I
Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY of MICHIGAN
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here Opinions Are Pr
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
IDAY, JANUARY 5, 1962
NIGHT EDITOR: CYNTHIA NE
NS
41
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Division 'Dry Line':
Liquor on State Street?
THE STATE STREET Merchant's Association
is beginning to circulate petitions that will
very likely mean the end of Ann Arbor's out-
dated "dry line." This provision, written into
the Ann Arbor city charter, forbids the serving
of alcoholic drinks by the glass east of Division
street. which, for all practical purposes, means
the campus area.
If the petitioners can get 1,428 signatures
of city residents and if the voters approve the
change, students over 21 will find themselves
able to buy liquor by the glass without ven-
turing off campus.
Fortthe student, the bar on State Street or
South U will mean an end to an outdated form
of legislated morality, of an unsuccessful at-
tempt by non-students, and in fact non-
University personnel, to impose standards of
behavior that not even vocal alumni and
parent groups would endorse. It also would
end the problem of remaining vertical during
late night walks back from Main Street.
FOR ANN ARBORITES, the change would be
a simple recognition of reality: The attempt
to control student drinking has been an un-
equivocal failure. The bars in the Main Street
area, especially a few traditional spots, do a
booming business.
And for those under 21, or the less athletic
campus crowds, there are innumerable apart-
ment, fraternity and even quad parties where
alcohol flows in abundance.
The likelihood of passing the proposal is
enhanced by what seems to be a slight but
growing sophistication about alcohol in the
community. Ann Arborites only a year ago
approved liquor by the glass in the westerin
half of the city.
But for the third group involved in the
situation-the State Street merchants and the
South University merchants who have leni
support-there is yet another reason: money.
For years, the net result of the "dry line"
has been to create and maintain a monopoly
for a few establishments near Main Street.
This has not necessarily been a conscious
conspiracy. But now the campus businessmer
see a chance to bring more money into their
own area. A half mile less walking for the
consumers is an inherent advantage. And the
possibility of vending liquor which requires
less storage space and is more profitable than
beer, adds the final motivation. They want
the rights to sell on State.
Thus students have won a minor victory for
independence. But this does not indicate a
trend. Ann Arbor may vote to end its "noble
experiment," but its citizens would be as out,
raged by another proposal to let women in the
quads as they were two months ago when a
barrage of angry letters descended upon the
Ann Arbor News. And lest one becomes so
optimistic about the city's growing sophistica-
tion, one must keep in mind that prohibition
did end 29 years ago.
As for the merchants, they just want a
profit. They have initiated the move, thinking
in terms of dollars and cents. For they are
firm believers in the somewhat revised old
adage, "Never put your morality where your
money is."
-DAVID MARCUS
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SIDELINE ON SGC:
Why the 'Bill of Rights' Failed
I. F. Stone's Cuban Fuzz
J. F. STONE, a Washington journalist whose
ideas are often reprinted on this page, is
still arguing the Cuban question with a fuzzi-
nep which would do credit to any liberal.
In a question-and-answer session after a
recent address at Harpur College, New York's
only state-supported liberal arts unit, Stone
,said- the United States forced Cuba into the
Russian orbit by waging economic war.
This interesting view ignores American's
many non-belligerent policies.
When the new dictator seized American pri-
vate property in Cuba, our government did not
fight this economic socialization, but only ask-
ed that suitable reparations be made. This was
probably too weak-kneed a position, but at
the time there was great support for Fidel in
this country. The result was indirect financial
assistance to Castro.
After slapping us in the' face on that score,
Castro went on to purge not only supporters
of the old Batista regime, but those who had
supported him and defected when they found
out that free elections and civil liberties were
becoming broken promises. Cubans who might
have formed a "loyal opposition" party were cut
down, and free newspapers were gagged.
Then, and only then, didk the United States
terminate the Cuban sugar quota. The only
other "economic war" was America's wise slow-
ness in offering foreign aid funds to the new
dictator.
STONE PICTURED CASTRO as a dynamic
leader, the only one in Latin America "who
had the guts and vision to bring about the
reforms we say we want.",
Such a statement emphasizes favorable
changes, but conveniently avoids the fact that
'many of Castro's policies have hardly been
"reforms." For example:
Trial by revolutionary courts ignoring all
civil liberties.
Continuation of dictatorship.
Use of the family informer system.
Refusal to permit free elections.
