S eSy-T hi rd Y"'
EwD mAND MANAm y SftumuT'fs of '!HmU NIvsvtY or MICHIGAN.
"" UNDER AUTHOR!?! OF BOAR"H9 CONTKOL OF STUDENT PUBLICA'TIO NS
,.Where Opin one Are F STvDEN-r PuBicATIuOs BLDG., ANN Akosm, MKcw., PHoE No 2-3241
Truth Will Pran"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in at reprints.

DAY, APRIL 5, 1964

NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL SATTINGER


Flack Flies While

Wallace Woos Wisconsin

Each Time I Chanced To See Franklin D.
Creating an Intellectual Atmosphere
by H. Neil Berkson
AMONG THE CONFUSED VALUES of today's dis- cause it explodes the stereotypes-subtle and blatant- from the University, are referring to a general quality.
ordered society lies the concept of education. There which play a role in so many of our actions. They are proud of the University, as well they should be,
may have been a time when students came to the but they think it is capable of doing a better job.
University filled with Jeffersonian ideals concerning A FAR MORE pedestrian view of the university, an Throughout the University, and particularly in The
educational purpose. The time has passed anti-intellectual view, exists. It has two major com- Daily, all sorts of ideas have been suggested to intensify
Universal education has become an end in itself to ponents. The concept of education as an end in itself student participation in the academic process. The
many people;. it has assumed a money value; but it has has been perverted into a status symbol ("You have residential college is an outgrowth of such discussion;
manypeole; t hs asume a mneyvalu; bt ithas to have a college education! ")--Ann Arbor, in this sense
not remained a clear-cut means to a higher end. a required course for freshmen on the aims of the
becomes a watering place, a name to drop which will University has been brought up on this page; the idea
riserfar more eyebrows than Fort Lauderdale or the of a "vice-president for intellectual affairs" has been
MORE THAN TEN YEARS AGO an academic freedom Riviera. trw u o eaea el
conference met in Chicago. It drew up a statement Many people here have another purpose. To them
which included these words: a B.A. degree has a clear dollars and cents coefficient, HE FIRST TWO of the above, or countless other
and every time the Labor Department provides figures Tideas, would not change the overall tone of the
The democratic way of life depends for its very on how much more college graduates earn in a lifetime, University. Both have too much gimmick potential. As
existence upon the free contest of ideas. This is as they undergo a pinball machine reaction of utter joy. for the intellectual vice-presidency, this is really the job
true on the campus as in the community at large. frteitleta iepeiecti sral h o
If students are to grow to political and social mater- NO WONDER! Society is groping desperately for new of the President. It is his responsibility to set the tone
ity, no step should be neglected which will facilitate values. Pessimism and apathy dominate the times. of the University by continually speaking out, by con-
the free interchange of ideas ... An intellectual atmosphere is an atmosphere of optimism. tinually redirecting this community to the academic
History has repeatedly shown that the suppression It demands a positive view both of oneself and one's ideals for which this institution must stand.
President Hatcher has presided over the University
of academic rights not only destroys a basic right futur'e.
p wh or sot s ounded bt also The University's resources remain the same as ever, in perhaps the period of its greatest change. He has been
uponwhih or sciey i fonde, bt aso recdes The potential of education is there, even if unrealized, successful in many areas of a difficult job., But he has5
the suppression of other rights and ultimately leads I cannot help but feel thatthis university has a serious so far failed to enunciate those ideals. As he begins the
to dictatorship. responsibility to make sure these resources are used, final three years of his job, I sincerely hope he will
substantially change this image.
BEYOND THE SPECIFICS of the statement lies an AND THE RESPONSIBILITY lies at the top. Individual
important belief: education is the safeguard of both professors have always been and will always be IT IS WRONG to ask the impossible; but it is equally
the individual and society. The "free contest of ideas" inspiring. But those people, including the chairman of wrong to consider anything impossible for the Uni-
provides the framework for both progress and security. the Board of Regents, the vice-president for academic versity. The academic atmosphere of the University can
This interaction of ideas is particularly crucial be- affairs and many others, who see "something missing" change.

