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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

FEIFFER

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uth Will Prevail.,

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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

AY, JULY 7, 1966

NIGHT EDITOR: CAROLE KAPLAN


The Draft:
One Hell of A Mess

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MUCH IS CURRENTLY being said about
reforming the present draft system.
This reform, however, is likely to remain
only a distant possibility until someone
finally defines just what kind of "system"
we have at present.
Perhaps a better word is situation, or
better yet, muddle. The rules of the
game change so rapidly that even the
experts seem confused and turnabout
seems to be fair play.
A T THE TOP; there is President John-
son, who last Saturday approved a
long-range and costly review of the Selec-
tive Service System. Then, Tuesday, he
told the press: "We have developed the
best system that we have known how
in the light of our experiences." In or-
der "not to prejudice the study," he re-
fused to comment on what conclusions
the reviewers may reach. (The same
day, a Selective Service official predict-
ed no radical change in draft procedure
for 10 years.)
Several months ago, Vice-President
Humphrey clearly advocated a system in
which all young men and women would
feel "obligated" to serve their country for
two years, choosing either military or
civilian occupations (i.e., the Peace
Corps). This was hailed as a wonderfully
logical approach. In this way men who
object to armed duty could still serve their
country. But shortly thereafter, Hum-
phrey "clarified" his statement saying he
did not mean that the Peace Corps
should be an alternative to the armed
forces. And another solution is scrapped.
AT THE UNIVERSITY administration
level came one of the first decisions to
withhold student class rankings from lo-
cal draft boards. Students were urged to
waste a perfectly good Saturday in spring
to take a three-hour test of their intel-
lect and reasoning powers which was to
suffice for the grade averages.
However, the student here still has little
hope of hiding his gradepoint from the
impersonal scrutiny of an agent at Selec-
tive Service headquarters. Unless the stu-
dent specifically states that he does not
want his grades sent to his local board,
the University will pay the postage. It is
also speculated that the draft test scores
may be discounted, leaving the student
wondering what the hell is going on.
LOCAL BOARDS, too, have more than
their share of reversals. For instance,
in several areas, married men with famil-
les are being drafted even though a few
months ago they were assured that their
priority was near the bottom of the list.
Yet many "essential occupation defer-
ments" for working in industrial jobs on
government contracts are still being
awarded to single men. At the same time,
these are not being reviewed as stiffly as
student deferments, although being a stu-
dent is one of the most essential occupa-
tions for the future of our country.
The problem most confuses the uni-
versity student who may well have his
entire future disrupted in trading his
textbook for a khaki uniform. He has his
choice of three methods of attacking the
draft problem. So far, choosing any of the
three methods will leave a student in the
same situation.
One can support the administration as
a group of students in Miami, Fla., are
doing. They have organized a "pro-Viet-

Nam" march on Washington to support
the administration's policy on the draft
and escalation.
Certainly, it will be interesting to see
how many actually participate in the
demonstration. But, better still, to see
how long it takes Gen. Hershey to send
these "young Americans so anxious to
fight for their nation," their induction
notices.
ON THE OTHER HAND, to oppose the
draft is a dangerous practice, as six
students who sat in at the Ann Arbor
Selective Service office last fall have dis-
covered. In losing their appeals for re-
moval of their punishment, I-A classi-
fications, officials seem to be warning all
students "don't fight the system."
Most students are dismayed by this im-
plied threat and attempt to remain out
of the draft boards sight because frank-
ly, they're confused. And this confusion
is the product of perplexity at the admin-
istrative levels. So the majority of stu-
dents are doing nothing, hoping the prob-
lem will go away.
But it will not go away and judging
from President Johnson's continued state-
ments of support for the Viet Nam con-
flict, we are in for a long war.
Continued in its present form, the draft
"system" will continue to face the same
problems. A true working system needs
precise definition and rules which are
valid, for all situations. The draft lacks
both and as a result is in need of a thor-
ough re-evaluation.
AND IF, INDEED, the present policy is
"the best ... in the light of our exper-
iences," it is time we discard past exper-
iences as criteria and develop a working,
confusionless system with an eye toward
the future.
-WALLACE IMMEN
Lonesome George
GOV. GEORGE ROMNEY of Michigan,
speaking in a televised interview on
"Face the Nation" on June 12, said that
the United States should expand the air
war into North Viet Nam by attacking
fuel depots in the Haiphong area, de-
claring, "I think it is ridiculous to be
sending our bombers to bomb individual
trucks carrying gasoline from North Viet
Nam when we ignore the fact that 65
per cent of the petroleum, oil and lubri-
cation products used by the Viet Cong
and the North Vietnamese military are
located in a half-mile by a mile area in
the port of Haiphong."
On July 6, according to the New York
Times' report of the following day, Gov-
ernor Romney "charged that the admin-
istration's actions, including the recent
oil storage dump bombings, had increas-
ed the possibility of a major war with,
Communist China and the Soviet Union."
WHILE THIS RATHER droll turnabout
is scarcely surprising to Michigan
residents, who have found Mr. Romney's
evangelistic pretensions questionable for
some time, it must be at least a little
surprising to other Americans to find
such confusion-or hypocrisy-in a man
who may be the next Republican nominee
for President of the United States.
-MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH
Editor