Destruction of private property.
Denial of religious freedom.
Attempts to subvert non-Communist coun-
tries.
Formation of a "people's police."
It is incredible that an editor who winces.
in pain whenever a Communist is charged with
contempt of Congress could avoid mentioning
such suppression of freedom. But such are the
spokesmen of the Great American Left.
--RICHARD OSTLING
Associate Editorial Director
TODAY AND TOMORROW
Peaceful Chan
Dy WALTER LIPPMANN
WO CURRENT HAPPENINGS are worth
examining together: India's conflict with
Portugal over Goa and Indonesia's controversy
with the Netherlands over West New Guinea.
The more closely we study them, the clearer
it is that although superficially they look some-
what alike, fundamentally they are quite dif-
ferent.
The essential difference is that in the case
of Goa the government of Portugal took an
absolute position that the status of Goa was
not negotiable. Goa is a small enclave on the
*mainland of India and Dr. Salazar insisted on
having it treated as a part of Portugal with
its capital in Lisbon.'
Though Britain and France 'left the Indian
continent peaceably, for fifteen years Portugal
has refused to leave it peaceably or even to
talk about leaving it ever. The determining
fact about the Goa question is that though it
was in -fact a Portuguese colony in India,
Portugal denied that there was any peaceable
method of doing what Britain and France had
done about the rest of the Indian continent.
GOA POINTS UP sharply, as I remember
from many talks with him, John Foster
Dulles' worries about what he regarded as one
of the great defects of the United Nations
charter. In his book, "War or Peace," which
was published in 1950 before he was Secretary
of State and was still an advisor to the
Truman administration, he wrote that "the
possibility of peaceful change is a fundamental
prerequisite to peace" for "if we set up barriers
to all change, we make it certain that there
will be a violent and explosive change." That
ment to Sukarno to seize West New Guinea.
The two cases are quite different. The Nether-
lands, unlike Portugal, has set up no barrier
to change. On the contrary, it has invited
peaceful change by the conciliatory procedures
of the United Nations and of the world com-
munity.
The Netherlands, therefore, has come into
court with clean hands and it is entitled to the
full support of the world community in guaran-
teeing that the change, which is to come in
West New Guinea, will be a peaceful change.'
THE ISLAND of New Guinea lies to the east
of Indonesia and north of Australia. The
people are the Papuans. They are so primitive
that by comparison the Congolese are highly
advanced. There can be no question in the
foreseeable future of their being able to govern
themselves as a nation-state in the kind of
world we live in. In their foreign relations, in
the maintenance of public order, and for their
development as a people, they must have
tutelage from more advanced people. If the
Dutch must go, and after them the Australians,
someone else-who is no more Papuan than
the Dutch or the Australians-would have to
take over. For this role the Indonesians have
nominated themselves.
Their claim to West New Quinea is not
that is inhabited by Indonesians, as is Goa
by Indians, but that West New Guinea was
part of the colonial empire of the Netherlands
and that they are the heirs of that empire.
They are not pleading merelor h. +e nt i
By PHILIP SUTIN
Daily Staff Writer
IN DEATING the Glick-Roberts
motion SGC Treasurer Steven
Stockmeyer presented a model of
the student-administration rela-
tionship. It is a labor-management
one. Students are workers pres-
suring the management-adminis-
tration for changes in basic con-
ditions. Student government func-
tions like a union as an agent
seeking improvement.
,This view perhaps best expresses
the basic attitude of the majority
of 'Council members who defeated
the Glick-Roberts motion's stu-
dent "bill of Rights" Wednesday
night.
The bill itself had a different
concept of the University com-
munity. Although the University
has some ties to the state and the
public, it is essentially an organ-
ization of equal scholars seeking
an educational goal. The bill lays
the groud rules for the individual
in his interlationships within the
community. It is essentially an
ideological approach toward de-
fining these relationships.
IN THE LABOR-RELATIONS
view, the student is a worker in
an educational industry. He is not
co-equal, but simply raw material
being shaped by professors, books
and institutions to fit certain roles
in the society he will enter when
he graduates.
Thus student-administration re-
lationships are on a practical basis.
The first concern is for the insti-
tution. The individual is merely
a transitory part of it and even-
tually will either join its ad-
ministrative structure or will leave
it.
The attitudes taken on the seven
section bill reflected these two
basic approaches, which had been
staked out earlier in the evening.