NOW COMES the little-heralded presi-
dential preference primary in the
Great State of Wisconsin, and here we
find the greatest rinky-dink campaign of
all.
No-it's not the Republicans who wag-
ed the late fiasco in the Great State of
New Hampshire last month to the amuse-
ment of most observers; but rather it's
the Democrats and their little dust-up
promises to be even more ridiculous than
the primary in the Granite State.
HIS IS THE SITUATION: That great
American, Gov. George Wallace of Ala-
bama, professes to nurse presidential am-
bitions. So to test his mettle as a candi-
date, he filed to run in the Democratic
primary in Wisconsin.
However, Wallace's action so enraged
Wisconsin's Democrat Gov. John Reynolds
that he filed as a favorite son against
Calendar Candor
HO WOULDN'T SYMPATHIZE with
Prof. Elton B. McNeil of the psychol-
ogy department? He has been victimized
by, of all things, the University's "Weekly
Calendar."
Prof. McNeil is speaking Wednesday
night at an open meeting sponsored by
the University Committee on Student
Counseling Services. His speech is quietly
entitled "Is Counseling a Rat-Fink Opera-
tion?"
Somebody in the publications office
must have been pretty shaken by the pro-
fessor's candor because the calendar re-
entitles his speech. "Preparing Today for
a Different Tomorrow"--which is, in ef-
fect, what the calendaring people have

Wallace and promptly endowed the cam-
paign with a deluge of vitriol which,
boiled down, asserted that Wallace was a
louse and anyone who voted for him was
a bad guy.
WALLACE RETORTED to this salvo by
staging a vigorous whistle-stop cam-
paign through Wisconsin (pausing in such
bastions of liberalism as Appleton, home
of the late Sen. Joseph McCarthy) and
filing in the Indiana presidential pri-
mary.
The Indiana filing prompted some bril-
liant teamwork by Hoosier Gov. Matthew
Welch and Reynolds: Welch filed against
Wallace as a favorite son and released
the "louse-line" to the press. Reynolds
stepped up the heat in Wisconsin, while
Welch went through legal contortions to
keep Wallace off the Hoosier ballot.
IN SHORT, the Democrats are fast turn-
ing their respective primaries into a
free-for-all.-Their mud-slinging only eggs
Wallace on to bigger things.
But, what puzzles me is why Governors
Reynolds and Welch are so set on smear-
ing Wallace. If in fact the Alabama gov-
ernor is the blackguard they claim him
to be, and if in fact those who vote for
him are the scourge of the electorate, then
it would seem they should welcome Wal-
lace on the ballot, so that he can make a
fool of himself.
SUCH HOWEVER is not their course.
Apparently the thought of people hav-
ing an opportunity to vote on George
Wallace terrifies them. What are they
afraid of? You don't suppose George Wal-
lace might get some votes in these great
Midwestern bastions of virtue?
Can it be that the bad guys are really
a majority after all?
-MICHAEL HARRAH

-H. N. B.

- I
u
 s A' S' ~
"I (UE~ WE.JIMIHAV TO TRIJ6GLE A LIXUU NAR bER..."
TRETEAU DE PARIS:
The(Lark':tBrilliant Theatre

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Foreign Aid Revisited

S ONE OF THE OLD HANDS who has
been writing about foreign aid since
resident Roosevelt invented what was
alled "lend-lease," I find myself won-
ering why the whole subject has become
o stale. Some kind of vital spark has
one out of the argument. The annual
lea for appropriations becomes increas-
igly a repetition of tired slogans.
Yet I am satisfied that the reason why
oreign aid has become so boring is not
t all that it is useless. It is not at all, as
rep. Otto Passman (D-La) and the other
itter-enders say, that it is a way of
hrowing good money down a rat hole. It
not that we can stop giving foreign
id now or for generations to come.
What we must dwell on is that the
roblem is ceasing to be that of providing
mnergency relief for friendly countries in
me of war and its aftermath. It has be-
ome very largely.the problem of helping
he less-developed countries build the
undations oftheir own well-being.
N A DEMOCRATIC government there
has to be some compelling and obvi-
us reason for doing so unnatural an act
s giving money away to foreigners. When
resident Roosevelt pushed through lend-
ase in 1940, he was able to do this be-
ause public opinion insisted upon it,
nough of the people having realized that
he measure was necessary to prevent the
Lsaster which would have come from the
all of an indispensable and gallant ally.
When President Truman asked the Con-
ress to authorize the appropriation of
ome $17 billion for the Marshall Plan,
he country knew that if Western Eu-
>pe could not recover and be recon-
;ructed we would be left alone without
rong friends and allies in a world con-
ulsed with misery. This was all relatively
asy to understand.
'HE MODERN PROBLEM of foreign aid
confronts us because about two-thirds
f mankind is poor, has become aware
iat this is not inevitable and is deter-
Zined to overcome its misery and its

