Ehe ichgan Biy Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications The constitution that almost was 4 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints., THURSDAY, MAY 16, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY ! I <7 ~i 1 ^ .!{ vtiun t1 I/WI 4 , s x - j Z Y5 G 4 { t~ 1YER ALL OUTTA UN IFORA 1" Tgo e The arts ofdte w s-. By DAVID MANN and JENNY STILLER THE VOTERS of - Maryland demonstrated their usual de- gree of competence Tuesday when they rejected by an 83,000-vote margin a new state constitution which might well have served as a model for other states in the years to come. The constitution failed to win the voters' approval, in metropoli- tan and suburban Baltimore, on the politically-Southern chicken- farming Eastern Shore, and among the largely Republican farmers -in the northwest. Only the two suburban Washington counties favored adoption of the new charter in place of the state's ailing and much-amended consti- tution of 1867. This vote takes on the propor- tions of a political tragedy, end- ing, according to H. Vernon Eney, the Baltimore lawyer whopresid- ed over the non-partisan conven- tion which drafted the proposed constitution, all chance of con- stitutional reform in Maryland for at least a generation. It leaves the state burdened with an ar- chaic constitution in the worst Reconstruction-era tradition, a government burdened with super- fluous office-holders, a malap- portioned state legislature, and an electoral system and judiciary having very little in common with the-realities of twentieth-century American politics. The rejected constitution, on the other hand, was written with an eye to practical administration of government and easy adapta- tion to change, containing major structural revisions in every area from voting laws to legislative ap- portionment. It reflected many of the turns that American political and legal thought have taken in the hun- dred years that have elapsed since the current constitution was writ- ten, and would have more than adequately patched up the holes left in that document in the wake of Supreme Court rulings on free- dom of religion, racial discrimin- ation and one man-one vote ap-- portionment. PERHAPS the most significant change was in the voting laws, which would have ;been broadened to include whole new groups of citizens in the electorate. county, state, nation and world are available as never before. The state school system and the mod- ern communications media are greatly responsible., The new constitution would also have lowered the voter residence requirement from one year to six months, in light of the mobility of the American population and the speed of modern communica- tions. Another innovation was a provision allowing residents of United States enclaves (Federal- ly-owned property such as An-, drews Air Force Base and the Naval Academy) to vote in na- itably be included in the T S. Constitution. These were a guar- antee protecting people against "unreasonable searches, seizures, interceptions of their communica- tions, or other invasions of uheir privacy" without a specific and duly authorized search warrant, and a provision banning discrim- ination by the state based on "race, color, religion, or national origin." The expansion of the tradition- al constitutional prohibition of unreasonable searches and seiz- ures to include protection against unreasonable interception of com- "Maryland is the only state with no constitutional provision for freedom of religion, language in the 1867 constitution requiring a religious be- lief having been declared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court. Before that court decision, jurors in Maryland had to attest to a belief in God and divine retribution in an afterlife complete with aheaven and hell." .'r:'I{%1.}?r::-:-}}y:{{{{". y..,.:-'rvie :."::1......R 1: ".Ar:v"r{,":{{i{ }},'}:."};:~i}}-ti,.Y"::v '} y +";">.rn1,.y g y,.2 $: :a.. . .-V }+.Ar:r?'4 :"{,;1" ;, ," ''1 ..}.,..1,{y.1.A.11Y':"111fE,11Y '.A M ., v.m:Asi"X . +""':y1 i^- ....;;. ::.: Under the proposed constitu- tion, 19- and 20-year-olds were to be enfranchised, thus bringing the number of states allowing cit- izens under 21 to vote to a total of five (the others being Ken- tucky and Georgia, 18; Alaska, 19; and Hawaii, 20).' Ah explanatory document pub- lished by the constitutional con- vention justified the 19-year-old vote on the grounds that the "ed- ucation and experience" of this age group was on par with that of the rest of the adult popula- tion of the state. "The convention felt," the publication stated, that "opportunities to learn about the political realities of the city, tional, state, county and munici- pal elections. FURTHER proposed demorcat- ization of the electgral process was evident in the section of the constitution dealing with refer- enda. To prevent laws already passed by, the state legislature from being overturned in a ref- erendum vote by small but active pressure