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PAGE FIVE
Doubt, Alienation, Chaos, Liberty
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Hillel
-MIX-ER-
removed from the coed overnight-
ing it with her boyfriend in his
apartment, but the experience
which the couple will have is not
simply a matter of lust or a full
moon or even necessarily their
affection for each other. Sexual
drive and affection are standard
items, but it is the forces described
above that impel at least 25 per
cent or more of college women
and even more college men to seek
expression of these tendencies, in
an activity that before this cen-
tury was considered morally wrong
-and that's all there was to it.
We of this generation no longer
worship our chastity as we might
still worship God. If we preserve
it, it is for emotional reasons!
which we can explain-remnants
of earlier years which, despite
their firmness, are not moralisti-
cally solidified but open to argu-
ment and counter-emotions.
And if the emotional reasons
are absent, they may be replaced
by practical stops, or they may
have vanished under a pseudo-
sophisticated justification for in-
dulgence on intellectual lines.
handle and benefit from sex, this
last unexpressed expression of our
maturity.
* * *
WE ARE catapulted into the
chaos of every other adult feeling
and fear; when we realize that
the girl may not get pregnant and
that the horrible act may not have
horrible consequences, but may
actually be beautiful and bene-
ficial, when we perceive hypocrisy
in the adult world and when we
feel that opportunities must be
seized or else perhaps wasted-
then the decision can only become
terribly difficult.
Besides, we have Freud telling
us of the naturalness and power
of the sex drive and the dangers
of repression; we have Enovid
and diaphragms and concoms for
only 20 cents; we have an almost
certain bombardment of sex from
Madison Avenue; we have Kinsey
telling us that everyone's doing
it-or at least 50 per cent of
everyone-and we have fast cars,
more money and private apart-
ments.
*[ * *
According to Prof. Blood's survey,
only 15 per cent of the coeds still
subscribe to the double standard.
* * *
IT IS HARD to separate cause
from effect. In any case, many
critics feel that a-good deal of the
forces described here are simply
quantitative differences, that there
is nothing essentially unique or
qualitatively different in the
forces present in today's world
from those present a few decades
ago.
Somehow this is just too hard.
to believe. Even granting the com-
mon seller's bias for his own pro-
duct, there are significantly differ-
ent forces at work today than at
other times.
Barring an unlikely return to
an impossible pastoral society or
an equally unlikely rushing back
into the arms of Victorianism;
barring 'nature-lovers" destroying
our industrial plants and cities,
our superhighways and television
antennas; barriig, of course, nu-
clear war, there seems little
chance of America's surrendering
its headlong plunge toward an
even more massive mass society.
* * * .
NOR IS MAN likely to give up
his somewhat new-found ecstasy
in expanding his mind or in scrut-
inizing his heritage.
Even if the changes are only
quantitative, the quantities are
large and growing larger. Just
where does this leave us today
with respect to University sexual
practices and attitudes? What are
the characteristics of the so-called
sexual revolution?
Part Two will take a look at
just these characteristics.
featuring: The
This Sat., April 1 1-
Vagrants
Admission: 25c
preceded by Hillel's Saturday Night Movie
"THE GOLEM"
starting at 8 P.M.-25c
1429 Hill St.
". . studies, evaluations, exhortations, worries" and a reaction
* * * AS MUCH a cause as an effect
WE CANNOT nand nften do rnt If evll hlFn i h iw
be included in the list, not only
as a direct and personal threat
that nurtures hedonism but for
what it symbolizes. The bomb is
that creeping knowledge in each
of us of the disorder and im-
potence of the human endeavor,
of the fact that the good in man
may well suffer and the bad pros-
per, without regard to what we
think should happen.
The bomb symbolizes our aware-
ness, further, that there is too
often little or nothing we can do
about our condition, that our best
efforts are at best approxima-
tions and even they may just as
well explode in our faces as suc-
ceed. And while science gives us
more effective levers with which
to move the world, at the same
time it opens up vast new worlds
with which our standard beliefs
cannot cope.
* * *
ALL OF TIS might sound far
V V r. LkA'* 'S.! ~. lu I L&1 ouim
want to discuss our sex lives with
our parents, and even friends are
frequently distant or superficial
when the subject comes up. More
and more we must decide solely
from our own feelings about our-
selves whether or not to give sex-
ual expression to our drives and
our loves.