THE FULBRIGHT SPEECH:
Rush's Criticisms
Have Some Validity

Walter Lippmaun I
know-how and organization, to develop.
A century and a half ago the United
States was an underdeveloped country.
Although it started out with great natural
resources and an adult population edu-
cated abroad, it could not have developed
so fast had it not been for huge invest-
ments of European capital.
By 1913, $4 billion of British money
was invested in the United States. Three-
tquarters of the capital required to build
our railways came from Great Britain. I
have seen it estimated that if the United
States today were to invest abroad as
heavily in proportion to national income
as did Great Britain in the 19th century,
we would make loans in one way or an-
other approaching $30 billion a year.
At the present time, the total flow of
capital-of grants, government loans and
private foreign investments-from the ad-
vanced to the backward world is only
about $8.5 billion a year. In another few
years this will be not nearly enough to
do the job, especially in view of the de-
clining prices of the agricultural and
mineral products which represent 90 per
cent of the export earnings of the less-
developed countries.
Thus, the real problem of foreign aid is
not the one that President Johnson and
Rep. Passman are wrestling with. It is the
problem of devising ways by which rich
countries can help meet the capital needs
of poor countries.
In one way or another Congress is
bound to support one of the variations
of the idea that the richer countries
should find a generally accepted way to
transfer capital to selected backward
countries. This principle is followed
rather well in the proposed aid budget:
two-thirds of . the loan money is to go
to six countries to promote their long-
term development.
UNTIL A FEW YEARS AGO, the United
States has been very nearly the sole
supplier of low-cost capital to the non-
Communist world. The best way to dilute
our responsibility and to share the fi-
.r..n..i~t 1..«~ev..e Se c ivv. . ._a _.2fn vin

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the last
In a four-part series dealing with
Sen. ~. William Fuibrght's recent
foreign policy speech.
By RAYMOND HOLTON
SENATOR J. William Fulbright's
foreign policy speech blasting
United States policy-makers' un-
changing attitudes in a changing
world drew much criticism from
Washington officials. However,
most of those who attacked the
Arkansas senator's remarks dif-
fered on which of its points de-
served the sharpest criticism.
Perhaps the most cogent cri-
ticism, though, came from the
highest source on American for-
eign relations, Secretary of State
Dean Rusk.
Although Rusk called the Ful-
bright speech "thoughtful and
thought-provoking," he strongly
disagreed with Fulbrights evalu-
ation of Castro's Cuba.
"I think Castro is more than a
nuisance. He is a threat to this
hemisphere," Rusk said.
Fulbright had said in his speech
that Cuba is a, at most, "distaste-
ful nuisance but not an intoler-
able danger so long as the nations
of the hemisphere are preared
to meet their obligations of col-
lective defense under the Rio
Treaty."
* * *
RUSK HAS the better side of
the argument. The Rio Treaty,
signed in 1947 by 19 nations in
the Western Hemisphere, provides
for defense against aggression un-
der anagreement that "an armed
attack against an American state
shali be considered as an attack
against all American states."
But the treaty is weak in two
respects: first, a country-espe-
cially in Latin America-can be
overthrown nowadays without
overt armed attack and second,
there must be agreement that an
attack "be considered as an attack
against all American states"~
Thus, it seems the Rio Treaty
would be relatively ineffective
against Castro, who could use
methods of warfare not covered
in the document.
ANOTHER point concerning
Cuba as Fulbright sees it, drew
Rusk's criticism. Fulbright says
"the chances of gaining compli-
ance" with Britain, France and
other nations in our boycott at-
tempt "are nil, and the annoyance
of the countries concerned may
be considerable." He further
points out that "free-world ex-
ports to Cuba have, on the whole,
been declining over recent years."
But, Fulbright notes, "I shou'ld
like to make it very clear that I
am not arguing against the desir-
ability of an economic boycott
against the Castro regime, but
against its feasibility."
Rusk replied that our economic
boycott against Cuba is definitely
affecting the island's economy and'
that Fulbright underestimated this
fact. Rusk further justified the
boycott by claiming it hinders
Cuba's subversive activities against
other nations.
In view of conflicting reports,
it is hard to say whether or not
our blockade is damaging Cuba
economically. But regardless, it
is hard to see how the blockade
hinders Cuba's subversive activi-
ties.
THE MOST valid point Ful-
bright makes in his address is
that the United States should

