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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or tAe editors. This must be noted in at; reprints.

THE FULBRIGHT SPEECH:
Latin American Policy:
U.S. Stumbling Block

a
:

AY, APRIL 3, 1964

NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW ORLIN


Teenagers 'Lost' Without
Eighteen Year-Old Vote

)ENIED VOTING PRIVILEGES in pri-
maries, local issues, taxes and elec-
ons, many adolescents at the age of 18
ghtly begin to feel that they have no
iy in the government that rules them.
In effect, certain adolescents may come
believe that all governing officials have
legitimate power, and that rules and
,ws laid down by others should not be
;plied to themselves since they had no
and in their formation.
r IS JUST THIS TYPE of alienation
which leads some adolescents to rebel
gairst adult means of achieving goals.
s a result, they often turn to juvenile
elinquency in their anti-social expres-
ons.
Further, the tendency to reject the
Commentary
DECENT COLUMNS by Walter Lipp-
mann seem to have been less concern-
I with cogent thought on American for-
gn and domestic policy than with tak-
g stands which can be expected to be
iared by the administration.
A column on Sen. J. William Fulbright's
>reign policy speech said that the Unit-
I States could force Castro toward an
ccommodation with this country by us-
Ig a voluntary boycott of Cuba by the
.S. and whomever else wished to partici-.
ate. This is virtually the policy we have
:w; it isn't working, and the administra-
on can be expected to advocate just such
course. Rather than being a voice of
eason, Lippnann seems to be trying to
ake sure that he will be listened to by
aly suggesting policies he expects will be
>llowed.
F' THIS IS actually the case, Lippmann
has either decided to become the
>okesman for administration policies or
so encerned with his reputation as a
'spected authority whose words weigh
eavily with policy-makers that he has
ecome afraid to advocate anything he
els will not be done; to do so would
urt both his reputation and his influ-
ice.
A turn in either direction by our most
oted political columnist would be a trag-
thing. I hope his future columns prove.
th estimations to be wrong.
-EDWARD HERSTEIN
Acting Editorial Director

democratic processes by those people un-
able to vote often carries over to the audit
years, partially accounting for the low
turnout in local, state and national elec-
tions.
O BEGIN TO COMPENSATE for this
weakness in our society's structure,
state and national governments should
lower the voting age to 18, a time when
the right to vote would have a greater
and more immediate effect on adolescents
who are coming of age.
To do so would, first, establish that
time as a point of initiation into adult-
hood-a time after which the adolescent
recognizes and takes upon himself all
the responsibilities of adulthood. This ini-
tiation is sorely needed in our society
since adolescents today are kept for years,
in an ambiguous state regarding their
rights and responsibilities.
Second, the courses given in high school
to develop citizenship are mostly wasted if
their application is so far in the future as
to be irrelevant to students' immediate
lives. Making 18 the legal voting age
would establish the courses' relevance.
Third, 18 is the proper minimum voting
age because graduation from high school
would then become intimately associated
with acquisition of full political rights.
This association might also make the high
school experience more a time of appren-
ticeship for future adulthood than a time
for youth culture, as it presently is.
A CHANGE in the voting age, although
it may seem to have a superficial ef-
feet, would cut juvenile delinquency, re-
duce the period of ambiguity before one's
twenty-first birthday and bring out a
more complete awareness of coming-of-
citizenship.
-MICHAEL SATTINGER
Acting Associate Managing Editor
Only One?
A "SCHOLAR-IN-RESIDENCE" program,
suggeste4 with a $20,000 price tag at
the last Student Government Council
meeting, may indeed be a commendable
project for students at this University to
undertake. But it's that pretentious title
that causes some concern.
If SGC contracts an intellectual and
designates him as "the scholar," where
does that leave the rest of us 27,000?
-L. LIND

