Jetancourt:

Who

Will Succeed Him?

Spring Meeting
May Decide
Nation's Fate
By Ronald W. Kenyon
NATIONAL ELECTIONS will be held in
Venezuela late in November to choose
a successor to President Romulo Betan-
court, with nominating conventions slated
for this spring. A void created by Betan-
court's pending retirement could have
fatal consequences for the young democ-
racy.
Betancourt's political ship has sailed
many seas. As a student of Venezuela's
Central University, he was one of the
leaders of the famous "Generation of
'28," a movement dedicated-to the over-
throw of the ruling regime of Juan
Vicente Gomez. Many of the members
of the movement were communists at the
time, including Betancourt himself.
Today Betancourt has exchanged his
youthful Marxism-for a vigorous anti-
communism and has become one of
Washington's favorites. He has played
one of the world's toughest games and
consistently won. Venezuela's second pop-
ularly elected president, he has survived
more than 170 army revolts, miniature
invasions and assassination plots. In his
own nation, Betancourt has moved into
a mediating role between extreme foes:
violently reactionary armed forces and
Fidelista-Communist revolutionaries.
When he won the presidency in 1959
cver Admiral Wolfgang Larrazabal, who
had headed a care-taker junta, Betan-
3ourt faced the monumental task of
cleaning up after dictator Marcos Perez
Jimenez, who had fled to safety in Miami,
leaving the country's finances a shambles.
Betancourt succeeded in paying off Ven-
ezuela's million-dollar debt. He has also
set out to reduce the number of the all-
powerful reactionary armed forces. In a
highly-guarded purge, he forcibly retired
a number of senior officers. But Betan-
court realized he could not risk destroy-
ing the huge military organization at
one fell stroke. Thus he has appeased the
army: out of a total budget for 1963 of
$1.8 billion, the military gets $270 million
-a rather high figure for a small country
such as Venezeula.
Since 1961, Betancourt has faced an-
other serious internal crisis: the guer-
rillas. Two anti-government groups exist;
the first, known as the Armed Forces for
National Liberation (FALN), coordinates
terrorism in and around Caracas. A sec-
ond group of around 250 guerrillas have
no formal organization but are simply
called "las guerrillas del monte"-the
mountain guerrillas.
Betancourt has acted to destroy these
elements with amazing speed. Convicted
guerrillas are sentenced to the govern-
ment prison "El Dorado" for 16 years;
CONTENTS
BETANCOURT: WHO WILL
SUCCEED HIM? .. . ....Page Two
By Ronald Kenyon
A GROWING NUMBER
OF STUDENT PARTIES .. Page Three
By Richard Keller Simon
and Samuel Bobrow
EUROP'S MODERN ART IN
ANN AROR Pages Four and Five
PREVIFWS AND
REVIEWS ............. .Page Six
THE CAMPUSI
PRESS . . Pages Seven and Eight
By Michael Olinick
ACTING EDITOR: Gloria Bowles
COVER: Inexactitude Multiple by
Francois Arnal. Martha Jackson Gal-
letvy;New York City.
PHOTO CREDITS: Cover: Daily; Page
Tvo: Associated Press; -Pace Three:

the MDmly Penncylvvncn; Paes Four
and Five: Da;lv: Pane Six: Dn4lv;
Pace Seven: Colujmh;a Journalism
School: Pace Eight: Daily.
Page Two