And the decision is clouded by
a feeling that if we can experience
the rest of the troubles and un-
certainties of the world so deeply,
then we can also accept and
of sexua llberation is the lpera-
tion of the woman, the common
cultural phenomenon whereby
women are no longer expected to
be satisfied with discontinued
studies and a life of childbearing
and housework.
And since the weight of these
new responsibilities and oppor-
tunities and of all the other forces
in the modern world bears down
upon women just as much as upon
men, the college female is little
inclined to relinquish her share
in something as significant as sex.
THE WESLEY FOUNDATION
THE JOHN BARTON WOLGAMOT SOCIETY
AND THE DRAMATIC ARTS CENTER
present two poets reading froi their own work:
ROBERT DUNCAN X. J. KENNEDY
of the San Francisco of the Wolgamot
Renaissance Reformation
author of author of
The Opening of the Field Nude Descending
and Faust Foutu a Staircase
TONIGHT AT 8:30 SATURDAY AT 8:30
Wesley Foundation Lounge, across from Frieze Bldg. (towards Metzgers)
Admission 90c or $1.50 for both readings
(all proceeds will go to the poets)
THE COUP IN BRAZIL:
U.S. Must Understand, Condone Real Revolution
(EDITOR S NOTE: This is the
Last in a three-part series of ar-
ticles on the coup d'etat which
ousted BrazilianPresident Joao
Goulart.)
By STEPHEN BERKOWITZ
Daily Guest Writer
A NEW American diplomacy-
Aor,' at least, a new candor i
United States' relations with Lati
America-seems to be in the mak
ing. In recent weeks, a debat
has been conducted within th
national consciousness regardin
the attitude which the Johnsor
administration has sought to adop
toward the southern portion o
this hemisphere.
Yet in many ways this dialogu
is a false one--one which dis
regards both the long term in
terests. of this country and wha
might be referred to as th
"moral-logical" problem inheren
in the recent actions of the John
son administration towards Brazil
IN A STATEMENT attributed to
him by the New York Times
White House advisor and Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs Thomas C. Mann
said that in our future relations
with Latin America no distinction
would be drawn by this govern-
ment between democratic and
nondemocratic regimes. Our fu-
ture policy will center on the
"pragmatic."
Yet, the disturbing aspect of
American "pragmatism" in Latin
America thus far-if the Brazilian
episode may be taken as some
measure of the course it is to
follow-is that it structures and
defines pragmatism in such a way
as to be detrimental to the moral
and societal commitments of the
United States and its long term
world interests.
IT WAS this debate between
pragmatic and ethical alternatives
that Sen. J .William Fulbright
was contributing to when he re-
cently decried the "excessive mor-
alism" inherent in the conduct of
American foreign . policy. So can-
did a statement-within the shib-
boleth-ridden context of Ameri-
can politics - was, of course,
roundly attacked by the happy
proponents of congressional mis-
feasance.
In this regard, it is interesting to
note, however, that this posture of
ostensible moralism, more often
than not, sprang either from the
lack of an informed or enlightened
opinion on the part of the United
States toward various develop-
ments in other parts of the world,
X or from an unwillingness on the
part of this country to experiment
beyond the formal boundaries of
traditional diplomacy.
Thus, as a reflection of its lack
of inventiveness or its inability to
systematically and completely re-
think its rolein world affairs, the
United States adopted an inflex-
ibly "moral" and-paradoxicaily
indecisive attitude toward the con-
duct of its foreign affairs.
YET, IN RETREATING from
this posture of self-satisfied and
1 nnlQ t
satisfying moralism, the Johnson
administration has seriously com-
promised the long term interests
of the United States.
There is abroad in the world
today a spirit both revolutionary
in its ends and justifiably impa-
n tient in its desire for fulfillment.
n It has been variously referred to
as the "revolution of rising ex-
e pectations," the rise of industrial
e nationalism" and the "anti-
g colonial revolution." It is the de-
a sire on the part of the vast ma-
t jority of the world's people to
f share in the benefits wrought by
the machine.