-Daly--Robert Shefflild
TWO POSSESSIVE MOTHERS (Barbara Sittig and Deborah Packer) discuss medicine and money,
sons and daughters in the University Players premiere production of "Shanakind," a new play by Marc
Alan Zagoren. A graduate of the University, Zagoren is a student of play writing at the Yale Univer-
sity Theatre.
ouble Confuses Moues

LAST NIGHT, the University
Players presented a double bill,
comprising "The Tiger," by Mur-
ray Schisgal, and "Shanakind,"
by a student playwright, Marc
Alan Zagoren.
On the face of it Mr. Zagoren
was asking for trouble, since he
was inviting the audience to com-
pare his work with that of a rec-
ognized professional playwright
whose work had received a pre-
Broadway airing on British tele-
vision and whose production in
New York had been graced by one
of the most famous of American
twitch actors, Eli Wallach.
"The Tiger" presented us with
a competent if usual set and two
performers who worked into their
parts quite well after a very shaky

first fifteen minutes (with Adri-
enne Harris very unsure and half-
hearted in her delivery and Paul
Richard Carleton exploding and
booming around the stage like a
socially-deflated, s 1 i g h t 1 y-de-
ranged Hotspur). Mr. Schisgal
has obviously learned a good deal
from contemporary playwrights
in his concentration on the essen-
tial isolation and failure to com-
municate inherent in modern life.
MOST MODERtN playwrights, in
dealing with this condition, make
use of the device of the non-se-
quitur and Mr. Schisgal, as with
many of his devices, works it to
the bone.
The play has its amusing mo-
ments, but when Ben disappears

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Hockey Article Called.

into the kitchen to fetch a glass
of water and Gloria attempts to
sneak out of the door, Ben's ap-
pearance in front of her is hor-
rifyingly predictable. Similarly, it
seems hardly funny to a contem-
porary audience to hear a be-
ginner's clumsy attempts to speak
French repeated over and over
again.
It is possible that the whole
play is a parody of the cluttered-
attic of the Theater of the Ab-
surd. I would like to think so, but
I am not sure and, frankly, I don't
think Mr. Schisgal is either. The
result of this part-comic, part-
ghoulish, wholly confusing play
is that Mr. Schisgal ultimately'
floats in a limbo of his own mak-
ing and we, the audience, have no
choice but to float with him.
MR. ZAGOREN'S play emerges
as rather more satisfying. It has
large flaws, but they are also'
honest and should disappear in
his future efforts. One problem
is that the play lacks coherence.
The first scene is an accurate
little sketch but it 'seems to
dangle away from the main body
of the play. It is a vignette; ex-
plicatory, vaguely charming, but a
piece of tangential reporting for
all that. The dialogue of the third
scene is trite, hurried, relying too
much on cliches and played with
careless histrionics.
The play echoes the "Marty"
theme, revolving as it does around
the problems of two unhappy,
ugly people who are pushed into
communication by their insensi-
tive mothers. Not a new idea by
any means, but rendered touching
and executed, particularly in the
last two scenes, with a refreshing
ca:.dor which is enforced by Mr.
Zagoren's excellent ear for dia-
lect and the hesitant gropings of
two people attempting to verbalize
their too-often concealed feelings.
.-John S. Whitley
Department of English

