The University has spent almost
half a million dollars in the last
four years keeping its alumni in
on things. That's not counting the

time that administrative
have spent with them
them up to date on
changes.

THE UNIVERSITY administration has
once again endangered its relations
with the state Legislature. Once again,
through a lack of communication, the
University lowered itself one more notch
in the fiscal hearts of Lansing.
Wilbur Pierpont, vice-president for bus-
iness and finance, said that the new ad-
ministration building being constructed
on Jefferson St. will be supported through
private funds, i.e., through a bank which
will either bond the building or support it
through a bank loan.
SEN. GARLAND LANE (D-Flint), chair-
man of ,the Senate Appropriations
Committee, said that if the building were
bonded the structure would require legis-
lative approval because, presumably, the
bond or loan would be backed by the Gen-
eral Funds which are largely made up of
legislative appropriations.
This raises a question of constitution-
ality; can a state-supported institution
bond a proposed building without legisla-
tive approval?
The attorney general's office admits
that there is a problem and stated that
"we have been aware of this constitution-
al question before. . . If we were asked for
an opinion as to whether the University
would have to get legislative permission
for floating bonds we would have to study
the issue further."
LANE INDICATED that it would be very
difficult for the University to receive
legislative approval saying that if it were
a housing structure the Legislature would
be very willing to support it but would
not be prone to support another service
building.
A member of the fiscal committee said
that he had heard about the structure
but did not know how it was being fi-
nanced. He said that he was sure that the
University was financially able to support
a new structure with or without bonding
it or receiving a loan. He supported this
statement by adding that "Hell, with all
their money they can do almost any-
thing; they're blue chip stock!"
But, we may not be blue chip stock
very much longer if the lack of adequate
and satisfactory University-legislative
communications continues.

officers
keeping
campus

qTE BUDGET HEARINGS held in the
spring brought out the glaring reali-
ties of this lack. In that particular fiasco
the Legislature cut approximately $8 mil-
lion from the. budget proposed by the
University.
This situation could very well be repeat-
ed next spring; not necessarily because of
the specific construction of the new ad-
ministration building but because of its
implications.
The University appears to be perfectly
within its rights to construct the new
administration building on the basis of
private funds; either through a bank loan
or bonding.
On the other hand, if Lane and his leg-
islative comrades are serious when they
say that a structure built on the support
of a floating bond must have legislative,
approval we're in for a bare and crowded
campus.
Even if the attorney general's office
rules that this required approval is un-
constitutional we can expect increased
legislative hostility.
Furthermore, if the Legislature is al-
lowed to continue in its illusion that the
University has substantial revenues to
proceed in any direction it wishes and
increase the already high standards of
quality, we will find ourselves unable to
do either.
A TWO-WAY BRIDGE of understanding
must be built. The Legislature must
be made to realize that even blue chip
stock needs constant support to retain its
high market value. The University must
become aware of its dependence on state
appropriations lest it carry its autono-
my right past the point of no return.
The operation of the University can-
not continue on a hide-and-seek basis
and it shouldn't have to. The Legislature
should not continue, to regard the Uni-
versity as the well-heeled rich of Not-
tingham while it Robin Hood-like robs
from the rich and gives to the poor.
BOTH PARTIES must endeavor to make
a serious re-evaluation of their atti-
tudes and actions towards the other. For
future success both must initiate change
within their own ranks.
-PAT O'DONOHUE

COLLECTIVELY alumni power
takes a subtler form. They often
act as the stockholders in a mod-
ern corporation behave toward its
management-as people looking
over the administration's shoulder.
quick to rip off a scathing note of
protest if things seem to be getting
out of line.
Administrative response here is
to constantly keep The Alumni
in the backs of their minds while
deciding many major issues. There
is a definite tendency to ask
"What will the alumni think?"
about such decisions. At the Uni-
versity, the handling of all teach-
ins and of the Vietnamese war
protests last October were in-
fluenced by the knowledge that
alumni somewhere might or might
not approve of them.
The Regents feel this vague
pressure too. For example, they
are determined that President
Harlan Hatcher's successor be as
successful with alumni relations

as he has been. When the suc-
cessor is chosen, he will have been
found capable of handling that
job.
OF THEIR NATURE, therefore,
alumni are two things. Individual-
ly they can be an immense help
to a university always in need of
it. The quality of education is
often directly proportional to the
amount of money, and influence
put into it and, in both areas.
willing alumni are manna from
heaven.
Yet at the same time the con-
stant administrative preoccupation
with Alumni Feelings-which is
really part of becoming an ad-
ministrator-can be harmful. It
can lead to commitments on the
spending of money and effort that
are not justified in terms of their
educational returns.
It would be comforting to be
assured that the University's cur-
rent emphasis on alumni affairs,
which was created to take ad-
vantage of the benefits of their
individual participation in Uni-
versity life, will not also reap some
of the collective disadvantages of
that participation.