More than this, however, it is
e the desire of men everywhere to
- determine the course which their
t lives are to follow; to make the
e decisions which most affect their
t mode of life.
- s
THIS REVOLUTION, then, is a
' revolution which seeks as its end
the growth and extention of hu-
man freedom-political, economic
, and intellectual. It is broad in
conception-it seeks, not simply, a
change in the forms of governance
of the past-but a revolutions in
the ideas, modes of life and boun-
daries of thought which gave them
support.
If this revolution is to have
real meaning-if, that is to say.
it is to succeed-it must be a
f revolution of the great mass of
people against their mode of life.
Thus it must be a real revolu-
tion-a revolution which tran-
scends the purely political and
brings about a radical restructur-
ing of world society
IT HAS BECOME a truism to
say that people in Latin America,
'South.Viet Nam, Africa and else-
where are "ripe for Communist
takeover" because, shallow indi-
viduals that they are, they are
more concerned with filling their
bellies than with furthering "the
cause of human freedom" as de-
fined by the United States State
Department, enacted by the United
Fruit Companies and bolstered by
the ideology of Free Enterprise-
unfettered, rampant and holy.
Yet, this too is true: That the
majority of the world's men today
live in want, in abject poverty;
that, compared to the poverty of
the mass of men, the condition
toward which the administration's
"War on Poverty" is directed is a
poverty of affluence.
* * *
FURTHER, it is true that in
the past it has not been the
United States that has personified
and been responsive to these de-'
sires, but those dark people-the
Russians-and those darker peoples
-the Chinese.
The reason for this is simple:
There is a lack of consistency1
between our ideals and our prac-
tices that is truly remarkable-
there has been a dearth of com-
munication between Americans as
a people and the rest of the
world's men. This is, of course, an
easily recognizable failing which
our attempts to promote "cul-
tural" exchange, personal con-
tact and such seeks to rectify.
*' * * I
macy-is caught up in a syndrome
- of necrophilia. We are tied, by
the nature of our cocktail-circuit
diplomacy and our cocktail quar-
ter culture, economically and so-
r cially to the elite. Thus we are
divorced from the majority of the
world's people-and their move-
ments.
CHARACTERISTIC of this lack'
of ethos, of course, was the United
States treatment of the coup in
Brazil.
Much was made in the Ameri-
can press and by the United States
government of the intervention of
the military in Brazil to "protect
constitutional forms," preserve
democracy and so on.
Why has the army, in its be-
nevolence, done so nice a thing?
According to various sources
(among them the New York
Times), it was because an im-
portant distinction exists between
the military In other countries
in Latin America, which is a tool
of the oligarchy, and the Brazilian
army, whose officers come from
a "burgeoning modern middle
class." Thus it was held that the
Brazilian army has a history ("in
recent years") of taking power,
restoring order and going home.
WHO ARE the leaders of this
modern, enlightened military,
which, by the way, for the first
time "in recent years" is going to
install itself in the presidential
palace for the next 18 months or
more?
They are Marshal Humberto
Castelo Branco, "reluctant leader"
of the coup, and former Marshal
Eurioo Gaspar Dutra, the 78-year-
old former president of Brazil who
ruled the country immediately
after-and in much the same way
as former dictator Getulio Vargas.
The first act of this enlightened
military consensus, so to speak,
has been to purge the government
bureaucracy, the congress, the mu-
nicipal government and almost
everything else of every source of
opposition. The military leaders
seem to be falling all over each
other in pursuit of this laudable
goal.
ONE SOURCE of this develop-
ment-which seems to have sur-
prised no one except the Johnson
administration and the news me-
dia-is the fact that "burgeoning"
or no-the middle class is far
from being a numerical majority
of the population. And further,
(as was stated in a 1952 UNESCO
report), "The members of this
Brazilian middle class generally
identify themselves with the upper
class, sharing to a great extent in
their 'aristocratic' values and
ideals . . . and follow an upper-
class pattern of life so far as
their smaller incomes will allow.."
In this regard it should be ap-
parent that, American reverence
for that group notwithstanding,
until the majority of the world's
people actually enjoy middle class
economic standards-that is, until
there is an adequate adjustment of
landownership and a more equit-
able distribution of wealth-a
commitment to magical effects by
a representation of this class in
any institution is illusory.