in its decisions. This tends to be
cumbersome and some times det-
rimental to the eventual outcome.
it will take great thinkers to find
a way to reconcile the difference
between the moral attitude of the
general public in foreign relations
and a pragmatic State Depart-
ment which has quicker access to
vital information about foreign
situations.
* * *
THE GREATEST effect of Ful-
bright's speech is that it finally
brought before the public the
opinions of a well-qualified ob-
server - who is detached enough
from State Department activities
to offer an overview of critical
thought on U.S. foreign policy.
He suggests that the executive
branch and the State Department
break away from "execessive
.moralism" which "leads us to re-
gard new and nfamiliar ideas
with fear and mistrust," this mis-
trust, in turn, leads to 'the malady
of chronic and excessive caution"
in our foreign policy decisions.
Those who criticize Fulbright
for offering "appeasement of the
Communists" should be given the
courtesy of 'receptive audience.
But those who engage in an
"enlightened debate" - which is
just what Fulbright's address sug-
gested-should also be given the
opportunity to be heard.
In his conclusion, Fulbright
quotes Woodrow Wilson as saying,
"The greatest freedom of speech
is the greatest safety because, if
a man is a fool, the best thing to
do is to encourage him to adver-
tise the fact by speaking."
LETTERS:
Voting for
Ci/vil Rights
To the Editor:
HE CIVIL RIGHTS movement
min Ann Arbor has a great deal
at stake in the re-election of°.
Eunice Burns to the City Council.
For this will be the first occasion
when an individual who supported
the Clergyman's Ordinance is sub-
ject to a "vote of confidence" in-
volving possibly two thousand of
Ann Arbor's citizens.
Were Eunice Burns to be de-
feated, the Ann Arbor City Coun-
cil would have to interpret this as
a repudiation of her strong stand,
and it would be obligated to resist
the urgings of civil rights groups
to move ahead rapidly on measures
to advance racial equality in Ann
Arbor.
There are, to be sure, other
issues at stake in the First Ward
race: the preservation of two-
party government in Ann Arbor,
protection of Ann Arbor's charac-
ter from commercial erosion, and
the launching of the Parks and
Open Spaces Plan. But the issue
of civil rights is paramount.
* * *
ON MONDAY Ann Arbor will
be electing five members to City
Council - one council member
from each of the city's five wards.
All five Democratic candidates are
running on a platform which
commits them to support a strong
and comprehensive fair housing
ordinance for the city, a local fair
employment practices commission,
and strengthening of nondiscrim-
inatory provisions in the hiring

FOR THE third consecutive year,
the Treteau de Paris performed
here before a responsive audience.
This year's production "The Lark"
by Jean Anouilh, dealing with the
life of Joan of Arc, was presented
for the first time in Paris in
1953, and since then has never
ceased to enchant audiences
throughout the world.
Anouilh does not attempt to ex-
plain the mystery of Joan: "You
cannot explain Joan, any more
than you can explain the tiniest
flower growing by the wayside .. .
There is just the phenomenon of
Joan, as there is the phenomenon
of a daisy or of the sky or of a
bird. What pretentious creatures
men are, if that's not enough for
them.
Anouilh recreates the most im-
portant historical figures associat-
ed with Joan's trial, and makes
them come alive under our very
eyes with the magic wand of a
master playwright. From the first
moment when the actors stroll on
the stage and decide among them-
selves where to begin the story
and what to include, to the last
triumphant scene of Charles' cor-
onation in Rheims, we are spell-
bound by the unfolding events-
though we know the inevitable
outcome.
BUT HERE AGAIN, Anouilh
plays a delightful "trick" on the
onr-ann Tr n 'a ie, a r

witness a particularly brilliant per-
formance. The former star of the
show was taken ill and had to be
replaced by Monita Derrieux, who
played a most moving Joan. Her
acting was truly magnificient, and
I cannot help but wonder why she
was originally cast in a minor role.
The other major roles were
equally well filled. I was most im-
pressed by Claude Richard as
Beaudricourt and Henri Poirier as

Cauchon. Some of the minor roles
paled by compsarison, but the total
effect was one of great com-
petence.
We can only be grateful to the
Treteau de Paris for bringing to
American campuses important
French plays performed in the
very best of the French theatrical
tradition.
-Martin Schwarz
Professor of French

'THE VICTORS':
The Human Cost of War
At the Michigan Theatre
THE HIGHLY CONTROVERSIAL FILM "The Victors" is an ex-
plosively tragic evaluation of the toll in human dignity taken by
World War II.
Producer-director Carl Foreman has taken the familiar theme of
man's inhumanity to man and literally shoved it down the throats of
his audience.
IN SEQUENCE after sequence, Foreman hammers his theme home.
An aristocratic French woman (Jeanne Moreau) becomes hysterical
after spending a night during an air raid alone in the rat-infested
basement of her home.
Grown wealthy on the black market, a Polish woman (Melina
Mercouri) in her own self-interest convinces a young American
(George Peppard) to desert from his regiment.
Two allied soldiers-a Russian (Albert Finney) and an American
(George Hamilton)-kill each other in a petty quarrel for a stirring
conclusion to the film. Their two bodies fall sideways upon the
around forming a V-the Allied V for victory. There are no victors