Venezuelan President Waves to Caracas Crowds

their leaders for 18. Two months ago,
according to the Venezuelan embassy, 178
guerrillas were sentenced. Few of the
leaders have been communists; but the
majority seem to be disenchanted opposi-
tion party members.
DESPITE THESE serious internal prob-
lems, Betancourt has managed to lay
the foundation for a genuine liberal de-
mocracy. He organized a literacy cam-
paign; estimates predict that within a
couple of years there will be no illiterates
in the country. Thousands of elementary
schools have gone up; most of Venezuela's
school-age children now can attend
classes. A widespread but generally un-
noticed agrarian reform has distributed
individual plots to 50,000 families. The
AD party has made itself a vital part of
the nation's activity by extending its
organization into the smallest villages
and explaining democracy to hundreds
of thousands.
But the important question today is
whether Betancourt's successor can con-
tinue to build on this strong foundation.
To answer this, we first should see the
prospective candidates for the presidency.
Betancourt's AD party will hold its
nominating convention t h is spring.
Among the top contenders for the nom-
ination is Raul Leoni, one of the founders
of thetparty. He is a well-liked man of
enormous political experience and popu-
lar with the voters but suffers because
he is disliked by the partner in the gov-
erning coalition, the tiny clerical COPEI
party.
A second candidate is youthful (41)
Carlos Andres Perez, who is now Minister
of Interior, a title with far greater sig-
nificance in Venezuela than in the - U.S.
The central government in Venezeula
exercises considerably more control over
the respective states than here: state gov-
ernors, for example, are appointed by the
President. Thus the Minister of Interior
is virtually the President's right-hand
man for national politics. Perez has per-
formed his task remarkably well and
gained much experience doing so.
Gonzalo Barrios is considered the out-
standing congressman in Venezeula today.
A highly cultured man, he is currently
the vice-president of the AD party. How-
ever, his candidacy is unlikely due to his
"aristocratic ideas."
ANOTHER POTENTIAL candidate is
Juan Pablo Perez Alfonso, Minister of
Mines and Hydrocarbons, an authority
on the petroleum industry and the sworn
enemy of the international oil combines
operating in the country. Too smart to
attempt a Cuban-type nationalization, he
would try instead through legal means
to increase the government's cut of the
petroleum profits.
Chief among Venezuela's 21 opposition
parties is the Democratic-Republican
Union (URD). Once a minor party with
only 150,000 members, URD scored in-
the 1958 elections by nominating as their
candidate the popular Admiral Larraza-
bal. Larrazabal is a military man who
never cared much for politics, but his
ponular smile won him 800.000 votes
against Betancourt's 1.284.000. If nom-
inated. he would nrobably not be able to-
outdraw AD anywhere except the Federal

District of Caracas, where AD strength
is almost nil: in the 1958 elections, for
example, Betancourt only polled 45,000
votes. against Larrazabal's 250,000. .
Jovito Villalba is the founder of the
URD party and its probable candidate.
A member of the "Generation of '28," he
was, for the sake of appearances, allowed
by Dictator Perez Jimenez to run against
him in the rigged elections of 1952. Villal-
ba unexpectedly won the election. Perez
Jimenez declared the election void, and
sent Villalba out of the country. He
worked with Betancourt in drafting the,
country's new constitution in 1959.
Assuming a continuation of present
conditions in the country during the
coming months, the outlook for the elec-
tion looks something like this: AD has
around a million members. Their candi-
date will be able to count this million
plus another 800,000 or so who do not
belong to any party.
A MORE DIFFICULT problem faces the
URD. They lack a strong party or-
ganization-unlike AD, for example, URD
does not hold a nominating convention.
Their chances thus depend completely
on Larrazabal's luck in unifying support
behind him. He will run, however,
whether or not the URD gives -him its
official blessing. Assuming that Jovito
Villalba succeeds in obtaining party back-
ing, the URD will be completely split and
AD will win hands down. For that rea-
son, AD is helping Villalba sub rosa as
much as they can. "Divide and conquer"
may still hold true.
The word "election" in Venezuela, as in
most of South America, still means some-
thing far different than in the United
States. Rigging, for example, -is the rule;-
not the exception. Frequently the army
takes power and puts off the elections un-
til "sometime in the future" as was the
case in Guatemala recently. Or sometimes
the colonels and generals grab control of
the government to nullify the results of
a legal election as they did last year in
Peru.
The last few years had seen a welcome
change in this traditional pattern with
the end of a number of military regimes:
Paul Magloire in Haiti (1956), Peron in
Argentina (1955), Rojas Pinilla in Colom-
bia (1957), Trujillo in the Dominican Re-
public (1962), and Jimenez in Venezuela
(1958).
President-. Kennedy's sincerely-moti-
vated Alliance for Progress, which prom-
ised Latins dollars if they exchange their
feudalism for liberal democracy, was an
aid. But events within the past year all
show a return to the sad old pattern of
military intervention whenever the mil-
itarists imagine their interests to be at
stake.
And much of the blame for this recent
downturn falls on the U.S. Our first mis-
take was supporting Latin dictatorships
with arms ostensibly for "hemispheric
defense" and then watching as the gen-
erals used these weapons against their
countrymen. Coupled with this was our
persistent -refusal to recognize dictators
as such: one of the blackest pages of the
Eisenhower administration occurred in
1954 when John Foster -Dulles flew to
Caracas and confered the Leeion of Merit:
on Perez Jimenez. The Caraquenos prob-

