Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
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Truth Will Prevail"'
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This inust be noted in all reprints.

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TODAY AND TOMORROW
Opposition to UN:
Vague Uneasiness

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THURSDAY, APRIL 19, 1962

NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAM, HARRAH


Government Research:
Is the Profit Worth the Cost?

I i
,

THE UNIVERSITY MAY LOSE $400,000
next year because of a hasty decision in
Washington yesterday.
The House defeated an amendment by Rep.
Elford Cederberg (R-Mich) that would have
restored $4 million for back costs of overhead
on research and development and removed
a 15 per cent limitation on the indirect costs
of research grants awarded to non-profit in-
stitutions.
Indirect costs in research are those incurred
in addition to salaries of research personnel
and the cost of supplies. These include costs
of libraries, research space and maintainence.
It has been estimated that the actual in-
direct costs total between 25 and 30 per cent
of the funds allotted to a research program
for direct costs. The Bureau of the Budget has
carefully calculated this percentage, and has
instructed all federal agencies to pay this
percentage.
Yet certain departments have refused to do
so. The most important of these is the De-
partment of Health, Education ,and Welfare
which gives the University $5 million annually.
But no punitive action has been taken against
them, and this latest move by the House is
evidence of a desire to further violate the
Bureau's orders.
W HAT THIS MOVE means to a university
depends primarily upon the size of the
federal grants it receives. If a school gets little
of its support from Washington, the effects
of indirect costs on research are negligible.
But if it gets a lot of federal money, the
burdens of indirect research costs can make a
school poorer rather than richer for par-
ticipating in federal research programs.
Research contracts received by the Univer-
sity are overwhelmingly sponsored by the fed-

eral government. The Institute of Science and
Technology reports that no more than four
per cent of its annual contract moneys is
brought in from private industry. At the same
time approximately 75 per cent of the research
done at Willow Run is for the defense de-
partment.
The University keeps separate its funds for
research and general operation. As a result,
it lost at least $400,000 last year and may lose
even more in the future as the federal gov-
ernment places more and more of its orders
for research here.
The University, however, is by no means
unique in its predicament. The University of
Illinois lost $700,000 on indirect costs last year.
Harvard University reported a loss of $687,000,
and more than one faculty at Harvard has
found it necessary to limit its participation in
desirable programs because of the burden of
indirect costs.
The University encouraged other schools to
protest the limitation, but Congressmen were
oblivious to their arguments. The House was
apparently equally disdainful of advice from
military witnesses to strike out the limitation.
Luckily House action in this case may not
be final. The amendment must next be con-
sidered by a conference committee and finally
by the Senate. Perhaps enough opposition will
be marshaled against it to defeat the limitation.
THIS IS a matter of grave importance to
the University and to other schools tied
to governmental research. Economy drives to
cut federal expenses should be viewed in terms
of total costs-total monetary costs incurred by
institutions such as the University and the
damaging price the national research effort
may have to pay.
-JUDITH BLEIER

rt b a
-
"WE SU mS T RR'rE iP
THE STUDENT MOVEMENT:
The Internal Challeng~e

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE UN financial plan had a
rough passage and the situation
is curious. There is in the country
an overwhelmingly large majority
in favor of the general purposes
of the UN.
Comparatively speaking, the
money involved in the bond pro-
posal is a very small amount.
What is more, articulate criticism
of the merits of the proposal has
been unimpressive, and indeed so
weak both in fact and in argu-
ment that it was easily disposed
of by a face-saving compromise.
I have now come to realize,
which at first I did not, that the
real question is not the money,
the bonds, loans versus bonds, or
the preservation of the United
Nations. The real question is the
UN as it now is composed and as
it now operates. The efforts which
began with Sen. Aiken to amend
the bond proposal are rather like
a motion in the House of Com-
mons to reduce a particular esti-
mate and force a debate on a vote
of confidence in the government.
Such Senators as Aiken, Hicken-
looper, Jackson and Mansfield do
not, we may be sure, mean to
wreck the UN. But they do not
like the way it is now going, and
they are not willing to give the
UN as it is today an unqualified
vote of confidence.
THERE ARE the best reasons
why the UN should be re-examined
publicly and debated by the Con-
gress. But the responsible way to
go about this is to get a bi-parti-
san agreement for the re-examina-
tion after the emergency measures
have been taken to tide the UN
over the current financial crisis
The UN operations in Palestine
and the Congo are critically im-
portant to the peace of the world.
And they must not "be brought to
a standstill just because there are
deep questions about the con-
stitution of the UN which need to
be examined.
The friends of the UN Thould
welcome, indeed they should in-
sist upon, a re-examination. For
the UN in 1962 is a wholly dif-
ferent organization than the UN
which the Senate in 1946 voted to
Join with only two dissenting rotes.
If the UN is indispensable to the
orderly transition from the old
colonial order, it cannot do its
work effectively unless Congress
gives a new vote of confidence in
the United Nations.
* * *
THE ORIGINAL UN of 1946
placed in the Security Council the
power to enforce peace, as it has
done in Korea, Palestine, the Con-
go, Kashmir and in other places.
In the Security Council the United
States and the Soviet Union, Brit-
ain, France and Nationalist China
are permanent members and each
has a veto.