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
second in a four-part series deal-
ing with Sen. J. William Ful-
bright's recent foreign policy speech.)
By RAYMOND HOLTON
QINCE THE United States first
became concerned over its re-
lations with Latin American
countries, she has proved to be
extremely befuddled overAspecific
policy with those nations.
This is only natural, since Latin
America cannot be dealt with as
a single unit. There are 25 in-
dividual nations below our south-
ernmost border which should re-
quire 25 individual policies.
Granted, there are similarities
between those nations. Most of
the countries are loosely but loyal-
ly united through the Organiza-
tion of American States. However,
the extreme degree o nationalism
among individual Latin American
countries necessitates a large
amount of individual consideration
by U.Si policymakers.
, *
FULBRIGHT STATES, "The pol-
icy of the United States with
respect to Latin America as a
whole is predicated on the assump-
tion that social revolution can be
accomplished without violent up-
heaval."
Of course, Fulbright expresses
hope that social revolutions in
Latin America could be peaceful,
but he is quick to point out that
this is unlikely. The historical
odds are against it.
He could have gone farther in
his argument by noting that the
Latin American social 'structure
is far from similar to ours or to
most other nations with which we
deal.
In Latin America, there is no
middle class as we know it. This
fact,.complicated by all the.other
problems - sub-standard living
conditions, lack of a literate ma-
jority and of a hard-product in-
dustry - make peaceful social
revolution that much more dif-
ficult.
For these and other reasons,
U.S. policy-makers have not been
able to hit upon a plan of aid
that will effectively help the mass
populations of Latin American
countries, where the seeds of social
revolution lay. Instead the aid, of-
fered without enough strings at-
tached, is usually siphoned off by
the ruling oligarchies, as Ful-
bright mentions.
* *' *
THE UNITED STATES is al-
ways in a dilemma'when it comes
to recognition of Latin American
nations which have experienced a
coup of some sort. Fulbright
states:
"We would do well, while con-
tinuing our efforts to promote1
peaceful change through the Al-
liance for Progress, to consider
what our reactions might be in
the event of the outbreak of gen-
uine social revolution in one or
more Latin American countries.
"Such a revolution did occur in
Bolivia, and we accepted it calmly
and sensibly. But what if a violent
social revolution were to break
out in one of the larger Latinf
American countries? Would we
feel certain that it was Cuban or
Soviet inspired? Would we wish to
intervene on'the side of estab-
lished authority? Or would we be
willing to tolerate, or even sup-
port a revolution if it was seen
to be not Communist but similar
in nature to the Mexican revolu-
tion or the Nasser revolution in
Egypt?
... We should be considering,
for example, what groups in par-
ticular countries might conceiv-
bly lead revolutionary movements,
and if we can identify them, we
should be considering how we
might communicate with them and
infhience them in such a way
that their movements, if success-

ful, will not pursue courses detri-
mentalsto our security and our
interests."
*. * *
WITH THIS REMARK, Ful-
bright is trying to urge the State
Department to use a little fore-
sight in its operations. So far,

not much foresight has been ex-
hibited, as evidenced by the way
Latin American developments seem
always to catch us flatfooted.
Fulbright's remarks on, the spe-
cific situation in Panama and
Cuba are also worthy of comment.
In the case of the ,Panama
Canal, Fubright uses simple logic.
.Panamais a small nation,
with a weak economy and un-
stable government, and the Canal
is the pre-eminent factor in the
nation's economy and in its for-
eign relations.
"Surely in a confrontation so
unequal, it is not unreasonable to
expect the U.S. to go a little far-
ther than half- way in the search
for a fair settlement."
Fulbright ,blasts U.S. policy-
makers for considering the Pana-
ma incident as "a test of our
courage and resolve."
He notes, "The real test in
Panama is not of our valor but
of our wisdom and judgment and
common sense." Fulbright pin-
pointsthe real issue. "It is the
profound social and economic
alienation between Panama and
the Canal Zone and its impact on
the national feeling of the Pana-
manians that underlies the current
crisis
It is clear from Fulbright's re-
marks that he would favor some
sort of get-together with Panama
to remedy the unequal situation.
He gives no preference as to
whether this get-together should
be called a "discussion" or "ne-
gotiation."
* ... *
FULBRIGHT THEN turns to
Cuba. This is where his critics
have been most severe.
"The problem of Cuba is more
difficult than that of Panama, and
far more heavily burdenedwith
the dead weight of od myths and
prohibitions against 'unthinkable
thoughts'."
He cites options for the resolu-
tion of the Cuban situation:
"First the removal of the Catro
regime by invading and occupying
the island; second, an effort to
weaken and ultimately bring
down the regime by a policyof
political and economic boycott
and, finally,x acceptance of the
Communist regime as a disagree
able reality and annoyance, but
one which is riot likely to be re-
moved, In the near future'.because
of the unavailability of acceptable
means of removing it."
Fulbright points out the fail-
ures of the first two options and
suggests the third as a starting
point for U.S. policy. Hecriticizes
the amount of attention "we have
given to Cuba by saying we have
flattered a noisy but minor dem-
agogue by treating him as if he
were a Napoleon.
However, Fulbright does not
attempt to sweep the matter un-
der the already-cluttered foreign
relations rug. He says we nlst face
two cold realities about Cuba:
"First, that the Castro regime
is not on the verge of collapse and
is not likely to be overthrown by
any policies which we are now
pursuing or can reasonably under-
take; and second, that the con-
tinued existence of the Castro
regime, though inimical to our
interests and policies, is not an
insuperable obstacle to the at-
tainment of our objectives, unless
we make it so by permitting it
to poison our politics at home and
to divert us from more important
tasks in the, hemisphere."
* * *
TRULY, this is shocking to
those who have really felt that,
with the existence of Communist
Cuba, the Reds have obtained a
foothold In the Western Hemis-
phere which could eventually de-
cide the fate of the Latin Ameri-
can countries, and, possibly in the
future, the fate of the United
States. It is popularly called a Red