'.

* I

The First Few Days at the University-

4

By MICHAEL DOVER
WHO NEEDS orientation? If he
just keeps his eyes and ears
open, an incoming freshman can
learn a lot about the survival of
the sneakiest. Here are a few of
the more vital epiphanies I ran
into during my first three days in
Ann Arbor.
1st day:
1) Don't ever ask a mature
looking student if he is going to be
a sophomore. He might turn out to
be a graduate teaching assistant.
2) If you carry a girl upstairs
to your rented room, the landlady
won't hear two sets of footsteps.
3) If you see a girl going the
wrong way on a one-way street,
chances are you have something in
common-half the time you are
too.
4) In pool, anyone can pocket a
four-ball combination. All he
needs is a good eye.
5) The only way to get a park-
ing space within a ten-mile radius
of your class is to drive a Japa-

nese collapsible car that you can
can fold up and stick in your back
pocket.
6) IF YOU NEED a haircut
(i.e. you can no longer see through
your hair), go to the barber col-
lege-it's cheaper. After all, any-
one can cut hair.
7) Anyone can grow a beard;
but only slobs do.
8) If you check in at the Union
dorm and then find a cheaper
room, you can get a refund and
pay for the cheaper room by sell-
ing your Union I.D. card to some
teenager who wants to play pool
there.
9) If you get lost, keep driving.
You're bound to end up some-
where.
10) The only way to retain the
sanctity of your individualiy is to
do something worthwhile and
unique-like publishing a maga.
zine of obscene poetry.
11) No one will mind if you
satisfy your childhood repressions
and inhibitions by throwing a rock
through the window of a Univer-

sity building about to be de-
molished.
2nd day:
1) Sometimes the place you're
bound to end up at is right in the
middle-of nowhere.
2) Not everyone can grow a de-
cent-looking beard, but, if you
can't, you can always say your
girlfriend doesn't like them.
3) The Ann Arbor police let
anyone drink.
4) If you send in your IDrcard
error form saying you're really
21, they'll change it without
checking the records.
5) The' dorm at the Union is
never checked; you can sleep there
for free.
6) The only way to get a park-
ing space within a ten-mile radius
of your class is to carry a "NO
PARKING ANYTIME TODAY"
sign with you, place it over a two-
hour parking sign, wait for the
police to tow away the other cars,
take down the sign, and park.
7) THE ONLY way to retain the
sanctity of your individuality is

to grow a beard, wear cut-off jeans
and protest reality.
8) Act humble and you can con
a desk clerk out of almost any-
thing.
9) Maybe no one minds, but the
University minds if you break their
windows.
10) Not everyone can cut hair.
If you need a haircut (i.e. if your
anthropology professor mistakes
you for a Neanderthal), it's cheap-
.er to go to a non-union barber.
11) Anyone can pocket a four-
ball combination. All he needs is
a good eye, a lot of luck-and a
major in calculus.
12) Your orientation leader
doesn't mind if you jam the dorm
doors with hangars and tissue pa-
per so that the other group is
locked in and late for breakfast.
3rd day:
1) Maybe your group leader
doesn't mind, but the one who
got locked in sure does.
2) Sometimes they do check
the dorms in the Union.
3) The best way to get into a

private fraternity party is to yell
"Cops! Raid!" at the front door
and then just walk in while every-
one leaves through the windows.
4) Most nonunion barbers flunk-
ed barber college. If you want to
make some money selling your
hair to a wig company, spend 2.25
on a real barber. Besides, they are
the only ones who give you a
candy cane for, being a good girl.
5) Sometimes the Ann Arbor
police don't let anyone drink.
6) With the prices of used books
so high, I swear they must print
them and then stamp them used.
7) Girls like beards; they know
everyone can't grow themy,
8) Sometimes they do check the
records against your ID card error
form.
9) THE ONLY WAY to get a
parking place within a ten-mile
radius of your class is to ride a
motorized skateboard to class.
10) The only way to retain the
sanctity of your individuality is
to try a parachute jump off Uni-
versity Towers.

#-I

Is Black Power In he rent i~n Civil Rights?