Except in the wholly unexplain-
ed and unique case of Korea, wien
the Soviet representative stayed
away from the Security Council,
the Soviet Union used its veto fre-
quently to thwart the Western
powers, who were a large majority
of the Security Council.
This led the United States to
lose patience with these vetoes
and to promote what was a most
revolutionary amendement to the
Charter. This was the so-called
"Uniting for Peace" program
which was adopted by the General
Assembly on Nov. 3, 1950. It pro-
vided that if the Security Coun-
cil was not able to act because
of a (Soviet) veto, the General
Assembly could enforce peace .ty
a two-thirds (veto-free) vote.
At the time, this was regarded as
an American diplomatic triumph.
We could count on a good steady
two-thirds majority in the Gen-
eral Assembly. For a few years
after that the Soviet was de-
prived of its veto while we, with
our majority, still had a veto.
THEN CAME the explosion of
the late 'fifties when the old
European empires were liquidated
and some forty new members were
admitted to full and equal voting
rights in the General Assembly.
Our old majority was swamped by
the new nations, and now we find
ourselves, we and our European
allies, without a sure and lasting
power of veto. Thus far we have
been able to win satisfactory ma-
jorities on most questions. But we
are afloat in the turbulent sea
of the new UN parliamentary di-
plomacy.
Here is the root of the opposi-
tion in this country. But it is not
yet clearly expressed or construc-
tive or responsible. For the present
it merely shrinks from giving an
unqualified vote of confidence to
the UN. There exists a vague ur.-
easiness that in the UN parlia-
mentary diplomacy we are getsing
into trouble with our European
allies who have not yet managed
to liquidate the remains of their
empires. There is also a vague un-
easiness that in the competition
for influence, in the battle of pro-
paganda, we mnight_ make some
kind of pledge about disarmament
that we ought not to make.
* * *
THE ! VAGUE uneasiness will
persist and it will grow if the
public air is not cleansed by a re-
examination of the UN. I think
that re-examination should have
begun months ago when there was
the uproar about the Congo.
I have no doubt whatever that
the more thoroughly the issues are
investigated, the more our people
know about the story of the Con-
go, the more solid will be their
support of the UN.
(c) 1962, New York Herard Tribune, Inc.

The Student Left Succumbs

IT SEEMS that the leaders of the so-called.
student movement have been getting pretty
frantic lately as it becomes more and more
evident that their movement is a failure. No
one except members of the movement, we are
told, sees the faults of society; no one else
cares.
When the student movement began in 1959,
it was fortunately free from this type of
thinking. The sit-ins in South Carolina, sub-
sequent freedom rides and other efforts at
aiding the Negro in the South brought out
the highest level of courage and morality
in the social radicals.
When it branched out in 1960 into demon-
strations against the House Un-American Ac-
tivities Committee in San Francisco, however,
the movement quietly lost a great deal of
respect. In protesting against a stupid com-
mittee, a rabble of equally obnoxious students
milled around outside the meeting room, help-
ing to cause the now-famous outbreak of
violence. Later defenses of the students con-
tained just as many untruths and misimplica-
tions as did "Operation Abolition."
A M THIS YEAR'S project of the movement
picketing for peace-has completed the
cycle from intelligent protest to ludicrous ac-
tion. These demonstrations, by students who
for some reason think they are experts on
peace and nuclear warfare, have made the
universities in general and the movement in
particular look laughable with the ineffective
marches and naive and unworkable plans for
disarmament.