ably remembered this deed when they
spat upon Vice-president Nixon a few
-years later.
WE ARE ALSO at fault for not censur-
ing the military juntas when they
seize power illegally as they have so re-
cently done in Peru and Guatemala.
President Kennedy's bold talk of "demo-
Bracy" in his Alliance for Progress means
little 'if he does not act to back up these
words when the generals snuff democracy
out.
"Election," which to us means an order-,
ly change of administration, often means
in Latin America the change of constitu-
tion. One of the significant differences
between Latin America and the U.S. is
the absence in Latin America of political
"rules of the game," like those known to
the Western democracies. Nowhere is
there a functioning two-party system:
instead there is usually one ruling party or
clique and a whole multitude of hostile
minor parties each with its own program
for re-making the entire country.
All of this goes to show that "a void
created by Betancourt's retirement could
have fatal consequences for Venezuela."
The danger of a military take-over in
Venezuela is imminent should a capable
candidate fail in winning the November
election. There is still the danger of ex-
tremist sabotage which Cuba would both
welcome and encourage if a weak candi-
date wins. Finally, there is still the task
of creating a climate for the continuance
of democracy-those "rules of the game"
mentioned above.
There are, of course, no definite guar-
antees that any of the likely candidates
will be able to muster the courage to deal
effectively with Venezuela's many prob-
lems. But of the contenders. Leoni, Andres
Perez and Villalba are certainly the most
promising. Larrazabal's smile would not
be a sufficient weapon against the left-
wing extremists and the restive Army.
With luck, however, any of the above
trio could probably survive.
But owing to the present level of Vene-
zuela's political development. AD should
keep control of the government. Although
Villalba of the URD is competent himself
his party needs more time to create an
effective organization and a party
ideology. .When that time comes, one
would hope for a URD victory. But at
present, the only real party in Venezuela
is the Accion Democratica; thus Leoni or
Andres Perez, if nominated, deserves the
victory.
In either case, we here in the U.S. should
continue to support Venezuela's efforts
,0 create a genuine democracy in Latin
America and encourage the new president
in his efforts to continue the job Betan-
court has so admirably begun.
In This Issue ,.,
The current exposition of modern
European art at the Alumni Museum
has stirred up some controversy, with
art enthusiasts variously disappointed
by the paintings and others defending
the selections made by two University
professors. Sandra Zisman, a junior in_
the art school and a painting major.
takes a walk through the exhibition
and offers her own impressions, which
should serve as a starting point for a
visit to the Museum by her readers...
Michael Olinick, Daily editor 1962-63,
writes an authoritative article on the
subject he knows best: the campus
Dress. Olinick, in semi-retirement since
the appointment of a new senior staff
at The Daily, reflects on the state of
the college newsnaer in the United
States ... a resident of Philadelohia,
Richard Keller Simon is a freshman
in the literary college and a Daily
rewrite who covers University beat. He
has cooperated with another freshman
.ournalist, Samuel A. Pobrow, who
is a reporter for the Daily Pennsvl-
vanian. This view of student govern-
ment at another niverity causes us to
take a second look at severe criticisms

of the local'*effort ..Finally, predic-
tions for the outcome of the Venezuel-£
an presidential nomination camoaign
are undertaken by Ronald Kenvon. a
senior in English and a prospective
nolitical analyst, who has a keen in-
terest in Latin American affairs.
--G. IL