Scare.
Ifrthe United States retraces
some of its rash steps it has taken
in the beginning with Cuba, per-
haps it will find the rational path
it passed up somewhere along the
road.

'Immature,'
To the Editor:
THERE IS nothing wrong with
a journalist critizing the in-
stitution he is a part of-this is
not only his right, but it is an
obligation he owes to his readers.
However this may be, there was-
absolutely no excuse for the ar-
ticle written by Mr. Berger shortly
before vacation condemning the
hockey team for being "cheese-
cake champions."
Mr. Berger has libeled the team
because his derogatory remarks
are misleading and untrue.
Though Michigan did not schedule
either Denver or North Dakota,
they did play four games with
Minnesota and six with Tech.
These two teams cannot be called
inferior in any sense of the word:
both easily ran up winning records
against North Dakota, and Tech
beat Denver on at least one
occasion. Yet our cheesecake
champions beat Minnesota three
out of four times and Tech four
out of six.
I'LL GIVE Mr. Berger the bene-
fit of the doubt when I assume
the only hockey game he saw this
year was Michigan's loss to Den-
ver. Had he seen at least a few
of the others he might have
thought more highly of a team
that both referees and opposing
coaches termed one of the finest
in the country. Had he done just a
few minutes of investigation he
could have discerned some other
interesting facts: Michigan led
the entire country in offense and
was a leader in defense; Michigan
played their last three games
against Tech and Denver with
severe injuries to three of their
starters (Gallipeau, Butler and
Read); Denver probably played a
weaker schedule than Michigan in
that Denver played weaker Cana-
dian schools instead of Michigan
and Michigan State.