At the University, student movement leader-
ship has been just as inept. The much-heralded
Voice Political Party has disappeared from
sight. The Glick-Roberts motion was decisively
snuffed out by SGC middle-of-the-roaders and
conservatives. The leading liberal on campus,
Robert Ross, was defeated for SGC president;
the liberals couldn't even beat out the emi-
nently unqualified Dick G'sell for executive
vice-president.
WITH THIS STRING of setbacks, the stu-
dent movement members have been snarl-
ing more and more at the world about them;
the tirade against non-members has become
more and more open. This attitude only high-
lights the great weakness of the student move-
ment: it is inherently intolerant and narrow.
Its basic premise is that there are no es-
tablished channels for social action. Therefore
the movement is unavoidably narrow in scope;
it cannot assimilate anything in the existing
social system. It is willing to flaunt institutions,
to subvert governing forces. In the end, it
merely substitutes one ideology with another;
it refuses to let both exist.
Because it cannot succeed with a rational
appeal-most students couldn't care less, and
others refuse to acquiesce to an intolerant
framework-the student movement has to de-
pend on inspiring and charismatic leaders. But
the Haydens and Seasonweins have gone from
the campus movement, and the leaders left
behind possess a fraction of their intensity.
So the student movement is going to die
a slow but natural death. We should not mourn
its passing too heavily.
-GERALD STORCH

By RONALD WILTON
Daily Staff Writer
(Third in a Series)
THE NATION clearly needs an
active group of students work-
ing to solve perennial problems
which the older generation by
and large has not been able to
handle. But just how students
should organize to achieve such
goals is in doubt.
In fact, this problem of approach
explains many of the debates
among student liberals today:
Those focusing on a single issue
oppose persons championing a
general ideology. Activists debate
with those who favor a more mod-
erate, educational approach. Some
want to concentrate on local is-
sues, while others prefer affilia-

A Teacher's Right To Strike

DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin Is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
~sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3564 Administration Building
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
THURSDAY, APRIL 19
General Notices
Doctoral Candidates who expect to re-
ceive degrees in June, 1962, must have
at least three bound copies (the orig-
inal in a "spring binder") of their
dissertation in the office of the Grad-
uate School by Fri., April 27. The re-
port of the doctoral committee on the
final oral examination must be filed
with the Recorder of the Graduate
School together with two copies of the
thesis, which is ready in all respects for
publication, not later than Mon., May 28.
Convocation: Auspices School of Nat-
ural Resources, S. G. Fontanna, Dean,
speaker. 11 a.m., Rackham Amphithea-
tre.
Announcement: Peace Corps Exam-
Sat., April 21, 8:30 a.m., Main Street
Post Office (downtown), Civil Service
Rm. Applications available at Bureau
of Appoint's., 3200 SAB. Note: Those
who wish to take this exam and have
not already sent in an application to
Washington, may fill in application this
week and take it into the exam on Sat.
a.m.
Nursing 101: All students enrolled in
Nursing 101 should sign up by May 1
for the Orientation to the Medical Li-
brary. This is a requirement for the
1962 Summer Session course Nursing
195. Come to the Office of the School
of Nursing to sign the Appointment
Schedule.
National Zeta Tau Alpha Scholarship:
Eligibility: 1962 Senior, cumulative B
average, evidence of need,independent
or affiliate. Two to be recommended
from this campus. Applications open
through Thurs., April 26 at the Office
of the Dean of Women.
Establishment of the Continued Enroll-
ment Deposit Governing Undergraduates
at the University of Michigan for the
Fail Semester of 1962
In order to manage its overall enroll-
ment more efficiently and guarantee
each bona fide undergraduate student
a place in that enrollment, the Uni-
versity has adopted the following regu-
lations and procedures, effective im-
mediately, which establish a continuing
deposit for undergraduate students.
I. Continuing Students
A. Each residence-credit undergradu-
ate student is required to establish and
maintain a continuing deposit of $50 to
hold his enrollment privilege at the
University. This deposit may be return-
ed to the enrollee when, unon nroper

