ul r irl igttn ttil
:
SOUND and FURY
by Clarencee FaniU. Viet Nam: It's T ime Now T o Pack It In
Whbeo Optnons Are Free
T'ruth Will Prevail
Editorials printed in'
0
THURSDAY, MAY 26, 1
Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
420
The
r th
966
MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
e editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER
European Nationalism
Finally Comes of Age
HEN THE HISTORY of the sixties is
written, nationalism may be surpris-
ingly discovered to have its strongest re-
surgence neither in Africa nor Asia, but
in Europe, homeland of the nation-con-
cept some 400 years ago.
For Europe is alive today, alive and vig-
orous, ready to assert its great economi-
caklpotential and leadership ability on the
world scene. European nations are be-
ginning to cast off their moorings to the
huge nation-states Russia and America:
the disassociation of de Gaulle from
NATO, the reluctance of Britain to send
troops to Viet Nam, the German pressure
to procure her own nuclear weapons, and
the Polish and Rumanian nationalism
spelling trouble for the Warsaw Pact.
THE NATO CRISIS is the headline
catcher today, of course. The decision
of French President Charles de Gaulle to
pullout will cause a shift of NATO head-
quarters from Paris to probably Brussels
and an elevation of West Germany to
prominence in the defense of Western Eu-
rope.
While a Mike Mansfield suggestion that
the U.S. remove all but a token force from
the Atlantic alliance met strong support
in Congress-"We think that we are try-
ing to keep peace in the world and those
fellows are happy to let us do it, making a
dollar any chance they get"-Americans
too often see the crisis growing out of
bad faith solely on the part of the other
side.
Grievances stemmed from an apparent-
ly lack of U.S. commitment to a whole-
hearted interest in European welfare. The
U.S. stand on Algeria, Suez, Morocco and
request for UN investigation of Portuguese
Angola did not win friends among con-
servatives in London, Lisbon and Paris.
The failure of Britain and America to
totally integrate the higher commands of
the European Defense Community left
Germany and France believing that
Washington and Moscow would try to uni-
laterally create a demilitarized Central
Europe as a buffer zone.
E GAULLE HAS REJECTED a narrow
military alliance, while striving to en-
large the economic basis of that alliance
Editorial Staff
CLARENCE FANTO.................. Co-Editor
CHARLOTTE WOLTER................. Co-Editor
BUD WILKINSON......................Sports Editor
BETSY COHN ...... ............Supplement Manager
NIGHT EDITORS: Meredith Eiker, Michael Heffer,
Shirley Rosick, Susan Schnepp, Martha Wolfgang.
Business Staff
SUSAN PERLSTADT..............Business Manager
LEONARD PRATT............. Circulation Manager
JEANNE ROSINSKI .............. Advertising Manager
RANDY RISSMAN .............. Supplement Manager
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the
use of all news dispatches credited to it or otherwise
credited to the newspaper. Al rights of re-publication
of all other matters here are also reserved.
Subscription rate: $4.50 semester by carrier ($5 by
mail); $8 two semesters by carrier ($ by mal).
The Daily is a member of the Associated Press and
Collegiate Press Service.
Second class postage paid at Ann arbnr, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday through Saturday morning.
from "the Atlantic to the Urals." This
naturally has caused him to seek an en-
tente with Moscow and other East Euro-
pean Communist capitals. What will be
the move of West Germany, torn between
a promising Franco-German partnership
and a share in American nuclear deter-
rents, probably depends on how success-
ful de Gaulle is in resisting the political
onslaught Washington will throw at him.
Pressure from Washington for Bonn to
regulate foreign trade with Communist'
countries, as in the sale of the $150 mil-
lion steel plant to Peking, can be seen
from European capitals as an assertion of
American economic autocracy.
Trade patterns, carrying or following
shifts in political patterns, are vastly
changing the character of Western Eu-
rope from what it was 20 years ago.
France, Britain, Germany, Belgium and
Switzerland all have a hand in the steel
mill deal and have been carrying on trade
of non-strategic materials with Commu-
nist nations for years.
The United States, with a facile con-
clusion that the nature of the Commu-
nist community also remains unchanged
after 20 years, has missed a similar op-
portunity to open up avenues of under-
standing by shelving in Congress a bill
to expand trade with Eastern Europe.
THE EUROPEAN Economic Communi-
ty (EEC), commonly called the Com-
mon Market, has been stalled for more
than a year over a new 5-year program,
hinging on French desire for huge agri-
culture subsidies. At the same time the
Common Market is facing one of its worst
crises, interest in expanding membership
is stronger than ever.