The Council majority took the
labor relations view while the
minority which had presented and
defended the bill of rights ex-
pressed the community approach.
* * *
THE KEY practical issues were
the University image, the preser-
vation of theyacepted moral stan-
dards of society, the necessities of
administration and the relevance
of the deliberation.
On motion of Administrative
Vice-President Robert Ross, the
bill was divided into two sets of
relationships. The first dealt with
student relations with outside
communities. Section 2 concerned
individual privacy, protection from
arbitrary search and seizure, and
non-academic evaluations without
consent. A prohibition against any
rule limiting membership in or-
ganizations except those set by the
group itself was contained in Sec-
tion 4. Section 7 dealt with double
jeopardy in civil and University
judiciary bodies. The remaining
sections directly concerned the stu-
dent in his relationship within the
University community.
* * *
EACH POINT was attacked on
practical grounds. IQC President
Tom Moch objected to Section 2
because he felt SGC was not the
place to discuss it. Joint Judiciai y
Council w th Drner hodr t
of speech, publication, assembly,
or petition"--an extract from the
First Amendment to the Constitu-
tion-was attacked because of po-
tential conflicts with existing leg-
islation on calendaring and rec-
ognition of student organizations.
* * *
THE LACK of a clear means for
interpreting the bill hindered its
case. Unlike other bills of rights,
this one had no method to resolve
conflicts between the bill and
existing and future legislation.
Thus proponents could only sur-
mise the resolution of potential
conflicts and could not meet ob-
jections clearly and convincingly.
Section 3 on curfews and free-
dom of movement attracted inoral
criticisms. A !number of Council
members cited the need to pro-
tect women's morals. Mensbets ex-
pressed fears for the reputation
of the University in the eyes of
the legislature and alumni.
Proponents of the section argu-
ed, in accordance with their out-
look, that a group has no right to
regulate the activities of its mem-
bers outside the group. They called
curfews arbitrary and totalitarian.
After a heated debate, the section
was defeated 6-8.
Section 5 dealing with arbitrary
and summary disciplinary action
and Section 6 on the right to
public trial and due process pro-
ceedings received little debate. As
in previous sections dealing with
judiciary action, these two were
attacked as inappropriate for das-
cussion by the Council.
* * *
THE CONSISTENCY of the
majority and of the criticism pro-
vides a clear indication of tie
Council attitude toward the stu-
dent-administration relationshiu.
The present Council stronglyt
favors the labor relations ap-
proach, content to press for small
changes, but basically accepting
the basic institutional pattern.
Although no formal recommen-
dation to the OSA study commit-
tee was made (the Glick-Roberts
motion would have done this),
the Council by implication has
told the group what sort of stu-
dent community it desires. Th
labor-relations view, so aptly de-
scribed by Stockmeyer, is the ac-
cepted model.
(EDITOR'S NOTE-This book re-
view by the President of the Uni-
versity appeared in last Sunday's
New York Times.)
AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION:
A Documentary History. Edited by
Richard Hofstadter and Wilson
Smith. Two Vols. 016 pp. Chica-
go: University of Chicago Press.
$15.
By HARLAN HATCHER
SHORTLY AFTER the Pilgrims
landed they became concerned
with education and began to pro-
pagate learning and lay plans for
a college. We have been continu-
ing the effort with unflagging
vigor for roughly 300 years. We are
more intensively involved with the
basic problems today than ever
before. We have never been in
doubt about the need nor the re-
wards that come out of this gener-
ative force. But we have debated,
often heatedly, and wrestled
earnestly with the questions that
follow from this dedicated com-
mitment.
What kind of education? At
what level? For whom? To what
controlling purpose? Private op-
portunity, or public responsibility?
Free, or by tuition assessment?
Broadly cultural, or exactingly
specialized and specific? Under
how much and what kind of con-
trols? Religious or secular? For
everybody or under rigorous selec-
tion of the academically superior?
The debate and the search go
on as our knowledge and expe-
rience grow, and the clear and
present needs continue to press
us. And the questions have never
been more insistent or more widely
discussed than they are today.
THE CONTEXT of our present
perplexity makes this documen-
tary history of American higher
education both welcome and hap-
pily instructive. It is a carefully
selected anthology covering 300
years of charters, memoirs, stat-
utes and by-laws, speeches, essays,
court decisions, argument, charges
and defenses, philosophy and ex-
hortation, arranged to tell the
story of our progress. The great
moments of decision in our intel-
lectual history come back to me,
and the drama of some of our
sharpest controversies are re-
enacted in these pages.