tion with national groups working
on broader problems.
* * *
OF THESE, the problem of is-
sue orientation is probably the
biggest. Many leaders in the stu-
dent movement focus on a single
issue and throw the doors open
for help from anyone. Thus, ideol-
ogy, except as one develops
through working with the issue, is
scrapped in favor of activism. The
relationship of the particular is-
sue to other ones, or even to so-
ciety, is played down.
This has been the story of the
student movement so far. Its at-
tractiveness is evident. If you've
been picketing a dime store for
a while and the guy next to you
remarks that there are only a
handful of segregated lunch coun-
ters left in the South, you feel
pretty good. A goal is being achiev-
ed. It doesn't matter that you are
a pacifist, while your neighbor
might be for pre-emptive war. It's
all done in the best American bi-
uartisan tradition.
* -* *
THIS IS SO attractive that it
tends to obscure the deficiencies
in this method. There are several
of these deficiencies and when you
come right down to it they are
pretty large. First of all, the effort
to correct the single situation by-
passes the real problem because it
tries to cure a deep-rooted disease
by treating a single symptom.
Furthermore, discussion of the
single issue tends to be super-
ficial because it does not encom-
pass all socially relevant material.
Also the single issue approach at-
tracts participation by non-
democratic elements and contains
the potential for the setting up of
"front groups."
One of the reasons single issue
orientation has gained a wide fol-
lowing is student displeasure with
ideology. They dislike guidelines.
Because many of their parents
became disillusioned with various
ideologies during the '20's and
'30's, and they themselves are
familiar with the faults of Com-
munism and Democracy, students
tends to play up ideology's faults,
not its advantages.
* * *
A SECOND major problem is the
preference for direct action rather
than for education. Picket Wool-
worths or the White House rather
than sit in a seminar of 10 or
15 other kids to explore the deeper
issues of peace or civil rights?
If the goal of our picketing is
achieved, they feel themselves an
integral part of whatever caused
that change.
If they don't cause change at
least through demonstrating their
ideas and concerns are gotten
across to outsiders and cause them
to think and if a demonstration
causes one person to question his
held values then it is successful.
In our country today, where access
to the public is through mass me-
dia generally controlled by the
forces of status-quo, demonstra-
tions are probably the most effec-
tive way to make student concern
and ideas known to the general
public. Direct action allows the
studient tnoanser t h -ni.s

ters or cessation of nuclear tests.
Thus the relationship of issues
within a greater social context is
ignored. This is why education
should not be neglected. It is
through reading and discussion
that you hammer out ideology,
analyze the roots of society and
come to understand relationships.
It doesn't help the student po-
sition any when a demonstrator,
asked why the position he ad-
vocates should be adopted, gives
an emotional answer instead of a
knowledgeable one. What is needed
is a complementary educational
program to go along with action
projects.
The ideal would be for students
to be as enthusiastic about edu-
cational programs as they are
those involved in social action
about direct action, but most
don't have the degree of commit-
ment or dedication necessary for
this.
NO MATTER what their stands
are on these questions, those en-
gaged in student social action have
been branded as radicals by many
people, most strongly by their
enemies. This is because this
country imagines the radical as
a bearded nut making bombs in
some dingy basement all ready to
blow up the world.
Most of the kids in the "stu-
dent movement" are liberals, in-
terested in ending evils like segre-
gation. But they do not believe
that basic change in our political,
economic or social structure is
necessary. They are the issue
orientated people and those most
ready to enter into direct action
at the expense of education,
The radical, on the other hand,
puts himself outside social struc-
tures and questions them com-
pletely. He then constructs new
ones which do not incorporate the
faults of the old ones. He is the
one who goes beyond issues to
the roots of society in his search
for causes. For the liberal, social
action may just be part of a
college fling. For a radical it may
be his entire life.
.* * ,
AT PRESENT student social ac-
tion is moving slowly. The end of
another school year is coming and
with it will either come a new
issue or an attempt to revitalize
an old one; probably to its detri-
ment.. Students with dedication
and an integrated view of society
are working for education and
change, but it is hard to transfuse
this to the majority of students
engaged in the "movement."
Yet the attempt must be made,
because students should play an
important part in any manifesta-
tion of dissent in this country.
Perhaps every student should v.sk
himself if he would like to inherit
a world going in its present direc-
tion. If he would. not, then he
should seriously begin to think
about what he can do to bring
about change. It is his responsi-
bility as a student and a citizen.
Marks