groups, a referendum, vote would have been ivalidated if less than 25 per cent of the people voting in an election voted on the referendum question. The Bill of Rights (Article 1) of the new constitution contained two protections which might prof- . _ - . z DIFFICULT as it is at this juncture to predict with any certainty the con- sequences of the breaking of ties between the American Federation of Labor, Con- gress of Industrial Organizations and the United Auto Workers, a number of things seem likely: " The AFL-CIO will 'be seriously weakened. UAW head Walter Reuther will take with him not only about 10 per cent of the AFL-CIO's national in- come, but some of its most important personnel as well. AFL-CIO head George Meany will un- doubtedly have to dip into emergency. funds to make up for the loss, until a proposal for increased national affilia- tion dues can be made at an AFL-CIO, convention. To maintain the bureaucra- cy and political programs at their cur- rent level, an increase in the current cost per-member of AFL-CIO affiliation is written on the wall with UAW gone. Reuther is head of the AFL-CIO's In- dustrial Union Department (IUD) which represents about 60 factory worker un- ions. At the same time as it loses its director, IUD will also lose several other key members who are Reuther associates. In addition to being hit in this par-r titular department for personnel, the prospective of a mass desertion by UAW leaders at local and state levels could leave the AFL-CIO in an at least tem- porary limbo,. . UAW's disaffiliation will lead to mul- tiple national and state lobbies with re-, sultant i organizational complications' even if both groups are lobbying for the same programs. And the jurisdiction disputes which the AFL-CIO was formed to avoid may re-occur with the departure of the UAW. 0 New policies and a new labor image may 'be in store both for the UAW and' for some AFL-CIO unions. Speculation that the UAW-AFL-CIO rift was spurred by a growing personality struggle between Meany and Reuther accounts for little, for the feud between the two labor titans has always been based as much on ideological differences as on Reuher's ambition to succeed the aging Meany as AFL-CIO head. The. UAW's more progressive attitude on everything from international rela- tions to bargaining procedures is well .iiiul wlaii iaDt . / rigid bargaining procedures possible. As head of the IUD Reuther has been re- sponsible for such innovations as bo- alition bargaining and computerized re- search. As a separate organization, UAW, may be more likely to improve on the fairly stringent regulations on where, when, and h~ow to, bargain it was bound by as an AFL-CIO member. In the second place, UAW's disaffilia- tion may lead to a modernization of American labor's current fairly provin- cial image. Reuther has been notably more sympathetic to international la- borers than the staunchly anti-commun- ist Meany. Potential dealings with labor groups abroad - possibly even behind the iron curtain - could be an integral part oft the campaign to update labor's image, emphasizing especially a more' active interest in non-labor social issues. With many of the causes that unions were originally set up to further - re- spect for the laborer, better working con- ditions and salaries - largely under con- trol - there has been. a need for a long time for unions to seek a new ,direction. AFL-CIO has limited its political activi- ties largely to backing of a specific can- didate rather than to backing an issue The extent to which UAW's prospec- such as civil rights or education. tive new directions will spill over into other unions depends on Meany's re- action to the UAW withdrawal and the attraction of a new labor affiliation for unions still in the AFL-CIO. The fact that Meany, now 73, has not been threatened by Reuther's past blus- terings enough to change his stand sub- stantially makes it doubtful that he will initiate any innovations from the head of the AFL-CIO. * The likelihood of walkouts by other unions sympathetic Reuther is quite real - possibly leading to a new national labor group., The 85,000 member Chemical Workers Union, the 165,000 member United Rub- ber Workers, and the 25,000 member American Federation of Government Employees have shown personal and problematic sympathy with Reuther. UAW has cooperated on the staff level with the nation's largest union, the Teamsters, but top Teamster officials re- main non-committal on the possibility of joining a UAW-led national labor A Mac e By THOMAS S. BODENHEIMER .was lo and ..his wif LAWRENCE ROSE he ear EDITOR'S NOTE: )n the substit April 13 edition of the New may h Republic 1967-68 Daily Editor his o Roger Rapoport wrote an ar- GOEC ticle headlined "MACE in the "no la Face," mentioning two incidents it "will which transpired locally March age to 16" which led the Ann Arbor branes City Council to suspend police ophtha use of. Mace pending a Univer- . eightc sity investigation