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A Viie
EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is
the first in a two-part series writ-
ten by Wilfred Burchett, an Aus-
tralian Communist writer who has
traveled frequently to North Viet
Nam. It gives a Communist view of
the war and its effects and is pre-
sented for whatever light it may
shed on the situation in view of
the fact that American corres-
pondents are barred from North
Viet Nam.
By WILFRED BURCHETT
The Associated Press
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia -
Virtually all North Vietnamese
men of military age-excepting
students, teachers and certain
skilled workers-have been mobil-
ized for what Ho Chi Minh warns
may be a war of 20 or more years.
It is stated that arms. will not
be laid down this time until the
country is reunified. The national
slogan is, "Defend the North, lib-
erate the South, reunify the coun-
try."
A quarter of a million of those
mobilized are building up new
industrial bases in the jungle and
mountains of the northwest. Sev-
eral hundred thousand more are
building a new system of strategic
highways, secondary roads and
repairing bomb damage to the
road and rail system.
Three million young people of
1r to,30 are pledged to "go any-
where, do anything, accept any
sacrifices." Up to 85 per cent of
the labor force on cooperative
farms I visited were women. They
have also taken over many men's
jobs in the factories.
PRESIDENT HO CHI MINH,

w othe
Prime Minister Pham Van Dong
and Defense Minister Gen. Vo
Nguyen Giap, the trio who launch-
ed the Vietnamese independence
struggle in the 1920s and who
directed the war against the
French, told me in separate in-
terviews they were convinced they
would win again this time "even
if it takes 5, 10, 20 or more years"
as they expressed it.
They consider that the- United
States does not want negotiations
on any other terms than an Amer-
ican takeover in the South and
the surrender oftthe liberation
front. To this they will never
agree. They are also convinced
that U.S. policy is to expand the
war to the whole of Indochina and
perhaps farther. Strategic planning
in the North is based on this.
NOW THAT Hanoi and Hai
phong have been bombed it is
expected that attempts will be
made to breach the dikes of the
Red River on which North Viet
Nam's rice crops largely depend.
The cities will be' well defended
but their destruction, it is claimed,
will make no difference to the war
effort. They have been largely
evacuated; industry has been
gradually evacuated over the past
15 months. Some of it I saw
vorking in natural grottos and
man-made tunnels in the moun-
tains.
The economy, including trans-
porthand communications, has
been far less affected by the bomb-
ings than officials statements in
Saigon and Washington would

War from the North

lead one to expect. Rail and motor
traffic was moving according to
regular schedules. Hanoi has never
been isolated or in any danger
of isolation. I traveled freely by
road in every direction outside
Hanoi, at a time when the Voice
of America announced that every
road and rail link but one with
the capital had been cut.
Industrial production in 1965
was 8.4 per cent up on the pre-
vious year, according to officials
at the State PlanningsCommis-
sion. The rice crop was an all-
time record, 23 per cent of it going
into reserves. The first crop this
year, being harvested while I was
there, is also good.
THE WAR EFFORT is far
greater than that against the
French, if only because the French
in their day controlled the cities,
industry and the main communi-
cations routes. The economy has
been overhauled, a two-years'
stop-gap plan substituted for the
second 5-year industrialization
plan which was to start this year.
Orders placed for industrial
equipment in the Communist bloc
countries were canceled and new
orders placed to fit in with the
new conception of many small in-
dustrial unitsdispersedthrough-
out the provinces rather than
single, large centralized ones.
The aim is to make every pro-
vince as far as possible economi-
cally and militarily autonomous to
ease the strain on the transport
system.

