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Truth Will Prevail"
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or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

'THE HORIZONTAL LIEU'

NAP

"I Understand You Plan To Sit Out This Dilemma"

I. .

AY, MAY 11. 1962.

NIGHT EDITOR: JUDITH OPPENHEIM

. ..

Magazine's 'Illustrations'
Unfounded, Irresponsible

N .7
- p

THE MAY-JUNE issue of "Campus Iliustrat-
ed" has some really tremendous features
that are bound to captivate tis collegiate audi-
ence.
There is an informative outline of "22 Sure-
Fire Ways To Catch a Man," a photo section
on a beach-suit-clad Florida State University
coed who "loves" to do the twist and, in an
attempt at a more academic vein, an expose
of the "Red Revival on Campus: Communists
Push Drive To Win Student Support."
Unfortunately, however, the magazine's ap-
peal to the loins is more convincing than its
appeal to the political mind.
The "CI Staff Report" on campus Commun-
ism traces the party movement from the 1920
Red scare through the depression and McCar-
thyism, whose "excesses and revulsion" gave
the Communists a "golden opportunity" to in-
filtrate American campuses and "victimize and
exploit" college students.
Q UOTING AN FBI official, the magazine out-
lines the methods by which the Reds foist,
off their evil designs on unsuspecting youth: an,
ntensive speech campaign, national publica-
tions, special youth committees and promotion
of student uprisings and discontent by means
of mob violence and subversion through peace
movements.
"It has been reported that Communist cells
in recent years have been actively operating
on such campuses as Columbia University .,.
the University, Chicago University, Northwest-
ern University and the Universities of Minne-
sota and California," the magazine asserts.
Subversives
GOVERNOR SWAINSON is to be commended
for his veto last week of the Marshall Bill,
which would have outlawed Communism in
the state om Michigan.
The governor said the bill would give the
attorney general too much power in deciding
which political parties could appear on the
ballot. He added that there si sufficient federal
legislation to prevent subversive groups from
overthrowing the government.
The Marshall Bill represents another at-
tempt to start witch-hunting procedures. We
must look under our beds each night to see
if Communists are there, and loyalty oaths
are to be administered as no true Communist
would dare lie.'
Our state Legislature, which has problems
too many to cope with right now, has no time
for irrationalities such as the Marshall Bill.
Legislation and relegislation is no solution to
a problem which, while real, has been enlarged
beyond all rationality.
POWER CORRUPTS, the man says; and the
power to, decide who is a subversive and who
is not for the purpose of stifling the one and
encouraging the other is a power too great to
give to any man.
Every additional and unnecessary attempt
to censor political thought and action leads
to a state more like the one we call our enemy.
In a state where everyone is watched for signs
of subversion and people become afraid to sign
their names to anything, freedom cannot ex-
ist.
It is a scandal that the Legislature wastes
time on tripe like the Marshall Bill. It is to
be hoped that this action from Governor
Swainson will signal its death.
-RUTH HETMANSKI

Ths statiement reveals the glaring fault in
Campus Illustrated's "analysis" of the Com-
munist situation: there is no substantive evi-
dence presented to back up the sensational
charges.
"IT HAS BEEN reported that" is hardly any
proof that Red cells at the University or any
other schools really exist, or even if such sub-
versive groups do exist, that they wield any sort
of influence or power.
The magazine's two other efforts at supply-
ing evidence aren't very powerful either.
Brandishing HUAC chairman Francis Wal-
ter's warning that "the strength of the Com-
munist movement is in direct ratio to the in-
tensity of the efforts of a few who are trained
and disciplined agents," it cites the now fa-
mous 1960 San Francisco demonstrations
against the committee as an example of how
the Reds have duped well-meaning students.
But, as has been pointed gut many times,
the demonstrations have not been proven Com-
munist-inspired. The FBI has never pressed
charges against the so-called Communist
cheerleaders who egged on the picketers. If
these activists really were Communists, why
weren't they ever arrested for subversive ac-
THE MAGAZINE also explains tlat the Com-
munists "can dupe students sincerely dedi-
cated to peace into signing petitions urging the
weakening of United States military defenses."
Yet, although this charge serves as a handy
smear tactic, the peace movement has not
been proved Communist-directed either. It is
indeed strange that the red-blooded Ameri-
cans who are usually the first to level these
criticisms forget so thoroughly the traditional
American concept of innocence before being
proven guilty.
EVEN MORE untenable is the magazine's
second main line of substantiation: citing
the statements of the few remaining Red lead-
ers as to the virulence of the party's effective-
ness. National Secretary Benjamin Davis, for
instance, crows that after his speeches the stu-
dents "were impressed with me . . . They were
people whose activities must be directed in the
right direction . ..
But using the Communists' own statements
as support for their potency and danger con-
tradicts completely what the alarmists are
prone to mouth in another context: that the
Russians can never be trusted, that they will
tell lies whenever it suits them.
If Russian proposals or evaluations of world
issues are usually denounced as lies, why are
the Reds' statements on their success in dup-
ing students always taken at face value?
Fallacious arguments aside, it is conceivable
that in the future Communists could form an
effective program among students, or success-
fully dupe student activists.
IT IS RATHER difficult for any casual read-
er of Communist-controlled "New Horizon
for Youth" to perceive its direction, and it is
often difficult to distinguish Communists from
leftists.
But it is gross irresponsibility to create hy-
steria without proof, and assert the danger of
a non-existent threat. The best antidote to
the possibility of student subversion is an alert
and well-informed student body, one which
hardly needs to be fawned over by HUAC, the
FBI '- or even "Campus Illustrated."
-GERALD STORCH

