51g £ipigan BaiIy
Seventy-Third Year
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Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in at; reprints.
SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: STEVEN HALLER
Australia Must Relax
# "
Immigration Restrictions
A MAJOR CRISIS may explode in South- almost equal to that of the United States.
east Asia shortly over the little-known Now that they are trading with the Aus-
immigration policies of Australia. tralians, they justly want to integrate
Australia, which is populated mainly by further their economic relations with
Europeans of English descent, has since them.
1947 followed an immigration policy dis- ANY SOUTHEAST ASIANS want to mi-
couraging Asians and others of non-Eu- grate to Australia which has a wealth
ropean lineage from entering the country,- rt oAstai hc hsawat
Among Europeans, the Australians have of space and resources for its present pop-
preferred those of British descent to con- ulation of 11 million. But thus far the
peeetheeenttAustralians have stood fast by their poli-
tinentals. cy of encouraging immigration only from
The main reason for this has been that Europe.
Australians see their political and With the recent dispute between Indo-
tural homogeneity as a major source of nesia and Malaysia, in which Australia
the stable government they have enjoyed
over the years. took the side of Malaysia, tensions in the
In addition, they believe that if unskill- Southeast Asia area rose to a new high.
ed Asians come to their country, disjoint- Many Asians are now looking to Australia
ed minority groups will form which will as a vent for their poverty and population
have little in common with the rest of problems.
the country and which will not fit into the T IS BECOMING increasingly apparent
economy.I
that the Australians are going to have
RECENTLY, Australia has come to real- to bend their immigration policies to ease
ize that its diplomatic and trading fu- the problems of the Asians. A good idea
ture lies not with Europe or even with the might be an increased quota system for
West, but with the countries of Southeast Asians similar to that used in the United
,Asia. Australians have been trading with States for Europeans. True, this may en-
Red China among other Southeast Asian tail an immediate risk for the harmony
countries, and have found this trade more of economy and of government in Aus-
convenient and profitable than that with tralia. But it is the only way the Aus-
the West. tralians can hope to attain their long-
These countries, however, have for years range goals of trade and diplomatic re-
been living in squalid poverty compared lations with Asia.
to Australia, whose standard of living is -ROBERT HIPPLER
UNDERSCORE:
Schizophrenic City

{.,A FACE IN THE CROWD:
APlethora of Parties
By Ronald Wilton, Editor

AFTER 10 YEARS of relative
inactivity, the curtain may be
going up on the final year of Stu-
dent Government Council.
Whether SGC remains on the
center stage of student politics
depends on the whim of the stu-
dent body to be exercised in the
upcoming election. If a combina-
tion of five or more candidates
sponsored by Voice Political Party
and the Student Government Re-
form Union (SGRU) are elected,
Council may be within a year of
its end, replaced by a more active
and responsible student govern-
ment. If four or more members
of Students United for Respon-
sible Government (SURGe) win
out, Council, in one form or an-
other, will probably be around for
another- 10 years.
THE IMMEDIATE winner will
be the student body who can sit
back and watch a no-holds bar-
red campaign. Like most ath-
letic contests, a scorecard is
necessary to tell the players.
Voice Political Party is sponsor-
ing four candidates, as opposed to
last semester when it merely en-
doser two. Voice has always cam-
paigned on the platform of a
strong student government with
increased powers to act in the area
of non-academic student rules and
regulations. This year promises to
be no exception. Traditionally
associated with the liberal student
movement on campus, it sees
SGC's concerns as encompassing
the community, nation and the
world, not merely the campus.
SGRU IS A new phenomena
on campus. It was formed by a
group of students who got tired
of having an inactive group of
superficial "c a m p u s leaders"
speak in their name or the name
of the student body. They be-
lieve that the time has come to
probe into the whole question
of Student Government at the
University. Their concern is
simple: they want a student
government which will be mean-
ingful and important to each in-
dividual member of the student
body. They are dismayed by the
fact that SGC has become a
"mickey mouse" organization to
most of the campus.
SURGe was formed as a reac-
tion to SGRU. Its primary mem-
bers belong to the small power
elite which has traditionxally con-
trolled SGC and which is respon-
sible for most of SGC's inactivity.
Bowing to the inevitable, they
have joined the bank wagon clam-
oring for an investigation of stu-
dent government. However, they
have limited this considerably by
requesting that only the existing
structure, rather than possible
new alternatives be examined.
This is only natural. The group
has been able to control the exist-
ing structure, thus they are in-
terested in preserving it.
In addition there are several
independent candidates running.
These people stand somewhere be-
tween Voice and SGRU on one
hand and SURGe on the other.
They aim of their campaign more
on the basis of personal qualifica-
tions than set ideological posi-
tions. They are also trying to ap-
peal to those voters who are sus-
picious of parties and blocs.
THIS IS only a superficial
scorecard. It does not put the
present situation into its proper
prospective. Four years ago
Voice was formed as part of an
attempt by campus liberals to
wrest SGC from conservative
control and make it a more
meaningful body. Although it