As for transport at present,
Doan Trong Tuyen, one of the
heads of the State Planning Com-
mission told me: "We've been able
to keep transport moving both for
civilian and war needs. There was
a certain slowing down when the
attacks started in February last
year until about July when we got
organized. From July until now-
the beginning of May 1966-the
volume of transport, even from
Hanoi to the 17th Parallel is
greater than ever before."
BY MY OWN observations, I
would say this was correct. I
found traffic moving smoothly
enough, in greater volume than I
have ever seen on the main north-
south highway and more bridges
over the dozens of rivers that
cross it than there were in 1963.
Some have been untouched by the
bombings, others have been dam-
aged and repaired, some are out of
action and replaced by locally in-
vented pontoons, wooden roadways
over huge, floating bundles of
giant bamboo. They are made in
sections, towed away in daylight
hours and reassembled again at
any one of a dozen crossing points
at night. They are virtually in-
destructible, as the sections are
standardized, with prefabricated
reserves on hand. Bamboo is avail-
able in unlimited quantities. Rivers
where there have never been
bridges now are crossed by the
bamboo pontoons.
Apart from the truck convoys
on the main highways, the trans-

port-bicycles, famous during the
Dien Bien Phu battle, have been
put into service again. One sees
columns over a mile long, every
bicycle loaded with an average
of 550 pounds of supplies, wheeled
an average of 20 miles a day-or
night-mainly along the secon-
dary roads.
WHEREVER I ASKED, I was
assured that goods arrived on time
in planned quantities; arid that if
it were necessary to increase the
volume even by several times this
would present no problem, the
maximum delay that could be
caused;by bombings being taken
into account by those who planned
supply movements.
Prices in the state shops which
control 85 per cent of the retail
trade have not changed; no new
items have been added to the list
of goods rationed since 1957-rice,
sugar and pork. There has been
no reduction in the rations. But
prices on the free market have
increased about 25 per cent in the
past year. There seemed no lack of
supplies of essential goods in the
markets of Hanoi and other towns,
or in the villages, despite the big
movement of people from the
towns to the countryside.
BOMBS FELL on the outskirts
of Hanoi twice during my visit, but
there was no panic. People moved
smartly into the shelters and
others to their antiaircraft posi-
tions without any fuss or noise.
TOMORROW-The effects
of American bombing.

A-

rA

Politics: An Arena

for

Ambition

When in Doubt-
Send The Marines!

By ROBERT JOHNSTON
BEING YOUNG, moderately am-
bitious, a product of intense
involvement in the real-world af-
fairs of this University over the
past few years and interested in
the ways of the world in general,
it is only reasonable to assume
that I should be interested in
what I might be doing a few years
hence when I must undertake
what this counrty insists on call-
ing an occupation.
In looking around for a place to
"go to work" I will be interested
in:
1) A good income;
2) a great deal of personal in-
volvement in "important" affairs;
3) Power to direct, or at a
minimum advise, and inform; and
4 A degree of independence.
NUMBER 1 is virtually assured
no matter what I do, so it needn't
be considered. Numbers 2 and 3
very quickly point in one direction,
politics. Nowhere else have so few
the power to control so much-to
change, to create and to destroy,
and not just in maneuvering great
quantities of goods and money
(though the amounts handled
there would have staggered the
imaginations of the greatest rob-
ber barons) but in control over
people, their livlihood and lives.
As Commander-in-Chief during
World War II, one of the more
spectacular events in human his-
tory, Franklin Roosevelt directly
controlled the lives of some several
million soldiers, yet the degree to
which he influenced their lives,
and the numbers he so influenced,
are roughly comparable to the im-
pact of just one "great society"
program contrived by John Ken-
nedy, Medicare.
GOVERNMENT is indeed the
place where the ambitious young

Congressmen, often without pay, is
seen as an extremely good start on
this path to the riches of power
and influence.I
In any case, this seems to be the
direction in which I should head.
But of course I will want to out-
distance the rest, so I must out-
smart them, and devise a faster
path to take me farther than
most. A rewarding possibility sug-
gests itself.
I have just worked up a fine
study of presidential voting. Why
not apply it? There is no better
way to get one's self into a poli-
tician's debt-and into his inner
circle-than by getting him elect-
ed. Money used to do it, but
that's passe, it can't buy every-
thing anymore (maybe that is
what the conservative rich are
really complaining about when
they yell about inflation).
THIS SEEMS an excellent plan.
I'll be a campaign manager. The
next question is whose campaign
(especially since Ronald Reagen
has discovered the secrets for
himself accidentally and doesn't
need me)? There is only one
aspirant who 1) Has the necessary
personal qualities to get himself
elected and run an exciting ad-
ministration and 2) Will under-
stand me when I talk about voting
theory. That is Robert Kennedy.
So I join Sen. Kennedy's "team"
as campaign manager (that is I
join as anything, then after six
months show him what I want to
do and then become campaign
manager). I hire programmers,
interviewers, statisticians and pro-
poganda men. We look at every
category of potential voter and
what will 1) Get him to the polls
voting Democratic 2) Keep him
away if he is going to vote Re-
publican-all of this under the
guise of voter education.