The Dust of Summer:
Nobody Is Immune

DETROIT IS NOT IMMUNE.
Once again the summer winds have
started with deceptive forcefulness to
raise the summer dust-and the tempera-
tures of men and machines. Where there
is poverty, dissatisfaction or ill feeling of
any kind, the summer dust cakes the
mouth and smothers the voice of peace.
It burns the eyes and beckons the tears
-of anger.
Every city knows the summer dust.
SUMMER DUST has been to Brooklyn,
where countless young men not part of
anything, be it a working bureaucracy or
a buzzing baseball crowd, sit and brush
the sweat and dust away.
Summer dust has been to Cleveland,
where countless young men have a base-
ball team to associate with. But the asso-
ciation has been too clear; the dissillu-
sioning past and present of the Cleveland
Indians has been too much the pain of the
city's disenchanted-and now they seek to
break the relationship.
Like the lives of its fans the Indians
had a void to fill-the throne of the Yan-
kees. But the Indians failed, and their
fans found other entertainment.
It is very hot again now in Detroit. The
people are tired and hot and wet. Many
travel to and fro each day, seeking out
the cool of the country, or trudging back
from vacation with the dust of the road,
DETROIT HAS its baseball team, too.
Unlike Cleveland's, Detroit's team has
only recently discovered that it is medi-
ocre, and not about to win a pennant. The
Tigers, have been struck on the head sev-
eral times, as managers fall by the way-
side.
Many of its fans often claim they have
been struck from some unknown evil, so
the common bond is still there.
But the dust is arriving. The first Ne-

slipping. Like the rest of the nation it
tries to keep up as good a front as possi-
ble on the race relations scene. Like its
team, it seems to be having trouble at
the top, with the very people one would
imagine could afford a team spirit weak-
ening and letting dewn the rest.
The people who can afford them have
withdrawn ticket applications for the
world series in Detroit. Hope is fading
fast in the twilight, where all seems to
be turning to dust.
NEXT WEEK, when the Tigers return,
those of the true fans still left will go
to the park to root the team on and yell
"Who says there ain't no dust in Balti-
more."
Hopefully the violent ones, those with
dust in their eyes, will still be at the park.
Of course they may yell "Kill Baltimore,"
but it won't matter, for the Tigers will be
playing Chicago.
-MICHAEL HEFFER
You Can Fool
Some People...
LARGELY AS ANOTHER sop to his par-
liamentary left wing, Harold Wilson
is now pushing to renationalize Britain's
steel industry. This is the third change of
ownership for the industry, which was
first nationalized in 1951 and then re-
turned to private ownership by the Con-
servative Party later that same year.
Wilson's move could conceivably be a
help in the country's current financial
straits. Steel is a key industrial center,
and the control of it could help to force
the shifts in employment that are a cen-
tral goal of the government's deflationary

By DAVID KNOKE
HAS THE NEGRO revolution
taken a turn towards violence
that will mark it inevitably and
be eradicated only after great suf-
fering and loss of human dignity?
The hint thaththis may be so
comes from the addition of a
new slogan to the civil rights
movement: "black power."
The curious evolution of the
meaning and connotations of this
phrase obscure the subtle change
in character that the Negroes'
struggle for decency has under-
gone in the last century and par-
ticularly the last twelve years.
STOKELY CARMICHAEL spoke
the words in a fit of pique at his
manhandling during the Meredith
March, and the press picked the
words up and played them into
national attention. The phrase's
connection with black nationalism,
coercive power and the break from
the King tradition of passive non-
resistance were hailed by Negro
extremists, abhorred by moderate
interests and denied as a distor-
tion by the rebel organizations
SNCC and CORE.
THE ACTIONS of the SNCC
and CORE indicate that whatever
the high-minded intentions of the

leaders, the dissident actions of
the rank and file and the Young
Turks show an impatience with
old methods and with accommo-
datingrwhites. SNCC threw out
its moderate leadership several
months ago in favor of the mili-
tant Carmichael, and CORE, fol-
lowing the resignation of James
Farmer, has rapidly been losing
white membership. The alienation
of NAACP from future cooperation
with SNCC and CORE shows that
the older civil rights establish-
ments are not willing to go on a
course that may endanger all the
hard-won accomplishments of the
Negro revolution to date.
Two of the most influential civil
rights organizations have renounc-
ed the tact of dogged persistence
in the noviolent tradition in favor
of power politics carrying a ca-
pacity for violence. Perhaps racial
riots on hot summer nights and
Southern bigotry will not provoke
self-destructive counter-measures
by the militant rights organiza-
tions. If they heed the optimistic
advice of the President, black
power will be synonymous with
"American democratic power with
a small d." However, the chances
are that the advance wing of the
Negro revolution has entered a
new stage, a stage of commitment