has since contributed some out-
standing members to council, it
never succeeded in its original
goal. During various election
campaigns the conservatives
were forced to mobilize as much
"grass roots" support as nec-
essary to maintain their control.
They were never frightened
enough to form an opposing
party.
Now, things have changed.
Where an organized opposition
was not strong enough to frighten
the power elite, a small group of
ordinary students has succeeded.
They are a formidable opposition
because they want to create a
committee-one which would seek
opinion on student government
from the entire student body.
They are a combination which has
not been seen on this campus since
as long as I've been around. It in-
cludes fraternity and sorority
members, Daily staff members and
students who are not active in any
campus organization.
THE SGC establishment ap-
pears worried. One of its mem-
bers, now a member of SURGe,
admitted to me that the three
SGC incumbents are in danger
of being defeated. Miss Sherry
Miller, with her pragmitism and
compulsion to compromise, has
alienated previously strong sup-
porters of SGC. She does not
appear to have the "Markley
machine" which supposedly got
her elected last year, behind her
now. The other two incumbents,
Gary Cunningham and Scott
Crooks, have been distinguished
by their ability to do virtually
nothing other than say pass
during members time. For those
unacquainted with C o u n c i 1
meetings, members time is when
each Council .member can say
anything he wants about any-
thing he wants. They have no
record to stand on at all.
A further indication of estab-
lishment juitters was the decision
by Council President Russel Epker
and Frederick Rhines to recon-
sider their announced intention to
resign from Council. Their original
announcement was motivated by
the fact that they would be un-
able to fill out their term due to
gr aduation. Their reconsideration
was partly motivated by a desire
to induce SGRU to reduce the
number of candidates it had plan-
ned to run. This move, failed,
therefore they are resigning in
time for their seats to go up for
election.
SGRU has had further problems
with the SGC student activities
committee. This group is 'respon-
sible for the examination of con-
stitutions and varification mem-
bership lists of those student or-
ganizations desiring SGC recogni-
tion. According to two officers of
SGRU, their members were asked
why they belonged to the organi-
zation and why they didn't get
off. This was done by people whose
only interest in the listed stu-
dents is to find out whether or
not they actually belong to the
organization.
SGRU hopes to appeal to all
segments of the student body.
In this respect, it is interesting
to note that Interfraternity
Council President Clifford Tay-
lor, who is not a member of
SURGe or SGRU has listened to
SGRU members with a sympa-
thetic ear. Taylor had been ask-
ed by SURGe to provide them
with a list of important frater-
nity people whom they could
personally invite to a mass
meeting. Taylor complied, but
asked that his name not be link-