WHEN the United Federation of Teachers in
New York City struck against the Board
of Education on April 11, it violated a state
law. The Condon-Wadlin Act of 1947 prohibits
public employes from striking and prescribes
harsh punishment for those that do. Accord-
ing to the law, the striking teachers can re-
ceive no increase in wages for three years and
they are put on probation for five years.
One week later, there is a great deal of con-
troversy in the city over whether the Condon-
Wadlin Act should have been strictly enforced
or whether the punishments in the bill should
be reduced. Most of the newspapers in the city
blame the Board, Wagner and Rockefeller for
not insisting that the law be strictly enforced.
The reason Condon-Wadlin has not worked,
they argue, is because it has never been used.
They neglect to mention the probable results
of the law's execution: great bitterness and
many resignations among the teachers, result-
ing in a severely damaged school system. These
journalists seem more interested in "getting
even with the teachers" than with the educa-
tion of New York's one million school children.
THERE HAS BEEN one argument concerning
Condon-Wadlin, however, that has not been
raised. No one has questioned the principle on
...niu +1h a rb rta lk-. Ila o r crn~.n.---

determining whether or not a worker should
be entitled to use this weapon, it should not
be relied on too heavily.
Supposedly, government employes are so
important to the public welfare that their
refusal to work would be disastrous. On the
other hand, if a man works for a private
corporation, his services are, by definition,
less important to the public. This distinction
is absurd. A steel worker is certainly more
important to the nation's welfare than a man
who drives a city-owned bus. Yet the driver
cannot strike, although the steel worker can.
Whether or not someone is paid by the
government is an inadequate criterion. If a
legislature prohibits a worker from striking,
it must do so on the basis of the relative
importance of his job to the public.
THE NEXT QUESTION is whether public
education is so important that strikes ought
to be prohibited. Surely, there is nothing which
can match the importance of education to both
the individual and the public. However, the
learning process is not greatly upset by a
day, or even one month of interruption. The
learning process is far more seriously damaged
by an embittered, underpaid, overworked teach-
er. If the police struck, it would cause chaos
in the city. If the teachers strike, the worst
it dn is tn hurden narents with their nwn

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
U' Student Affairs:'
Stereotypes, Diapers

To the Editor:
DURING MY BRIEF tenure on
campus, a few years back,
freshmen were looked upon as
mewling babes in arms, guzzling
milk out of nippled. bottles, and
requiring a diaper change every
two hours.
After the succeeding summer
they returned to the campus, sud-
denly matured, and full grown
men and women. This overnight
metamorphosis was not considered
to be a biological freak but a
perfectly natural development.
By the time they reached the
final stages of the senior year they
were invariably pictured as dod-
dering old men, stumbling over
their long, white beards as they
marched up to .the platform to
receive their diplomas. The wo-
men, in turn, were portrayed as
grandmotheily types, with shawls
over their shoulders, and usually
with a tin hearing aid held at the
ready.
Having read the recent Reed-
Lewis Report, as reported in full
in The Daily, and in excerpted
form in The Michigan Alumnus,
I am forced to the conclusion that
the University authorities have
gradually reached the conclusion
that all students, regardless of
age, are to be henceforth con-
sidered as immature juveniles who
must be watched over and wet
nursed day and night.
THIS ATTITUDE does not
square with my own observations
through the years. During this
time I have sponsored several
hundred students, the large ma-
jority of whom have made out-
standing records, both on campus
and in their careers. A few, but
a very, very few have turned out
to be sour apples.
In a student community of some
25,000 carefully selected men and
women, the vast majority will be
-.rs... a~in. r- 3--- -4-

de chastete, with the keys being
deposited in the custody of the
Dean of Women. Or, perhaps we
should adopt the European sys-
temn of requiring all female stu-
dents to be constantly accom-
panied by a duenna.
Just how juvenile and unrealis-
tic can the University become?
-Jay H. Schmidt, '16E
Standing Room Only...
To the Editor:
THE UNIVERSITY is well known
for absurd rules. The most re-
cent one I would like to protest is
the closing of the men's wash-
room on the third floor of the
UGLI after five o'clock.
This action has caused much
inconvenience to the men on the
third floor by requiring them to
use the second floor washroom,
which is ,not able to handle the
excess traffic. The inadequacy of
this arrangement has been ob-
vious.
The closing of the washroom
has also shown discrimination
against the men of this Univer-
sity, because. the women's wash-
room has remained open. Must the
men of this University be subju-
gated to such senseless rules?
--Charles Glaser, '64
Flattery .«.
Dear Daily:
AS STUDENTS at the University,
we find that reading The Daily
contributes greatly to our academic
well-being. Your editorials are
both inspiring and thought-pro-
voking; the national and interna-
tional news is also inspiring and
thought-provoking; in addition,
we enjoy your thought-provoking
and inspiring Jules Feiffer car-
toons.
By the way, we keep expecting
not to find a Daily in our mailbox.
This contributes to The Daily's
appeal. You see we . . . uh . . .
haven't auite . . .uh ... naid for