* * *
LET US, then, explore the fu-
ture of Brazil, and of the relation-
ship between the people of that
country and this, within the con-
text of the regime which we have
bolstered in power and, to which
we have tied our prestige since
the coup.
In our relations with Brazil we.
face a moral-logical problem which
may be stated thusly:
If the government of the United
States-speaking for the people
of this country-in order to serve
short term "pragmatic" ends, sup-
ports and allies itself with the,
dominating elite of Brazil, we
make impotent any attempts we
may wish to undertake in the fu-,
ture to ally ourselves with their
movement.
Further, as may be seen from!
the progressive deterioration of
American understanding vis-a-vis
Goulart, a commitment to popular
aspirations in another country
must be both real, in the sense
that it is expressive of genuine
concern, and enduring.
THE HISTORY of the incipa-
tion and extension of repression
of popular desires in Brazil. is the
history of the growth of a revolu-
tionary movement. In much the
same way that government force
occasioned revolutionary opposi-
tion in Cuba (and the parallels
are striking), the Brazilian gov-
ernment will-if not now, five
years from now-bring about the
growth of a movement that will
overthrow it.
The theory of guerrilla warfare
advanced by Ernesto (Che) Gue-
vara, is very simple:
First, you create a small guer-
rilla band in a reasonably con-
trolable area.
Second, you build up good will
between the populace and the
guerrillas.
Third, you carry on operations
just outside this sector, thus in-
viting the government to come in
and antagonize the population.
Thus, as Theodore Draper holds,
repression occasions opposition
until the majority of the popula-
tion opposes the government.
* * *
THE SAME SORT of history of
opposition to government through
guerrilla action which existed in
Cuba exists in Brazil. The same
sort of leadership is present. The
same sort of terrain for guerrilla'
activity exists. The same sort of
government is in power.
Thus, what we may expect from
Brazil is the same sort of agrarian-
begun revolution that we witness-
ed in Cuba. It will be a revolution
that is social in character and,
probably, both historically and
temperamentally opposed to the
United States. But it is a revolu-
tion which we, nonetheless, helped
to create.
THE UNITED STATES must
recognize that its real and long-
term interests rest with those of
the rest of the world's population.
It must recognize further that
these interests, both in terms of
the American liberal democratic
heritage and contemporary notions
of moral commitment, lie in the
governance of a country by the
majority of its people.
The United States must make
real her commitment to democ-
racy. She must promote popular
revolutions against oligarchy and
tyranny and thus seek to make
these revolutions sympathetic to
herself. She must subvert the
forces of oppression wherever they
exist.
* * *
G & S PRODUCTION:
Jo lanthe' Offers Rich,
Entertaining Evening
THE GILBERT and Sullivan Society's opening performance of
"Iolanthe" afforded its audience a full, rich evening's entertain-
ment. William J. Donahue's musical direction resulted in a rare
balance of orchestra and singers, with some of the finest choral
music heard in a long time. Director Allan D. Schreiber's deft touches
of comic staging were, for the most part,,successful; and Paul Shortt
gave the performers two imaginative, airy, colorful sets in which to
unfold their story.
"Iolanthe" was played with a true Wagnerian (Fairy) Queen
portrayed by Judy Reicker whose performance was controlled and
even in its overpowering characterization. Diane Magaw's Phyllis
was delightfully youthful and naive as was newcomer Charles Suther-
land's Strephon.
MUCH HAS been made of
American "counter-insurgency" in
Viet Nam. I think it logically
follows from the analysis present-
THE THREE most outstanding performances of the evening were ed here that such activity is not
tun ed THREE osto utllenastanLrding Cpr ance of theJvenalbionly futile, but self destructive.
turned in by John Allen as the Lord Chancellor, James Galbraith as The United States, and, at the
Lord Tolloller and a G&S veteran Gershom Clarke Morningstarr as moment, the Johnson administra-
Lord Mauntararat. Mr. Allen showed a fantastic ability to move tion most especially-must be
while singing several difficult numbers among them "Love, Unrequited, made to realize that insurgency
Roh Me of Mv Rt" (The NightmareS on) which many a nrnfes- is not a techniaue, but is incietive