By Michael Olinik
Daily Editor
IN THE BYLAWS adopted by most uni-
versities and in the documents of prin-
ciple and operation composed by sub-
ordinate campus agencies, there exists
vague phraseology limiting the freedoms
of the faculty member and student. The
tuition paying scholar may not "engage
in conduct unbecoming a student." A
professor may not take "such action as
would compromise the university in the
eyes of the public." Similarly, the campus
press is obligated "to have at heart the
best interests of the university" and is
forbidden from publishing any news item
or editorial that would 'violate' those
interests.
These phrases mark the boundaries of
the sphere of thought and action on the
campus, but they are rarely made any
more clear. One can hardly ever tell how
closely he is drifting toward the awful
precipice of bureaucratic censure. The
walls are there, but you cannot see them.
The university administrator will refuse
to tell you where they are, for in most
cases, he does not know himself. Details
in a particular case are filled in ex-post
facto after a hurried and harried examin-
-f the political climate and the
university's tender image.
A coed participates in a Freedom Ride;
a member of the mathematics faculty
vigorously defends his rights before a
Congressional investigative committee;
an editorial in the campus newspaper
labels the university president 'unfit' for
office. These are the times the barriers
suddenly and cruelly appear.
The campus press suffers most from
this unfortunate situation. Professors, on
the whole, are less actively radical than
their students and student editors. They
have a strong tradition of academic free-
dom which guards against bureaucratic
abuses, some sort of appeal process from
arbitrary firings and even a 'union' -
The American Association of University
Professors - to censure and blacklist re-
actionary universities.
A university administration will hesi-
tate in taking action against a professor
because it doesn't want to lose its fac-
ulty in protest resignations or have pro-
fessorial 'loyalty' weakened so that many
would leave if the institution later falls
into an economic slump. Faculty favor
has to be curried; if students don't like
the place, let them find another.
ALTHOUGH stalwart alumni still main-
tain that attendance at the univer-
sity is a privilege and not a right, indi-
vidual students are beginning to gain
protection from arbitrary acts by the
administration. Many infractions of rules
are being handled by student judiciaries
which are slowly gaining autonomy from
student affairs deans. Student govern-
ments are approving bills of student
rights and gaining pledges of adherence
to them from the administration. Stu-
dents are also turning to the courts and
receiving encouragement in their quest
for a guarantee of 'due process' in sus-
pension and expulsion cases.
Student newspapers have fewer allies
and a greater tendency to get themselves
into trouble, The power of the printed
word is. much stronger than most acts
that an individual student or professor
can and will do. The first place dissident
students turn for university and social
reform is usually their newspaper. In
turn, the campus press is under -tighter
and more immediate control of its deeds.
The First Amendment has rarely been
embraced by university trustees and even
where freedom of the campus press has
been a strong tradition, publications
boards and faculty advisers and college
presidents have repeatedly violated it
when students showed positive signs of
exercising it.
Given the vagueness of its limitation,
it is not surprising that the editors of

campus;newspapers which have a modi-
cum of freedom find themselves frequent-
ly involved in controversy.
College editors are an introspective
and analytical lot, ready to spend long
hours in areument; the question of
'should we print it?' can arise'many times
a week. The staff box changes each year
and a new group of editors must ask
itself, "What are the best interests of
the university and how do we fit into
SUNDAY, MAY 12, 1963