One of the election promises of Brit-
ain's Harold Wilson was speedy entry
into the EEC. This may open the way for
a merger of the six-member EEC with the
"outer seven" European Free Trade As-
sociation countries, for while EFTA will
be tarifless at the end of the year, both
Denmark and Austria are eager to join
EEC.
Market strength within the European
nations is at an all time high. Germany
is riding the crest of a boom, Italy is
edging up from a bout with inflation,
worker opportunities outside their native
countries go begging. And to the East,
the decentralization of Communist re-
gimes goes quietly ahead. Tito's Yugo-
slavia and Ceausescu's Rumania, maver-
ick states which have declared their in-
dependence of Soviet military and eco-
nomic domination, are rapidly expanding
domestic programs and welcoming the
products and assistance of more tech-
nologically advanced Atlantic nations.
Last year, the Western European nations
did only $2 billion trade with the Eastern
bloc, out of a total market of $38 billion.
THE POSSIBILITIES for new markets
between East and West are immense;
at stake is the sustaining of the Western
European production boom and for the
East, a "goulash" standard of living for
the populace.
-DAVID KNOKE
Few writers have come
to the essential truth abo
country's involvement in
Nam than the New York
talented young columnist
Hamill. Inasmuch as he ex
es many of my own sent
about the war far better
could, I am devoting my
this week to a reprint of h
umn which appeared in th
York Post on May 21, 1966
By PETE HAMILL
THE GUY was wearing th
beret of the Special Fore
he was standingnin a bar
Do St. in Saigon, drinkir
kind of desperate silence.
He would not talk, even
slim young bar hostess c
him, who was happily tak
money. After three whisk
stood up, cursed Saigor
lurched out the door. T1
all giggled.
I saw him again a fe
later, being helped by an R
a jeep. His face was mash
bloody, and some- of hi;
were gone. I guess he ha
mugged. Three young Viet
Post's SO WHEN I think about Sai-
t, Pete gon now, or look at the photo-
xpress- graphs coming in on the photo-
iments printers, I always remember the
than I way the girls laughed at that
space man, and the incredible cruel faces
his col- of those boys, standing in safe-
he New ty, enjoying his torment. I am'
i. sure that when the moral giants
-C.F. of the United Buddhist Church
call out the civilian troops, they
are with them.
Those young men are free in
e green Saigon, while the sons of Ameri-
ces, and cans are being killed in thecoun-
on Tu tryside. For the third time in re-
ig in a cent weeks, more American sol-
diers were killed in that war than
to the Vietnamese, which means that the
opposite Vietnamese have simply stopped
sing his fighting. They are more interested
:eys, he in killing each other in places like
n, and Da Nang or Hue than they are in
he girls fighting the Viet Cong, and that
means we will do the fighting for
w days them.
MP into That means that all this year,
ied and the American dead will be piling
s teeth up while the sweet propaganda
d been comes smoothly out'of Washington
namese telling us they will not be dying
closer
ut this
n Viet
in white shirts stood on the corner,
laughing.
in vain. It says here that Wash-
ington is lying. Those men are now
dying in vain.
THERE IS A CASE to be made,
I suppose, for fighting for the
ideals which this country once
represented, and at its best still
does. Anyone who has ever visit-
ed a Communist country knows
that freedom is not a cheap word,
even when it becomes debased. I
need not apologize for saying that
after seeing a lot of other coun-
tries, I love this more than all.
But it is becoming increasingly
difficult to accept certain thingsy
We civilians run this country;
Lyndon Johnson, Dean Rusk, and
Robert McNamara work for us: we
do not work for them. And lrrour
name, they are saying that our
children and our brothers must die
because Satanism in the form of
the Red Chinese and the Viet Cong
has suddenly sprung up in a half-
country in Southeast Asia. The
representatives of Satanism are
striking evil blows at a pure and
shining legitimate government,
and we, the American People, will
risk even death to defend that
government.
BUT THAT government has nev-
er governed anything. It does not
govern in the countryside. It must
kill its citizens in places like Da
Nang and Hue to even come close
to governing there. It governs Sai-
gon the way a rather cynical
madam handles a brothel. They
will fight to the death to control
Saigon, all right, because that is
where the Americans sign the tabs.
But they will not be fighting
much out in the countryside any
more. They don't have to do that.
My kid brothers and your children
will do that for them, They will
not even defendthemselves poli-
tically. They have Dean Rusk to
do that for them.