Center to keep track of these "at-
titudes" and our progress in both
influencing them and conforming
to their expectations positively.
Sen. Kennedy's personality and
intellectual and political image
must be nicely fitted to the curves
and contours of the voter's at-
titudinal structure. His image be-
comes in feet a mirror image,
reflecting back in a soft comfort-
able glow all the attitudes and
generalities that shape the voter's
positive attitudes.
AND AFTER ALL is said and
done, Sen. Kennedy will be elected
by that great mass of voters sit-
ting comfortably at the center of

the political spectrum. They will
hardly know what has influenced
them-but we will. Then, of
course, I will take my place in
the new President's circle of ad-
visors with a virtually inexhaus-
tible stock of political currency in
my control, for I will have ob-
tained the votes.
Just as the nation's politicians
and economists are presently
ironing out a few remaining kinks
in their program to achieve a
perpetual 4-6 per cent rate of
economic growth in this country,
with no recessions, so in 10 years
or so. given the present speed of
researchand theory-formulation
in the field, Sen. Kennedy and I

Eaided by a willing corps of poli-
tical science graduate students)
will have inaugurated calculated
control of the electorate, keeping
the votes flowing for "our" can-
didate, as we keep dollars flowing
for prosperity.
I'M NOT KIDDING. I'm con-
vinced it is possible.
But is it moral?
And if we say it isn't, and
assume I am until proven other-
wise, what do we do about those
that aren't going to care whether
it is moral or not?

Dollars are one' thing;
people?

but

What Is Still Debatable.

I

IN THE AFTERMATH of the Dominican
crisis there is both success and danger.
The equation for success is relatively
simple, no modern math is involved,
merely American foreign policy. Peaceful
elections were held in which a fairly pro-
American president was elected. This is
success.
It is a real feather in the diplomatic
cap of the United States to have brought
peace, order and elections to a strife-
ridden country. It was true diplomatic
dexterity which enabled our left hand to
organize democratic elections while our
right maintained military order.

sanction to ensure peaceful elections and
drive out the Communists. OAS troops
quickly followed, after intense U.S. pres-
sure, and were composed primarily of
American soldiers.
Is this to be the official policy line of
the administration? Are we to support
simultaneous wars on poverty and men in
our never ending battle against Commu-
nist oppression?
IT SHOULDN'T BE because the experi-
ence of Saigon is proving that it won't
work. While it may have worked once, in
the Dominican Republic, this policy ought
to be regarded as a temporary fluke. It
won't work because it is based on two

By WALTER LIPPMANN
MOST PROBABLY a poll taken
at this time would show that
support of the President's conduct
of the war is up because of the
increased bombing. But it is quite
certain that this does not reflect
increased understanding or ap-
preciation of the Johnson-Rusk
generalities.
It reflects, rather, popular im-
patience, a desire to get the
wretched thing over with by a
few smashing blows. The admin-
istration has placed a big bet on
a quick victory.
But the President is not acting
as if he were quite certain that he
will win his bet. He is hoping
that an escalated bombing and the
prospect of ever-increasing escala-
tion will impress Hanoi decisively,
nrnvdedthat d issent and nnnosi-

Today
and
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
the polls. For he would be able
to win the war and damn the
polls.
THE AMERICAN opposition to
the war cannot be suppressed and
silenced. It has an irreducible core
which is the conviction that the
President has committed the coun-
try to a war, the declared objec-
tives of which cannot be achieved.
The editor of the Washington Post
takes a different view.
He says that "a perfectly le-
gitimate subject for continued de-
bate and discussion" is "the means
of achieving the objective of a

There is, to put it conservatively,
a reasonable doubt whether a free
and self-governing South Viet Nam
can, in fact, be created. For if the
American forces withdraw even-
tually, there is virtually no pros-
pect whatever that the successors
of Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky can make
South Viet Nam secure. And if
the Americans do not withdraw,
South Viet Nam will be an oc-
cupied country, not independent,
not free and not self-governing.
Because this dilemma exists, and
in the light of the administration's
record of doing what it previously
denied it would do, it is not easy
to take at face value the Presi-
dent's perfervid protestations that
he wants to negotiate peace.
IT IS QUITE CERTAIN, that
the avowed objective of a free
and self-governing South Viet
Nam (since this requires the con-

I