Many of these selections made
history, and all are readable. Few
of them are handy to come by
even for the professional student
or reader. Here is Cotton Mather's
history of Harvard (1702) and bi
delightful sketch of President
Henry Dunster, who fell into the
error of opposing infant baptism,
created the risk that students
might succumb to the heresy of
their president, and so, after
prayer, was removed.
Here are Washington's and
Jefferson's pleas for a National
University which went unheeded
by the Congress; and here, in
generous space, are the epoch-
making documents on thefound-
ing and development of the Uni-
versity of Virginia and the work
of Henry P. Tappan and colleagues
at Ann Arbor to which Andrew
White of Cornell pays handsome
tribute.
* * *
HERE ARE selected papers on
the Morrill act of 1862, setting
aside land revenues for the sup-
port of ' state colleges, and 'the
state college movement that fol-
lowed withsuch spectacular re-
sults for the nation. There are
papers on the growing pains of
the colleges, the storm over the
introduction of the elective system,
the problems of management and
control as enrollments soared on
the soul-searching controversies
over academic freedom from 1875
to the resignation letter of Charles
Beard to President Nicholas M.
Butler of Columbia in 1917.
These references will, I hope,
suggest something of the richness
and variety and the chronological
and topical sequence of the selec-
tions which fill these ample pages.
Each period in the nation's
growth has had its own set of
problems. These have influenced
the nature of education and in
turn higher education has made its
impact on the times. The first
Open letter to the
Human Relations Commission
OTNE OF THE MAJOR problems
problems confronting the City
of Ann Arbor and the surrounding
area is that of housing discrimina-
tion. It is a problem that is of
particular concern locally and na-
tionally for it has far reaching
effects. Realizing the importance
of this problem the Ann Arbor
Area Fair Housing Association has
organized to see what can be done
to change existing discriminatory
practices. With this purpose in
mind, we call your attention to the
following facts:
1) There are several groups and
a great' many individuals interest-
ed in fair housing opportunities
for everyone.
2) There are several establish-
ments who practice a policy of
discrimination in Ann Arbor in
both buying and renting.
3) Realtors and the people who
manage and own these apartments
use a variety of subterfuges and
dodges to deliberately keep Ne-
groes out.
4) There is a difference in treat-
ment and information afforded
Negroes and White applicants in
regard to rentals of apartments.
* * *
WE ARE particularly con-
cerned with Pittsfield Village.
Many Negroes have applied for
apartments at Pittsfield and out
of 422 families no Negroes are
living there now and there never
have been any Negroes in Pitts-
field Village. In the past and of
late we know that there have been
professional people who have been
denied living accommodations be-
cause of their color.
ence with the owner concerning
their policy.
2) Make a public report of your
findings.
3) Use your resources to mobilize
public action to end this discrim-
inatory policy.
The City of Ann Arbor, with the
great University of Michigan and
its emphasis on growth, research
and education can ill afford this
situation as a place that wants to
do its part in sharing advances in
living to the'rest of the world if
the freedom of choice in housing
is denied or restricted for some of
our citizens who>live in or may
come to this area?
--Ann Arbor Fair Housing
Association Steering
Committee
struggling colleges at Yale, Har-
vard, William and Mary, Prince-
ton, Columbia and Brown strove
earnestly to cultivate the minds,
rectify the manners, and elevate
the souls of their students.
* * *
AT YALE the laws (1745) re-
quired "That the President * *
Shall constantly Pray in the
College-Hall every morning and
Evening: * * * That the Presi-
dent or Tutors Shall, by Turns, or
as They conveniently can visit
Student's Chambers after Nine
o'Clock, to See whether They are
at their Chambers, and apply
themselves to their Studies." Har-
vard boys are not to frequent "the
company and society of such men
as lead an ungirt and dissolute
life."
The strong orthodox current in
the college tradition led to the
serious controversy over "religious
intolerance" in education, and the
role of the state in broadening the
opportunities for nonsectarian and
;technical education in the gowing
nation.