* * *
THEY HAVE the most powerful
nation in the world to do every-
thing for them now. We'll fight
for them, apologize for them, feed
them, feed their bank accounts,
populate their brothels, sleep with
their women for them; if they ask
we will certainly oblige.
Forget about Harlem. Forget
about Bedford-Stuyvesant, and
Hazard, Kentucky, and the back-_.
woods of Alabama. The people who
live there will fend for themselves.
We have more important things to
consider. We have to take care of
My Tho and Da Nang and Qui
Nohn and Can Ne. It will cost only
$18 billion this year. Who cares
if there are rats in the Red Hook
schoolrooms? First things first. We
have to keep those three kids on a
'Saigon street corner out of the
insidious clutches of Ho Chi Minh.
I have two brothers in the army
now and my mother has three
more waiting in the wings. The
supply of kids like that is now
deemed inexhaustible, so we can
keep this war going as long as we
want.
ENOUGH: I am no pacifist but
this war has lasted too long. Those
men who are dying there tonight
are dying like men, with courage
and tenacity. But with Buddhists
rioting in the streets, General Ky
shooting down civilians, Henry
Cabot Lodge nodding in approval,
while we apologize again and add
that more men are on the way,
then somebody had better think
of something to tell their parents.
If one more dies under the pres-
ent conditions, someone is guilty
of a murderous sin. Now, finally,
we should pack it in.
A
Moment of Truth in Southeast Asia
THE HARDEST QUESTION fac-
ing us at the moment is wheth-
or not the disintegration of the
Saigon government and army can
be stopped and reversed. The of-
ficial position is, of course, that it
can be.
But there is little evidence to
support the official will to believe,
and there is mounting evidence
that Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky or any-
one like him is in an irreconcilable
conflict with the war-weary people
of Viet Nam.
There is no prospect now visible
that the South Vietnamese people
and the South Vietnamese army
can be united and rallied for the
prosecution of the war. Unless this
condition changes radically we
shall increasingly be fighting
alone in a country which has an
army that is breaking up and a
government which has little
authority.
WE CAN ALREADY see on the
horizon the possibility of an
American Army fighting on its
own in a hostile environment. We
must hope that the President and
his strategic planners are prepared
for such a development. For if the
South Vietnamese government and
army continue to disintegrate as
is now the case, our troops may
find themselves without serious
organized military support and
forced to find their way in a
seething unrest where friend and
foe are indistinguishabie.
If the Saigon forces disintegrate,
it will no longer be possible to
continue the war on the theory
that the mission of our troops is
to smash the hard core of the
enemy while the Saigon troops
occupy and pacify the countryside.
WHAT THEN? We shall be
hearing from the Goldwater fac-
tion, whose first article of military
faith is unlimited belief in air-
power. They are arguing that the
way to repair the breakdown in
South Viet Nam is to bomb Hai-
phong and Hanoi in the North.
The administration, as we are
told by Secretary of Defense Rob-
ert McNamara and Dr. Harold
Brown, the secretary of the Air
Force, knows the folly and the
futility of that course of action.
Is there any real alternative to
a holding strategy, sometimes
called the enclave strategy, pend-
ing the negotiation of a truce and
an agreement for our phased with-
drawal from the Asian mainland?
If the Vietnamese war cannot be
won by the Air Force, if it cannot
be won by American troops fight-
ing alone in South Viet Nam,
what other strategic option is
there?
THE ONLY other option would
be to make no new decisions and
pursue the present course and
hope that things are not so bad
as they seem and that something
better will turn up. The President
is bound to be strongly tempted to
take this line. The alternatives
open to him are dangerous or in-
glorious and repulsive to his cau-
tious but proud temperament.
A great heaa of government
would have seized the nettle some
time ago, as long ago as 1964, and
would have disengaged gradually
our military forces. But that would
have taken a highmindedness and
moral courage which are rare
among the rulers of men. For
rulers of men nearly always will
do almost anything rather than
admit that they have made a
mistake.
Today
and
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
Yet the moment of truth comes
inexorably when a radical mistake
has been made. The mistake in
this case has been to order Ameri-
can troops to fight an impossible
war in an impossible environment.
The American troops, which may,
soon number 400,000 men, are
committed to an unattainable ob-
jective - a free pro-American
South Viet Nam. They are com-
manded to achieve this on a con-
tinent where they have no impor-
tant allies and where their enemies
have inexhaustible numbers.
THE SITUATION, not anyone's
pride or the nation's prestige, must
be our paramount concern.
THE BEST HOPE of an orderly
and honorable outcome in
South Viet Nam lies in the forma-
tion of a government in Saigon
which can make peace with the
Viet Cong and with Hanoi.