Tall Gal Becomes
Short Commodity'
THE "HORIZONTAL Lieutenant" is a gentle comedy vehicle for the
unmistakable talents of Jim Hutton and Paula Prentiss.
M-G-M obviously is aware that it has contracts with the first real
comedy team since William Powell and Myrna Loy solved their last
mystery. The tall pair reached star stature in their first venture, "Where
the Boys Are." Since then, they have sought out each other above all
the other headls in "The Honeymoon Machine," "Bachelor in Paradise"
and now "The Horizontal Lieutenant." With an eye on the box-office
till, M-G-M has promised that more Jim-Paula movies are on the way,
In "Lieutenant," Jim, as' usual, is the bumbling young man who
manages to win cool, collected Paula - the "tall girl" who becomes a
"short commodity" on the island with only seventeen nurses and four
thousand soldiers. Along the road to romance, Paula but mainly Jim
(he has the larger part) bat around all the war-movie cliches for a
delightful satiric effect. Their slapstick always earns hearty guffaws.
Unfortunately, "Lieutenant" as a vehicle is not always chuckle-
some entertainment. Every now and then there is the plot which has
too much emphasis on catching the Japanese spy and too little on Jim
catching Paula. Incidentally, in the nick of time, Jim and Paula do
capture the Japanese spy (who really was only stealing food for his
pregnant wife).
Between Jim's grimaces and Paula's fast quips, Jack Carter capers,
Jim Backus bellows and blows smoke in airsick Jim Hutton's face, and
Miyoshi Umeki convincingly sings "How About You" as if it were the
latest Oriental hit.
The plot is conventional war-comedy stuff, but with the assets of
Jim Hutton, Paula Prentiss, and a charming Japanese vaudeville show
(and you'll be surprised how that works in), "The Horizontal Lieuten-
ant" seems to be a very special war-comedy.
-Milan Stitt
WATCH ON THE POTOMAC:
Afterthoughts o te

TC
"q' iM

(56. at f(w4Tp4~'rc-A.

DISARMAMENT:
Fruitless Negotiations: 1955-6 2

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last
article ofa three-part series trac-
ing the world's post-war disarma-
ment attempts.)
By JAMES NICHOLS
Daily Staff Writer
THE WEARY and frustrated
Sub-Committee of the United
Nations Disarmament Commission
met again in March, 1956. Eng-
land and France co-sponsored a
proposal structured along the old
lines, providing for an eventual
ban on nuclear tests and curtail-
ment of the production of nuclear
weapons. But the time for such
comprehensive proposals was past.
The Soviet Union, Gromyko ex-
plained, was no longer willing to
discuss nuclear weapons, except
to negotiate an immediate ban on
tests.
Instead, the Russian offer dealt
only with reductions in conven-
tional forces and conventional
armaments. The armed forces of
Russia, China and the United
States would be cut to 1.5 million
men each, and of France and the
United Kingdom to 650,000. These
were the figures proposed by the
West in March of the preceding
year. No other state would main-
tain forces exceeding 200,000.
THE UNITED States replied
with a "partial" disarmament
plan of its own. It suggested ex-
changing information on nuclear
weapons, limiting tests subject to
effective international control,
and also providing for reductions
in the world's armed forces,
though the cuts were much less
drastic than those proposed by the,
Soviets. The "Big Three" would
cut its forces to .25 million, Brit-
ain and France to 750,000, and all
other states to 500,000.
Gromyko, as usual, rigidly in-
sisted on his plan and dismissed
consideration of any other. The
Sub-Committee broke up in May,
its fundamental differences still
unresolved.
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN

A year later, the delegates were
back in London, embarking on
their longest and most optimistic
session. The new Soviet proposals
involved a two-stage scheme
which would begin by reducing
the world's armed forces to the
suggested American levels and in-
volve further reductions in the
proposed Soviet figures. All for-
eign bases were to be abolished,
and an unconditional ban was to
be placed on the use of nuclear
weapons.
BUT THE Russian plan made
no mention of curtailment of the
production of nuclear weapons.
The Western delegates contended
that this was no real advance,
since those nations which had
successfully completed tests could
continue to manufacture work-
able bombs. Besides, the deadlock
over armed forces levels remained,
and tempers at the conference
grew progressively shorter as the
summer wore on.
The Western powers, at the end
of July, prepared a new offer.
They asked a three-stage program
for the reduction of armies, with
cuts to 2.5 million and 750,000 in
the first stage, to 2.1 million and
700,000 in the second, and to as
low as 1.7 million and 650,000.
The latter two stages were con-,
tingent on improvements in the
world political atmosphere.
The proposal went on to provide
for suspending nuclear tests, end-
ing the production of atomic wea-
pons, and establishing aerial and
ground inspection programs to
guard against surprise attack.
The plan, with its staged reduc-
tions and its test-ban clause, rep-
resented a significant concession
to the Soviet demands. Zorin
chose to ignore it, however, and,
after three and one-half frustrat-
ing and fruitless years, the Dis-
armament Sub-Committee dis-
banded forever.
WITH the Disarmament Agen-
cy dead by a Russian boycott, the
Soviet Union, in 1947, used a ser-
ies of high-level diplomatic notes
to preach its message. As it be-
came likely that the United States
would strengthen NATO with
nuclear weapons, Premier Bul-
ganin's notes stressed the need for
an end to tests and vigorously op-
posed giving atomic weapons to
West Germany.
Russia threw its support behind
the Polish Rapacki Plan for the
demilitarization of Germany, Po-
land and Czechoslovakia. To this
they added demands for an im-
mediate ban on tests. Though
these were unacceptable to the
West for tactical reasons, plans
were laid for an East-West Geneva
conference of technical experts.
This conference ended in Aug-
ust, 1958, having established the
point 'that effective control of a
test ban was technically possible.
The Soviet scientists even agreed
on the necessity of a few control
posts in the Soviet Union This,
coupled with the Russian an-
nouncement in March that it
would unilaterally cease testing
for six months, gave the world an
improved atmosphere. A Geneva
Conference on test-ban controls

on surprise attacks was scuttled
by Soviet insistence that foreign
bases and patrols by planes armed
with nuclear weapons must be
banned before anything else could
be agreed upon.
The general decline in the world
situation prompted a Big Four
Foreign Ministers Conference at
Geneva, beginning in May, 1959
and lasting 65 days. As one State
Department officer o b s e r v e d,
"They reached complete agree-
ment that each item should be
dealt with on a separate piece of
paper. They did not agree on any-
thing else."
But the lack of accord did not
prevent a summit conference from
being held in Paris one year later.
Premier Khrushchev followed
Russian precedent by laying down
his conditions and giving no seri-
ous consideration to any other
proposals. The talks were doomed
to failure even before the U-2
spy-plane incident brought them
to a close.
* *- *
THE COLLAPSE of the summit
meeting effectively marked the
end of the third phase in the
world's disarmament attempts.
Russia ended the voluntary test
moratorium in September, 1961,
-The United States followed two
weeks later. Near the end of that
month, Russia and the United
States reported to the United Na-
tions that they were hopelessly
deadlocked over disarmament.
Phase four is now underway.
Whether it will prove more suc-
cessful than earlier periods re-
mains the big question for the fu-
ture, and for the next generation.
At the moment, there is no evi-
dent reason to expect that it will.