them?" or in other language, "what is
the role of the newspaper in the academic
community?" From an examination of
the newspaper's ideal function, the staff
can determine how much freedom it
needs to fulfill its duties, sketch out cri-
teria for publishing articles and editor-
ials, decide where to concentrate its re-
sources and determine what values it
wants to try to inculcate in the lower
staffs.
PERE ARE basically only two theories
of the press: an authoritarian and a
libertarian one.
Briefly, the authoritarian theory holds
that a newspaper's chief purpose is to
support and advance the policies of the
reigning government and to service the
state.
The content of the newspaper, under
such a theory, is tested and evaluated
against its contribution to the achieve-
ment of established goals. The press has

administrator, nothing so inexpedient as
the libertarian theory could be accepted.
For many, the campus press is the uni-
versity's house organ so tightly controlled
that even neutral statements about the
campus attract suspicion of a blue pencil
before copy is approved for publication.
On some of these campuses, the student
editors willingly and gratefully accept the
editorial position as a supplement to the
college's annual catalog. For them, it is
more or lass a continuation of their high
school experience: the prestige of having
the principal (later, the dean or vice-
president) call you by first name and
chat with you in his office is traded for
publishing his words under your byline.
What is perhaps most galling and dis-
turbing is the attitude of hypocrisy evi-
denced, by many college newspaper ad-
visers..Verne E. Edwards, editorial writer
for The Detroit Free Press, is working
on a national survey of campus news-
papers. His report on the survey is not

Vague Limits on Freedom
Leave Editors Uncertain:
'What Should We Print?'

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Olinick with fellow journalists at Columbia

no function in determining or questioning
these goals. That is up to the individual
or group exercising the political power.
The press is controlled in a variety of
methods, but the basis is permission from
the government to publish in return for
a pledge of support or employment of a
government censor for the press.
The libertarian theory of the press
emerged from the .general philosophy of
rationalism and natural rights of the
Enlightenment and found its explication
in the writings of Locke and Mill. As
adopted in the United States, this theory
held that the purposes of the press were
to inform, to entertain, to sell - but
chiefly to aid in the discovery of the
truth and to act as a check on govern-
ment.
An examination of these theories gives
support to the thesis that the press al-
ways takes on the form and coloration of
the social and political structures within
which it operates, especially the system
of social control.
AN EXAMINATION of the collegiate
scene shows that the university ad-
ministration adopts the authoritarian
creed while the student editors seek ap-
plicatione of the libertarian doctrine.
While the libertarian theory is ground-
ed on the same assumptions as the theory
of academic freedom generally accepted
in the. classroon and laboratory, and
while it is more consistent with achieve-
ment of the university's educational aims,
it has only been accepted fully by a
handful of universities. In the notorious-
ly expedient universe of the institutional

finished yet, but one or two major con-
clusions can be drawn from his data. In
response after response to his question-
naire, these faculty advisers would say
that their newspapers were free news-
papers run by the students and enjoying
the full benefits of the Bill of Rights.
Yet these same advisers would relate how
they maintained a check on all items
before they were published, how they had
precensored editorials on controversial
matters, how the newspaper had certain
restrictions on what the editorial writers
could editorialize about.
How does a free and responsible college
editor go about deciding what 'is in the
best interests of the university'? This is
a decision he really only needs to make
once. The best interests of the univer-
sity, as of any public body, are served
by the publication and open discussion
of any and all material which is im-
portant to the state of the university.
This is simply a demand for honesty in
reporting, a demand that editors realize
their job is to guard the welfare of the
community and to do that the members
of the community must be informed on
all sianificant factors affecting it.
Student editors usually have little
trouble determining whether or not the
information they have just garnered is
important, though they often have diffi-
culty getting the news. Once they have-
the news, there are several causes that
lead' to 'voluntary' suppression of it..
REPORTERS and editors are often
scared. They are threatened with loss
of scholarships, pledges to destroy their

THE MICHIGAN DAILY MAGAZINE