ed with the organization since
he did not feel he could endorse
it. Despite his request, one call-
er used his name in trying to
draw people to the meeting.
While it would be too much to
expect that the fraternity sys-
tem will go all out for SGRU,
Taylor's neutrality offers the
chance for a fair unbiased com-
petition for fraternity voters.
The campaign is young, more
incidents of this sort will probably
appear again. SGRU remains un'-
intimidated because it is more
than just a Party. It has its roots
in the entire student body and is
nourished by disenchantment with
SGC. Now is the time for all good
students to come to the aid of
their party.
COURTS:,
Southern
justice
CONGRESSMAN porman (dur-
ing the Civil Rights Bill de-
bate) called the attention of the
House to a masterly 43-page piece
of legal sleuthing, an unsigned
"Comment" in the "Yale Law
Journal" for last November en-
titled "Judicial Performance in the
Fifth Circuit" which covers the
deep South.
This, the first careful study of
its kind, turned up many cases-
as Mr Corman told the House--
"of delay, inaction and even total
refusal to enforce the laws that
we have enacted." The "Yale Law
Journal" study found that "of
President Kennedy's eight ap-
pointments to district courts in
Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, and
Mississippi, four have indicated
a considerable reluctance' to fol-
low the letter and spirit of the
prevailing law in the civil rights
area." The study found "numer-
ous" instances of "disobedience of
higher courts."
* a
NORMALLY such judges would
be shifted out, before confirma-
tion, by the attorney general and
by a '.glant Senate Judiciary
Committee. Unfortunate y. Chair-
man Easuian's polital power has
foster the appointment of Judges
nostile to the law thoy are sup-
posed to enforce. Robert Kennedy
has played along with him. The
three judge court reform in vot-
ing cases (included in the Civil
Rights Bill) . . will not wholly
end this evil, since the same type
of judges will often be sitting on
the three-judge courts.
It is time to organize counter-
pressure. If a handful of Yale Law
School students can dobthis good
a job, what couldn't be accom-
plished by an official investiga-
tion? Two such are feasible, and
could outflank Eastland. The
Government Operations Commit-
tee in the House, chaired by a
Chicago Negro, has full power to
investigate the conduct of South-
en judges. An inquiry could also
be made by a constitutional rights
subcommittee of House Judiciary
as urged by three members...
S * * *
MR. CORMAN also suggested
that the Supreme Court through
its power to change the rules of
civil procedure could tighten the
reins on recalcitrant judges by
providing strict time Lmits on
granting or denying injunctions.
-I. F. Stone's Weekly

WOMEN & CHILDREN FIRST:
And All That Jazz
By DICK POLLINGER
ONCE PLAYED for a fraternity party where a drunken football
player threw up into the grand piano. Since he had a lot of friends
around who thought that it was pretty funny, we didn't argue.
Actually it probably did that rotten old piano some good and, at
any rate, it goes to show you that when you play the piano in a
dance band all kinds of bizarre things can happen.
For instance last week we played for a cocktail party given by
a dentist whose wife was branching out into the social arts. My
barber had warned me about her enthusiasm for her husband's
friends, but the only really annoying thing that she did was to keep
trying to sit in my lap. You probably don't know how difficult it is
to play Blue Moon (which only a deaf musician wouldn't mind
playing one more time anyway) when you have to reach around
somebody's mother to even get to the keys. I suppose that even that
was worth five dollars an hour, but she was wearing a remarkable
perfume which smelled like the mosquito repellent I had been forced
to wear summertimes as a little boy, and most of the aroma seemed
to come from some mystery location on her chest, which wasn't very
well concealed but should have been.
During the breaks she would keep murmuring something she had
read in a book about Mozart (which she pronounced so that it
rhymed with Beaux-Art, an unwitting pun on her part), and she
insisted on giving me her telephone number so that I could call
and give her piano lessons. When I was in high school I used to
take out a girl whose mother made passes at anyone past puberty,
but she was a definite amateur.
ONE THING about girls who follow jazz musicians around: they
are usually highly mystical and have a fine imagination for glamor.
When I was a freshman, we used to play for our own amusement
on Saturday afternoons in the Quad. Various musicians would float
in and out to play,, and the mindless, tin-eared cult of jazz worshipers
would sit around talking bob-talk and making inappropriate compli-
ments at the wrong times. Without fail, there would be two high-
school girls who drove up from Detroit every Saturday in search of
intrigue, or sex, or something.
They had ,about them an air of mystique which can usually only
be found in the smaller-circulation girlie magazines. Now that they
have grown up, they have probably washed all that stuff off their
faces, but at the time they were wonderful. One would wear black
tights and incredibly high-heeled shoes and looked like she had left
her whip in the car. The other always wore an oversize black
alligator-skin trench coat, which she never removed, and carried a
dog-eared paperback "L'Etranger" (in French) which, I suspect, she
never read.
They usually sat in front, looking scared, for the entire afternoon,
and then disappeared as mysteriously as they had come. Once, a
drummer tried to pick them up, but after one cup of coffee downstairs
at the snack bar he came back .up looking very depressed and never
did tell us what had happened. After a few months, the Quad passed
a ruling barring our Saturday sessions, and with their dissolution
the girls stopped coming, and, to my knowledge, have never been
seen since.
RECENTLY, though, things have picked up a little. Our band
has a fan who somehow finds out what fraternity we are playing for
and shows up with a different boy each week. She eve followed
us to Kalamazoo College once. How she does it nobody knows, but
we don't complain. After all, when it gets to be midnight and the
people you're playing for drift off into dark corners and you're left
with a cold piano and a heavy heart, any crumb of comfort helps,
and our fan usually comes to make small talk with us, much to her
escort's dismay. Besides, she's sort of cute.
WHAT KIND OF WORLD?
Educational Map
Shows Injustices