of its contents. damag In the following article ( the New ocurre Republic, May 11, 1968, reprint- the da] ed with permission of the New at leas Republic, Copyright 1968, Har- a pern- rison-Blaine of New Jersey, nately Inc.), a Washington, D.C. physi- I'ano cian and a San Francisco oph- from in thalmologist write of the re- eye bur sults of their investigation. ter ex AS NOTED by Roger Rapoport seconds in his article ("MACE in the eyelids Face," April 13), a veil of mystery pain, b has surrounded the chemical com- these ci position of MACE. Now, for. the reactio first time, however, the formula a range can be made public, thanks to an tims w inadvertent disclosure by a' poison their fa control center in San Francisco of a Public Health Service document AN which gives the secret formulation. ,questior The General Ordnance Equipment given b Corporation's MACE is a solution and t of .9 per cent chloroacetophenone mental (CN), 4 per cent kerosene, and dose-of some Freon propellants in 1,1,1, all exie trichloroethane. hadr d had di What are these chemicals and questio what are their effects? CN is the resting most commonly used tear gas, probabl causing irritation of the eyes, skin trichlor and respiratory tracts. Its prime skin as effect is intense pain and tearing tion of of the eyes. Rare deaths have been confusi caused by high concentrations of obvious CN in closed spaces, and severe eye damage has been produced by The s the application of pure CN to the able tes eye. The inventor of MACE, Alan Rapopo Litman, told us that MACE could ingly s now as not be harmful because it has such arsenal. a small amount of CN, and the tests dc other chemicals in MACE are not and ind harmful. These other chemicals, apparen according to Litman, have no ef- ficials. fects on humans and are present ' compan only to dissolve the CN and give of this MACE its spraylike property. resultsr dicate THE CHIEF liquid, 1,1,1, tri- fundam chloroethane, in this new police that te weapon, is by no means a harm- theway less compound, however. The Pub-' Rose, w lic Health Service says that it eyes wi causes irritation of the eyes, muc- (simula ous membranes,. and lungs, pro- mal dev duces apathy, confusion and dizzi- in its Ii ness, and can lead to central ner- mament vous system depression, liver dam- age, and heart abnormalities. Lit- AN I man says that the apathy and health t dizziness of those who have been lice dept shot in the face with MACE are for poli really secondary results ofthe and tol blindingpain. More likely, these not yet r symptoms are direct toxic effects ing fli of the 1,1,1, trichloroethane. hmadealrt Kerosene has effects similar to routinel those of 1,1,1, trichloroethane, police fi particularly on the nervous system in an e and the lungs. It is not clear what MACE;1 these chemicals do to the skin. back be )uiman has been quoted widely as ing. The . , --- - - of MAC oking for a device to protect e against any attacker), and nestly conceives it Ps a safe ute for lethal weapons. He ave fallen into the trap of wn company's advertising. writes that MACE causes sting aftereffets" and that not cause permanent dam- the eyes or mucous mem- . One of us (Dr. Rose), an Ilmologist, has now seen cases of post-MACE eye e. Severe burns of the eyes d in three cases. Much of mage is not permanent, but t one person has developed anent corneal scar, fortu- outside the line of vision. ther, partial loss of vision complete healing of a deep rn is present, two weeks af- posure. Four cases showed degree skin burns of the and face with continuous listering, and deep redness for three or four days. In ;aes of severe eye and skin n, the MACE was used at fo six inches, and the vic- ere not allowed to wash ces or eyes. ADDITIONAL important n arises from' the story y a Presbyterian minister hree students about their status after getting a large MACE at close range. They rienced a one- to two-hour of mental confusion and fficulty answering simple ns put to them by the ar- officers. This confusion is y related to the 1,1, oethane, which soaks the d clothes, allowing con- evaporation and inhala- the toxic chemical. The on at the time of arrest has civil liberties implications. um total of publicly avail- t results on MACE, as Mr. rt pointed out, is frighten- nall, considering that it is standard item inthe police nReports of toxicological )e by police departments lependent laboratories are itly available 'to police of- Yet the manufacturing y, GOEC, will release little information. The sparse made public by GOEC in- that the tests violate a ental research principle- st conditions approximate MACE is used in practice. tests were repeated by Dr. ho sprayed three rabbits' th MACE at close rang ting police use). One ani- eloped a scar on the cornea ne of vision, causing per- partial blindness. EXPERIENCED p u b li c oxicologist, asked by a po- artment to approve MACE ce use, did limited tests, d the police that he could ecommend it as safe pend- ther