Few can believe that an unrigged
election in South Viet Nam will
produce a government which is
determined to -fight for a military
victory. That there is little chance
that the Vietnamese people would
elect such a government is attest-
ed to by the fact that Gen. Nguyen
Cao Ky is doing his best to put
off the elections to an indefinite
future.
DESPITE Secretary of State
Dean Rusk's view, that Gen. Ky
had been misinterpreted and that
he is not really opposed to U.S.
policy, the truth is that Gen. Ky
has not been misinterpreted. The
Associated Press interviewed him
all over again on Wednesday
(Saigon time), and Gen. Ky said
all over again that he expected to
remain in office at least until the
middle of next year. He added that
if the "neutralists" win the elec-
tion he will fight them.
In this situation we are con-
fronted with exceedingly difficult
choices of policy. If we let Gen. Ky
talk about staying in power and
continue to support him, it is
likely that the existing political
truce in South Viet Nam will dis-
integrate. Central Viet Nam may
break away from Ky's government,
and there would be continuing
disorders in the streets.
ON THE OTHER HAND, it
would not be easy for the United
States to discipline the military
junta on which it is depending for
the prosecution of the war. The
result of doing that might well be
to leave us with the whole burden
of fighting the war.
It is a difficult dilemma before
us, and it is likely to remain un-
resolved unless there is a clarifi-
cation of our own intentions and
policy. The, reason Gen. Ky talks
as he does, defying the official
views of the American government,
is that he knows that the Ameri-
can government is of several
minds in regard to the whole
business. What he is saying out
loud is what many influential of-
ficials are thinking privately.
For while the official position is
to support elections and to abide
by the, result, this official view
does not reflect an unequivocal
decision by the President. There
are plenty of officials around him
who do not want an election, who
do not want a negotiated settle-
ment, who indeed do not intend,
if they can help it, ever to reach
a settlement which calls for the
withdrawal of American military
forces from the mainland of
Southeast Asia.
THE GREAT DECISION which
has still to be taken is whether
it is. in fact, the United States'
policy to favor the holding of
elections and the acceptance of
the results. If and when the de-
cision is taken that this is our
policy we shall act accordingly.
We shall recognize the fact that
in a country where there are a
quarter of a million American
soldiers, a country which is
wholly dependent on American
support, it is impossible for the
United States not to take a posi-
tion in regard to an election,
To refuse to take a position
would be to let the election be
rigged by those who have the most
guns and the most money.
The most straightforward and
promising position for us to take
is, after studying the situation
carefully, to protect those whom
we believe to} be the majority and
to restrain those who would con-
spire to nullify the will of this
majority.
THE ALTERNATIVE to mak-
ing a judgment of this kind would
amount to conniving at a clande-
stine effort to rig the elections in
favor of Gen. Ky, or of someone
like him. On this course there is
almost no likelihood that internal
stability can be produced, and
there would be no prospect o:
bringing the war to an end.
(c), 1966, The Washington Post Co.
A
War Needs Stifle Research Programs
/;~~Ib 'P.~ w -.J~46
y a w . rye '
s 1' t
/r
\ Y'c -c
By W. J. H. IMMEN
THE NEW POLICY, that gov-
ernment expenditures on the
development of devices for the
Viet Nam war effort take prece-
dence over other research grants,
will soon divert enough money
from institutions to drastically sti-
fle the nation's huge basic re-
search capabilities.
But although the immediate ef-
fect will only produce a wave of
protest from many capable re-
searchers who are unable to con-
tinue their projects, the long teflm
effect of the curtailment of pres-
ent plans in order to fight a war
may well be disastrous to the en-
tire nation.
NEARLY $7 BILLION dollars,
one-sixteenth of the nation's to-
tal budget has been allotted for
military research and develop-
ment this year. The majority of
these funds will be spent on pro-
grams related to Viet Nam, at the
expense of institutional and pri-
vate basic research grants,
Certainly some amount of new
developments are necessitated by
the very conditions of the battle-
fields of the war and the combi-
nation of guerrilla and conven-
tional warfare. The conflict poses
urgent demands for new methods
and equipment to cope with the
jungle environment, alien to Amer-
ican military operations. The
question which must be consider-
ed soon, however, is whether the
needs encountered are worthy of
the several billion dollars to be
spent.
FANTASTIC ADVANCES in non-
miliary scientific research have
been made in the past 20 years.
pendent experiments depending
upon a government fellowship?