MONTREAL has been termed the bastard
city-a schizophrenic child of a dis-
cordant English and French heritage. Ex-
isting in a generation of singularities,
Montreal is no less an enigma. Three cen-
turies of alternating French-English har-
mony and dissension have witnessed the
turbulent Confederation period ending in
1867 with Canadian autonomy, the reign
of post-war Quebec's reactionary and
quasi-dictatorial Maurice Duplessis and
today's crisis, which transcends all others
in magniture-le Separatisme.
Biculturalism is something of an anom-
aly in the Western world. Although nu-
merically inferior-Montreal's population
is 70 per cent French-English culture has
preyailed in its entirety. The present con-
flict is essentially one of loss of identity:
the French quite rightly feel that succes-
sive generations may become totally as-
similated into English Canadianism.
REVOLUTIONARY FRONTS advocating
everything from due process of law to
rebellion as a means to achieve Quebec's
independence have arisen in great part
because of this fear. Separatists voice
their discontent in many ways: following
the opening night of the city's much ac-
claimed concert house, the Place des Arts,
the Montreal Star wrote, "Black tie pre-
vailed within; outside were black leather
jackets." The secessionists were picketing
in opposition to the management's coordi-
nation with American executives. Several
months before, the dissidents had voiced
their discontent by placing bombs on fed-
eral property resulting in the death of a
bomb-demolition expert.
Socially, the French occupy the lower
strata with respect to the English. To a
degree, the French Canadian world is one
of bus drivers, policemen and city work-
men. The snowplow driver in February is
French; so is the man operating a stand
selhng patates-frites in the winter and
corn in the summer.
This class-language relationship is not
by any means all-encompassing. It no-
where even approximates what some may
consider parallel situations among vari-
ous racial or ethnic groups in certain
American cities. Montreal's mayor and
council and Quebec's premier and cabinet
are all French. Although proportionally
surpassed by the English, French Cana-
dians do occupy status positions in all
spheres of thep rofessions, finance and
education.
EVEN IN EDUCATION, there is a divi-
sion. Two predominant school boards
exist, the Protestant for English and
Catholic for French. Montreal's English
public schools are in many respects su-

American control of a vast majority of
Canadian enterprise aggravates French
feelings of second-class citizenship. The
problem of being maitres chez nous poli-
tically appears almost chimerical in light
of United States command of the strings
of the Canadian economic puppet. This
predominance manifests itself to the
Frenchman when he is barred from exec-
utive positions. Not illogically, American
management wants someone with whom
it can personally communicate, in more
ways than just linguistically. Americans
tend to think, again not incorrectly, that
English Canadians "think American"
more so than the French. This discrimi-
nation tends toward social stratification
and malcontentism.-
In contrast, on a muncipal-provincial
basis, French Canadians enjoy political
monopoly. Catering to the demands of
many Quebecois, Preimier Jean Lesage is
currently demanding a far greater share
of federal revenue for the province. If
conceded, this would create a highly de-
centralized Parliament operating within
an already too decentralized nation. If re-
jected, Separatist strength could snowball
and the vision of a provincial secessionist
party could become a reality.
French-English resentment is not en-
tirely one-sided. Antiquated Catholic di-
vorce laws contribute to a feeling of dis-
satisfaction on the part of English Cana-
dians with certain French legislation. It
is almost impossible to obtain a divorce
on any other grounds than proven adul.-
tery It is ludicrous that divorces must
be brought to Parliament before granted
and unfair that their costliness reserves
them for the privileged.
ENGLISH AND FRENCH in Montreal
have virtually isolated themselves from
each other. The city is divided geograph-
ically into east and west and respectively
into French and English. Although barely
perceptible, mutual condescension is not
uncommon. There is an atmosphere, if not
of hostility, then of vague, unspoken ten-
sion.
Personal friendships thrive between the
two but there is no feeling of any signifi-
cant unifying factor which two centuries
of coexistence should have brought. Di-
vided even in wartime--the French resist-
ed conscription during both wars - the
groups find much less in common with
each other than they really have. Few
significant efforts have been undertaken
to search and apply the consolidating fac-
tors which prevail: employing different
means, each group desires the same end
of identity within duality, the right of
self-determination within the framework