This section is supported' by
such articles as Shubael Conant's
"Heresy-hunting at Yale" (1757),
by Daniel Webster and Chief Jus-
tice Marshall on the celebrated
Dartmouth College case, (1819)
and by a dozen less familiar pieces
in a section on "Freedom and Re-
pression in the Old-Time College"
(1822-63).
THE SECTION entitled The
Quest for an Adequate Educational
System helps illuminate an im-
portant period with the help of
twenty-five selections covering the
period from 1793 to 1856.
Our colleges were ill-housed and
woefully under - financed. The
course of study was dull and
sterile. Charles Nisbet complained
(1793) that "Our students are
generally very averse to reading
or thinking, and expect to learn
everything in a short time without,
application." There was much in-
ternal bickering over management.
George Bancroft and George Tick-
nor were contrasting the inade-
quacies of American colleges with
the rising power of the German
universities.
The question of support- was
critical. Many thoughtful men like
Edward Everett and F. H. Hedge
were vigorously pressing Harvard's
need for state funds: "Unless the
State of Massahusetts shall se
fit to adopt us, and to foster our
interest with something of the
zeal and liberality which the State
of Michigan bestows on her aca-
demic masterpiece, Harvard can-
not hope to compete with this
precocious child of the West."
* * *
THIS ANTHOLOGY may serve
to remind readers that the great
university as we know it (and take
for granted) is a relatively new
development. The ten essays on
Organizing the Modern University
cover the period dominated by
Daniel Coit Gilman of Yale's
Scientific School, and later of
John Hopkins, by Charles W. Eliot
of Harvard, and Woodrow Wilson
of Princeton, and are supplement-
ed by bright pieces on William R.
Harper at Chicago.
-The question of University Fac-
ulties and University Control is
always a topic for often-heated
/debate. One of the sprightly sec-
tions reproduces Gilman's fine'
essay on the first rapture of uni-
versity life at Johns Hopkins
(1876), Carl Becker's nostalgic ic-
ture of a great period at Cornell,
and an astringent attack by Thor-
stein Veblen on "the Conduct of
Universities by Business."
The strictures on the short-
comings of our colleges and uni-
versities in this century as seen
by Abraham Fexner and Robert
and continue the old debate.
This unusual book is good read-
ing in its own right, and a most
welcome addition to the literature
on higher education at a time
when we need greater knowledge
in better perspective, and sharper
understanding of the part we must
play in the unendinga quest for
the best possible university.
Copyrighet, 1961, The New -York Times
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Discrimination Lurks
A t 'U's Back Door
DAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN
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4
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3564 Administration Building
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
FRIDAY, JANUARY 5
General Notices
Corrected I.D. Cards: Replacement I.
D. ,cards have been made for all those
students who were enrolled Spring, 1961
and whose I.D. card has the given
name printed before the surname (fam-
ily name), e.g., Gloria Ann Smith rath-
er than Smith, Gloria Ann. Exchange
may be made Jan. 8-12, hours 8:30-12
and 1-4:30 in Room 1510 of the Ad-
The Martha Cook Building will have
a few vacancies for the second semes-
ter, February 1962. Those interested
and not under contract in present
housing may apply to the director. For
appointment, please call NO 2-3225.
Student Activities must .be calendared
so as to take place before the seventh
day prior to the beginning of a finial
examination period. (Student Govern-
ment Council, Oct. 14, 1959).
The following student sponsored so-
cial events are approved for the com-
ing weekend. Social chairmen are re-
minded that requests for approval for
social events are due in the Office of
Student Affairs not later than 12
o'clock noon on the Tuesday prior to
the event.
JAN. 6-,
Alpha Delta Phi, Delta Upsilon, Phi
Input Signal," Fri., Jan. 5, 3035 East
Engineering -Bldg., at 1:30 p.m. Chair-
man, L. F.' Kazda.
Doctoral Examination for William
Leonard Rowe, Philosophy; thesis: "An
Examination of the Philosophical
Theology of Paul Tillich," Fri., Jan.
5, 2218 Angell Hall, at 4:00 p.m. Chair-
man, W. P. Alston
Events Saturday
Doctoral Examination for Carol Hert-
zig Smith, English Language & Litera-
ture; thesis: "From Sweeney Agonistes
to The Elder Statesman: A Study of
the Dramatic Theory and Practice of
T. S. Eliot," Sat., Jan. 6, E. Council
Room, Rackham Bldg., at 10:00 a.m.
Chairman, H. C. Barrows.
1rm s