Surely someone will be hurt as the
coffers of the National Science
Foundation, which administers
many of the grants, begins to
empty. Many researchers, unable
to continue their work, will be
forced to abandon projects which
could lead to important scientific
breakthroughs with far-reaching
benefits.
The University will find these
problems especially acute, because
of its extensive research program.
Also, the future of important long
range programs, such as the Atom-
ic Energy Commission's exciting
200 billion electron volt nuclear
particle accelerator, will be en-
dangered.
WHILE INSTITUTIONS and na-
tional programs are struggling, the
military expenditures are very
profitable to large industries,
which stand to make huge profits
from the high-geared technical
work. More than 70 per cent of
military R & D grants go to the
private corporations and the mon-
ey is so inviting that over 250 in-
dustrial "representatives" are kept
busy full time "conferring" with
military officials. But the profit
margin is not the only point at
which money could be saved
through more careful control.
Most of the development work
is being pushed to early comple-
tion in order to meet "require-
ments" of commanders in the field.
These needs are related to the
Joint Research and Test Activity
(JRATA) Committee, based in Viet
Nam. It was established by Gen-
eral Westmoreland as a centraliz-
ing agency to expedite and unify
ly, this speedup is often at the
expense of thorough testing, re-
sulting in a product which is prac-
tical only for limited use.
FOR EXAMPLE, even the Air
Force was skeptical of and saw
little practicality in a plan to
equip the old C-47 transport plane
with a six barrel gattling gun to
strafe jungle areas where there
is no sure target. After an ex-
pensive program of testing, the
planes were converted and put in-
to operation.
The system has proved fairly
successful in Viet Nam, but it has
been officially conceded that in
any area besides jungle this weap-
on system is useless because the
plane is dangerously vulnerable.
Fighter jets could have done the
job nearly as well. Could not this
money have been put to wiser use
in the search for the cause of a
universal problem, such as can-
cer, rather than in creating weap-
ons of such limited use?
Much duplication of effort al-
so increases the costs and brings
about questions of the effective-
ness of the research effort. In one
case, in order to combat the prob-
lem of distortion of radio signals
through dense jungle growth, a
large rubber company was award-
ed a lucrative contract to design
and build balloons to carry an
antenna which would be "aero-
dynamically stable." This device,
similar to some used during the
Second World War, made excel-
lent targets, besides that they were
quickly rendered obsolete when a
new type of VHF radio system was
developed that wasn't disturbed by
jungle.
THE NEED is growing quickly
for the establishment of a cen-
tral control in Washington, man-
ned by an adequate staff to sob-
erly judge the merits of each pro-
posed weapon development to con-
sider their urgency and weed out
duplications. Taxpayers should al-
so be encitled to receive detailed
information of how the one dol-
lar out of every 16 in the budget
is being spent.
.In most cases, devices already
available are more than sufficient
for the combat conditions of oper-
ations in Viet Nam. Emphasis
should be placed on areas in which
our development is noticeably in-
adequate, such as methods of sur-
veillance, security, and detection
of the enemy in jungle areas. But
there are many areas in which
expensive research will have little
effect and here is where part of
the billions taken from basic re-
search can be given back to in-
stitutions where it will invariably
do more lasting good.
IT MAY BE HOPED that our
all-out campaign of military re-
search can soon be reevaluated in
view of our domestic research and
development needs so that the re-
routing of funds to fight the war
will not engender a crisis.
As Seen by a Question Mark!f
JT IS PARTLY because my Dou-
ble Bubble fortune said I would
be a world famous misanthrope by
the time I am 52; but there is
more to it than that; why I am
feeling exceptionally low.
It started at the age of eight
when my legs began to elongate
at an enormous rate leaving me
with a rather unproportional tor-
so as a result; I was a humorous,
incongruous sight, and I knew it.
Unable to cope with my rather
awkward appearance, I began to
I
IN A NUTSHELL
By BETSY COHN
I '
ing but at the same time advan-
tageous. Throughout my lifetime I
have accumulated a minor fortune
in pennies, nickels, coupons, and
raffle tickets which I have found
wedged in cracks and beneath au-
tomobile tires.
BUT DAYDREAMING in the
sewers is only a minor manifesta-
tion of my physical declination.
Not being able to hide myself be-
hind a curtain of long flowing
hair, I find that walking in my
usual question mark manner still
keeps me out of the faces of oth-
ers. I can avoid the well-fed puff-
ed jowls of cigar smoking coun-
try club gentlemen as well as the
pursed-lipped silk dressed ladies
who sit stiffly in their steel backed
chairs and dispute endlessly about