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Robert Spivack
is substituting for Walter Lippmann,
who is in Europe.)
By ROBERT G. SPIVACK
THE IMMEDIATE recation in
the case of United States Steel
was to applaud the President. Now,
as more and more of the story
unfolds, many who still feel that
Big Steel was wrong are begin-
ning to ask if the President was
right.
In a democracy the means count
as well as the ends. The first im-
pression was that the President
acted boldly, forcefully and spoke
to the point, that he was betrayed
by the steel executives and had no
alternative but to crackdown
quickly and vigorously. Now, with
Pits and pieces of information
coming out, there are questions.
Was he, in fact, betrayed by steel,
or misled by some of his sub-
ordinates?
THE STEEL CRISIS was not
just a 72-hour affair. It was a
long time developing and has
many facets. There are elements
in the drama that precede the
presidential press conference and
the steel companies' reversal of
their decision. It is these other
aspects of the case that are now
disturbing the business commun-
ity, which complains of "totali-
tarian methods."
Logically enough many union
leaders are also conocerned. They
wonder if today's crackdown on
business is to be followed by to-
morrow's crackdown on labor?
Some ask if the way is being paved
to outlaw strikes?
* * *
THE TEST of a President's exe-
cutive ability is not merely that he
can crackdown on anyone who
fails to conform to his concept
of what constitutes "the national
interest." The strong executive
also uses his power effectively to
prevent a dangerous situation from
reaching crisis proportions.
Although a valiant effort was
made to do this, why didn't it,
come off? There has already been
much said and written about the
negotiations, but only Secretary
Goldberg can fill in the important
gaps and, thus far, he has stayed
out of the limelight.
* * *
UP TO NOW, even in an in-
dustry so basic as steel, govern-
ment intervention has been a last

resort, not an initial step. Of
course, this risks strikes, But
somehow we have survived steel
strikes, with our institutions in-
tact.
This non-intervention process
was reversed in the recent steel
negotiations. Both sides were sub-
jected to public and private pres-
sure. The Steelworkers Union was
amenable for a variety of reasons,
Not the least was the huge un-
employment in the industry.
The company, apparently going
on the assumption that it was in
enemy territory, never showed its
hand.
WHAT WERE the government
representatives doing during the
negotiations? That's a part of the
story that remains obscure. If, as
the President says, no promises on
prices were asked and none was
given, on what basis did the gov-
ernment assume the companies
had agreed to the status quo?
Another baffling part of the
story is why the government did
not assert a clearcut position, if
there were grounds to intervene
in the negotiations? The Presi-
dent's policy of price stabilization
would probably have enlisted con-
siderable public support and what
the critics regard as "police state"
tactics could have been averted.
There is, of course, an answer to
this argument offered by some
government lawyers. They say the
Labor Dept. was merely urging
the two sides to negotiate but
was in no legal position to dictate
the terms. Technically this may be
correct; in the situation as it
developed this was a legal fiction.
IT WAS EVIDENT even before,
the Los Angeles Democratic con-
vention that the Kennedys go "all-
out" when they get into a fight.
Yet in retrospect the display of
anger and intemperate language
seems all out of proportion to the
steel companies' blunder.
Price stabilization, is a worthy
aim. But it is not the be-all and
end-all. No such energy was dis-
played by the administration in
pushing for the public school aid
bill, or civil rights or in protesting
construction of The Wall in Berlin.
We know the President has an
arsenal of political weapons with
which he can inflict great damage.
Greater care and moderation are
needed in their future use.
(c) 1962, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.

Sunday Blue Laws

I USED TO think Sunday closing laws were
nothing more than ghosts of the past, a kind
of residue left behind on law books by the mer-
cifully retreating "puritan tradition" which is
part of America's history. I used to think that
such obvious violations of separation of church
and staten would be wiped off the books as soon
as someone ,got around to it.
But I was wrong; the entire state of Michi-
gan, which previously had no mandatory Sun-
day closing law although it. did allow cities
to enact such laws, is now protected from "ex-
cessive commercialization" on Sunday.
The indictment against this and all laws
which legally designate Sunday as a special
day includes two counts:
1) They are obviously concerned with reli-
gion, which concern is prohibited by the Con-
stitution, and 2) apart from this basic consid-
eration they are also discriminatory.
SOME LEGISLATORS have claimed that
Sunday closing laws aren't really meant to
sanction officially the Christian Sabbath; "it
just seems like a nice idea" to have one day
free from the frantic "immoral" competition
of commercial endeavor, and Sunday is as good
a day as any.
This whole argument is absurd.
In the first place, just who exactly is going
to be bothered if a department store or even,
God forbid, a liquor store, were allowed to open
on Sunday? No one is forced to go near them,
and there are laws which would prevent any
exploitation of labor resulting from extra busi-