'L ibelo us'
Finally, Mr. Berger should have
at least tried to discover why
Michigan didn't schedule Denver
or North Dakota. Michigan fol-
lowed the lead of Michigan State
and the suggestions of some
executives of the W.C.H.A. and
the N.C.A.A. who were rather per-
turbed over the fact that Denver"
had given athletic scholarships
to several professional (above the
"junior A" level) Canadian play-
es. No doubt Michigan might
have reconsidered scheduling Den-
ver had these players been ex-
pelled from school before the sea-
sun began, instead of afterwards,
which was what actually happen-
ed.
IN CLOSING, I would recom-
mend that Mr. Berger apologize to
a team which has done its best
for its school and which deserves
more than maligning at the hands
of its "supporters." Furthermore,
I'd suggest that in the future Mr.
Berger should try and direct his
immature enthusiasm towards
more objective reporting.
-Jack Weiner, '64L
(EDITOR'S NOTE: First, I saw
every home hockey game this sea-
son. Moreover, I have missed about
three games in four years and I
covered hockey for three seasons.
Denver didn't play a weaker sched-
ule than Michigan. The teams they
scheduled were among the best,
from Western Canada. Michigan did
not schedule Denver and North Da-
kota for two reasons: 1) because
they had no intention of staying
in the WCHA; 2) because of travel
expenses. As for calling Denver and
North Dakota players elprofession-
als," this is libelous. If these play-
ers were professionals, they wouldn't
be allowed to play, since the NCAA.
has strict rules pertaining to Ca-
nadians playing for American col-
leges. In closing, I'd like to offer
my congratulations to the hockey
team for their performance at Den-
ver, and if they hadn't won I'm
surerI wouldn't be clarifying your
.etter.
--J.B.)

r

Dropout

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Issues of Sino-Soviet Split

IHE ANGRY FEUD between Mao and
Khrushchev is no doubt in some meas-
e an ideological quarrel about how to
,hieve and to organize a Communist
ate. But surely it is not a mere theoreti-
Ll quarrel. Rather it is an historical con-
Lct between the Russian empire and the
hinese.
There are two great issues enshrouded
, the Marxist-Leninist jargon. One is the
pg disputed land frontier which was
aposed by czarist Russia on the decay-
g Chinese empire. There is in all the
orld no more dangerous frontier than
is one which runs from the Pacific to
e Middle East.
The other deep issue is the rivalry for
>wer and influence in what it is con-
Inient to call "the third world" - the
orld, one might say, of the non-powers,
.e former colonial regions of Asia and
frica and Latin America.
'HE FUTURE of the third world is, more
and more, the preoccupation also of
e Western non-Communist countries.
e- have come to realize that the great-
t revolution of this revolutionary cen-
ry is the revolution of the depressed
id backward peoples of the old colonial
mains.
The questions which are being tested in
1 parts of the third world are how the
als of independence and economic wel-
re can be reached. Is it to be by the
ethods of Soviet Russia, of Red China, of

Walter Lippmann
such as the Red Chinese and perhaps
some who are nearer home-is that there
can be only one universally right social
system in this conglomerated and hetero-
geneous world.
THIS IS ONE of the reasons why we
should encourage, not fear and reject,
competing foreign aid programs in the
third world. For one thing, wedcannot and
will not provide all the foreign aid that
the third world needs. For another, even if
we had the money and the willingness to
give it, even if we had all the power and
influence necessary to make it accepted,
we do not know enough to guide the de-
velopment of the third world.
When I say that we do not know
enough, I mean that the State Depart-
ment and the Congress and the compara-
tively few well-informed citizens who pay
attention to these matters do not know
enough. They cannot know enough. For
what is being forged on the anvil of his-
tory is the social order of a hundred na-
tions, almost all of them exceedingly un-
like the United States, all of them with
a very different geography and a very
different history.
So we should welcome, as President
John F. Kennedy did when he was in
Paris in 1961, the expanding influence of
France in Latin America. We should wel-
come it also in Africa and Asia. We should
welcome an increasing influence by Spain
and Portugal in the lands where their

HEREIN LIES the primary rea-
son why dropouts come back.
They have been into the real
world; they return to college still
convinced that it is something
entirely apart from "life." But
they return with the conviction
that the real world isn't much
fun without a good job with lots
of pay. And you can't get a good
job these days without a college
diploma. So they apply themselves
to their studies with fresh vigor,
having found at least one reason
why four years in college is a nice
thing and worthwhile' putting up
with: it helps get a decent job.
Rarely do they consider college
intrinsically valuable in itself. It
is the unusual dropout who comes
back looking for an education,
who comes back without seeing
college as an annex company to a
recruiting office.
-The Moderator,


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