to action boardering on the fana-
tical.
IT IS A CASE of the revolution
devouring its ofspring. Although
Negroes have won legislative and
juridicial successes in civil rights
in the last twelve years, denun-
ciations of the President and the
Voting Rights Acts and the Uncle
Toms as obstacles to equality con-
tinue. This seems surprising, but
it is a logical product of any frus-
trated revolution of rising expecta-
tions.
The Negro discovered that his
emancipation from legal servitude
did not automatically guarantee
freedom from social bondage. An
early spokesman for the Negro
condition was Booker T. Washing-
ton who believed that quiet, de-
termined efforts of the Negro to
educate himself and prove himself
worthy to enter the white man's
world would result in eventual at-
tainment of this reward. Another
school of thought, advocated by
W.E.B. Du Bois, felt that more
direct action was the only way of
arousing both the Negro popula-
tion and the larger white estab-
lishment to the existence of the
problem and that it can only be
overcome by active cooperation of
both parties.

FORTUNATELY, direct action
found an early persuasive leader
in the person of the Rev. Martin
Luther King, who was influential
through his Southern Christian
Leadership Conference in making
the movement nonviolent. Con-
sequently, this tactic, spectacularly
contrasted to the violent tactics
of Southern whites resisting be-
wildering changes in their tra-
ditional society, the Negro rights
movement gained the support of
high placed liberals and resulted
in many legal gains throughout
the fifties.
But there was a dark side behind
the Rev. King and its name was
Malcom X, a Black Muslim who
spoke straight to the secret hearts
of all Negroes and made them
proud to realize their potentialities
as Negroes, not as the white men
they could never be. "The black
man's struggle is international,"
he wrote, in an ironic reminder
that the white man has now be-
come the black man's burden.
The few concessions wrung after
90 years of inaction, the increased
educational opportunities, the in-
creasing Negro middle class did
not alleviate the Negroes' griev-
ances over unmarketable skills,
slum life, and flagrant and covert
discrimination. If anything, the
tangible evidence of betterment
for a few fortunate Negroes only
made the discontent of those who
were not advancing fast enough
all the more bitter.
OF THE FOUNDATIONS of
mass movements, Eric Hoffer sites
REVIEW:
Johanesen
Illuminates-
By JEFFREY K. CHASE
Program
Hindemith ...,..Sonata No. 3 in
B-flat
Ravel. . ....Gaspard de le nuit
Chopin..,..Les Preludes, Op. 28
(complete)
GRANT JOHANNESEN proved
that he is a mature musician
Monday evening in Rackham Aud.
His playing showed that he un-
derstood the music and what it
was all ahnt that msin of dif-

two drive forces: a disestablished
intellectual elite and a discon-
tended mass of social misfits. Of
the conditions under which the
chaotic elements can be' mobilized,
he says, in "The True Believer,"
"Discontent is likely to be..highest
when misery is bearable, whea
conditions have so improved that
an ideal state seems almost within
reach." By most accounts, employ-
ment conditions were at an un-
usually high level just before the
Watts riots of 1965.
The civil rights movement in
the South has to be one of the
most awesome social movements
this country has ever seen. The
sense of action accomplishment
that a great many youths, both
Negro and white, got out of the
voter registration drives fostered
impatience with go-slow methods
and developed useful new tactics.
Now the spotlight has been
swung on the less blatant problem
in the North. The frustrations of
entrenched absentee landlordism,
urban realtor cliques and dev-
astating home environments make
a natural breeding ground for the
building of a group spirit amen-
able to charismatic leadership.
MALCOLM X is dead, but his
example lives on in the Blaek
Muslim and splinter groups such
as the Maoist Progressive Labor
Movement and the Revolutionary
Action Movement (RAM), which
has advocated "urban guerilla
warfare" against all whites. Col-
lege educated Negro youths form
the fanatical core of such ex-
tremist groups, biding their time
for a propitious moment.
Controls,
Com posers
Outstanding moments were the
glissandi in the Ravel, which were
played with such care that they
sounded almost like the rippling
strings of a real harp.
SITTING through all twenty-
four Chopin Preludes might sound
at first to be a little tiresome, but
not when they are under the fin-
gers of Johannesen. Those marked
"vivace" had energy and drive,
those marked "largo" communi-
cated contemplation, and so on.
Each had a character of its own.

F

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