N THE ABSENCE of any other imaginable
reason it seems obvious that the Michigan
Legislature made its decision to force Sunday
closing because Sunday is the Christian tra-
ditional day of rest.
But this decision does not rightly belong to
any Legislature. It is properly the decision of
each individual merchant and each individual
consumer. They must decide first whether to
accept as right the commands of a particular
religion and second, if these commands are
right, whether they will obey them. Democracy
involves not only the right to find one's own
"right", but also the right to do wrong as
long as no one else is harmed. Thus, even if
everyone in the state agreed that Sunday
should be a day of rest, a law attempting to
enforce this judgment would still be improper.
But obviously everyone does not agree on
Sunday as the day of rest, which leads to the
second charge.
SUNDAY IS the Christian Sabbath. But the
Jewish Sabbath lasts from Friday night to
Saturday night. There is possibly some reli-
through Sunday. But neither of these Sab-
gious sect whose day of rest lasts from Monday
baths are officially sanctioned. Non-Christian
merchants are left to follow their own con-
sciences as to whether they will obey the com-
But strangely enough, in states that have
Sunday laws, merchants have no such choice
as to whether they will obey one of the com-
mands of a religion that is not their own, in
which they do not believe, and which in some
cases has been at least partially responsible

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Recalls University's 1954 Disgrace

I

The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3564 Administration Building
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
FRIDAY, MAY 11
General Notices
Undergraduate Honors Convocation:
The annual Convocation recognizing
undergraduate honor students will be
held at 10:30 a.m., Fri., May 11, at Hill
Aud. Dr. Glenn T. Seaborg, Chairman
of the United States Atomic Energy
Commission, will speak on "Education
--and Survival."
All classes, with the exception of
clinics and graduate seminars, will be
dismissed at 9:45 for the Convocation.
However, seniors may be excused from
clinics and seminars.
The honor students will not wear caps
and gowns. Main floor seats will be re-
served for them and theirfamilies un-
til 10:15. Doors of the Aud. will open
at 10:00. The public is invited.
The Greenhouses of the Botanical
fllorrlan xwill be onn on i , v. 119

To the Editor:
ON MAY 11, 1954, the headline
of The Daily read: "Three on
Faculty Suspended."
At that time, eight years ago,
Representative KitClardy chaired
a subcommittee of the House
Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities which was holding hear-
ings in Lansing. Three University
professors were called to testify.
They refused to answer some of
the committee's questions; one of
them, H. Chandler Davis, did so
on the grounds of first amendment
prohibitions on legislation con-
cerning freedom of ,speech, press,
and association. He had refused
to aiswer a question about his
political affiliations. Later, Davis
was convicted of contempt of Con-
gress and served a jail sentence
for that crime.
BUT BEFORE that, on the very
day of the hearing itself, Davis
and three others were suspended
by the University. Not by the leg-
islature overstepping its rightful
bounds, not by the state subversive
squad using police-state tactics,
not by an outraged and reaction-
ary Board of Regents.

educators, and 4) before any rea-
sons had been given for the action.
FOR THAT action the Univer-
sity was censured by the Ameri-
can Association of University Pro-
fessors. Its name was removed
from the censure list of the AAUP
in the fall of 1959.
Let this day remind us that we
need not blame our troubles on
only the outside world; we too are
responsible for the maintenance
and exercise of public liberty. The
autonomy of the University is a
sham when its own authority sup-
ports the work of those, like Clar-
dy, who would deny it that auton-
omy and that freedom.
-Robert Ross, '63
Chairman,
VOICE Political Party
Logic ...
To the Editor:
MICHAEL HARRAH wrote an
excellent editorial on the
Michigan income tax. It was fac-
tual, to the point and reflected the
feelings of most of us.
Unfortunately many psuedo-
intellectuals read the signature

come tax is in itself utter non-
sense. And a five per cent tax
on business is just what we don't
need to attract business.
MICHIGANDERS are among
the highest taxed people in the
country. Perhaps their pocketbook
is more important than the whims
of our inefficient state planners.
An income tax, especially one
without limit, would be a great
blow to our individual rights.
If money is really needed, why
not raise the sales tax to five or
six per cent, then the people would
realize how much they are pay-
ing and out-of-staters would share
in our government costs.
How about a little less emotional
name calling and some genuine
criticism. Thank God the tax was
defeated and thank God The Daily
has Michael Harrah.
-Robert Lane, '62
Inquiray
"HAD RATHER take my chance

AI