"And Over Here We'll Set Up Our Passport Bureau"

By ROBERT M. HUTCHINS
THE EDUCATIONAL map of the
United States is a checkerboard
of injustice. Since we have no na-
tional policy, local prejudices and
local resources largerly determine
the educational opportunities of
the American child.
From the standpoint of educa-
tion, there is no such,thing as an
American child. Every child is the
child of the locality in which he
happens to live.
* * *
LOCALITIES vary from very
rich to miserably poor. Some, like
California, are devoted to educa-
tion. Some, like Massachusetts,
have lost interest in the public
schools.
The American child who wants
a good elementary and secondary
education has to be careful in
selecting his place of birth. He
should not permit .himself to be
born anywhere in the Deep South,,
even if he is white. On the other
hand, Massachusetts is so rich
that it will absent-mindedly spend
a lot of money on his education.
In fact, it wil spend more than
twice as much on him as Missis-
sippi would. The current expense
per child in Massachusetts in 1962
was $465. In Mississippi it was
$230.
Why should a Mississippi child
be fined $235 a year, with all the
implied consequences for his hu-
man development for committing
the crime of living in Mississippi?
THE CRY is that education has
always been a matter for the
states and local communities. In
the first place, the statement is
untrue. In the second place, even
if it was true once, it can no long-
er be justified.
If we could force Mississippi to
secede from the Union once more,
and if ,we could refuse to permit
immigration from it, then perhaps
we could say that we had no more
interest in its children than in
those of any other backward coun-
try.
If we cannot take these pro-
tective measures, if Mississippians
are to vote in national elections,
sit in the national legislature. and

age ir, Massachusetts is almost two
and a half times{ what it is in
Mississippi.
Massachusetts spends 3.18 per
cent of its personal income on its
elementary and secondary schools.
Mssissippi spends 5.63 per cent.
Mis. issippi's educational effort is
gigs ntic compared with that of
Massachusetts.
IT IS GREATER than that of
45 other states. Only four-Ari-
zona, New Mexico, Utah and
Wyoming--devote a larger frac-
tion of personal income to ele-
mentary and secondary education
than Mississippi.
Of course, it may be said that
Mississippi, the home of states
rights fanaticism, deserves its
fate. But that seems a little hard
on the children.
Copyright, 1964, Los Angeles Times
power
GETTING TOUGH is a policy
that always appeals to news-
men hungry for circulation, and
to readers hungry for quick and
simple solutions to the problems
that fever the world, but most
American citizens are too level-
headed to buy it. They realize that
the outcries over Uncle Sam's mul-
tiple humiliations come from those
who have a vested interest in the
cold war and are afraid that they
are losing their investment.
Hence the urge to blow up a
non-Communist take-over in Zan-
zibar into another triumph for
Castro, or the Greek-Turkish con
flict in Cyprus into an impending
triumph for Khrushchev. War,
after ,all, is America's biggest in-
dustry: it defends itself, and finds
defenders in the news and opinion
media, just as the cigarette in-
dustry fights for tis life and its
profits.
None the less, a lot of Americans
are very tired of the cold war, and
the fact that it is not going well
does not upset them. Had it gone
well, it might by now have cul-
minated in World War III. As it is
we may stop trying to remake the
world in our own self-image, which

'