study. His warning ~te difference; the police ady decided to issue MACE y to its men. The Boston orce has been criticized ditorial for not employing the police chief had held cause of inadequate test- Spressure is for routine use E,. before adequate testing reappraisal THE MEDICAL Committee on Human Rights has just passed a resolution calling for the imme- diate banning of MACE as a law enforcement weapons, "until such time as it has been proved reason- ably safe by federally conducted tests, with 'openly, published re- sults." The committee maintains that MACE should be regulated as a drug, with adequate testing for safety before use. Of course, MACE; is designed to hurt people less than the police nightstick of re- volver. No. oneknows, however, what the risk isof permanent in- juries -fron MACE. It is really safer than a properly used night- stick? Should it be used, as it has, to disperse demonstrators; should it be restricted to extremely serious situations; or should it be banned forever? Qnly open, unprejudiced scientific testing in an atmosphere free from emotion can give us the answers. 6opyright 1968, Harrison- Blaine of New Jersey, Inc. munication or invasion of privacy was specifically directed against the "arbitrary use"' of wiretap- ping and bugging devices "by means of which the state may obtain access, with or without physical intrusion, to the most in- atimate privacies ' of a person's life," a constitutional convention publication read. THE INTENT of this provision, the convention said, was "not to place a total constitutional ban on the use of detection devices by the state, but to permit inter- ception of communications only when authorized by the court un- der the same strict safe-guards applicable to other searches and seizures." The prohibition of racial and religious discrimination by the state was adopted by the conven- tion as a positive j reaffirmation of the principle of equality be-. fore the law in light of recent federal legislation and court de- cisions. Some legal experts be- lieve that the provision, which' technically bans only discrimin- ation by the state, could have been interpreted to ban' discrim- ination by any state-supported or licensed group. Other parts of the .'Bill of Rights were less revolutionary, and would have served only to bring Maryland up to date with the rest of the country. A section guaranteeing separ- ation of church and state is couched in language similar to that of the federal Bill of Rights. Maryland is the only state with no constitutional provision for freedom of religion, language in the 1867 constitution requiring a religious belief having been de- clared unconstitutional by the U. S. Supreme Court. Before that court decision, jurors in M9ry- land had to attest to a belief in. God and divine retribution in an afterlife complete with a heaven and hell. ANOTHER such p r o v i s i o n would have extended the federal guarantee against double jeopar- dy to the state level. Although most state constitutions already include such a guarantee, in Maryland it is not unusual for a person to be tried twice for the same crime. (Under the present court system, if the prosecution loses at the low court level, it can try a defendant again at the next level.) Other provisions of the pro- posed constitution were specifical- ly designed to straighten the tangled lines of authority now prevailing in the state's govern- ment andhto bringathe composi- tion of the legislature more in 'line with recent one man-one vote rulings by the Supreme Court. REFORMS in the legislative, judicial and executive branches were all aimed at more efficient functioning of the state, but the fact that certain long-established offices (such as Register of Wills and County Sheriff) would have been abolished under the new constitution undoubtedly account- ed for some of the opposition to it. In the executive branch par- ticularly, the proposed constitu- tion would have established a di- rect line of responsibility from the governor's office down, abolish- ing and downgrading some posi- tions and adding the office of lieutenant governor to aid ad- ministrative efficiency and estab- lish a clear line of succession. A provision establishing ai pro- cedure for review and reappor- tionment of both legislative and congressional districts every ten years reflects a concern with the rapidly changing population pat- terns of the state. This kind of provision is 'a sensible one for all but the most sedentary states to adopt. The failure of the proposed constitution is more than a one- state issue. Eney called it "a dis- tinct setback for revision in all states" and labeled constitutional reform "an absolute essential for every state in the union. I have hopes for the future, however," he said, "because it is essential and imperative to combat the atrophy and stagnation in our state governments." On the whole, the voters- of Maryland have rejected a model charter which might, as its oppo- nents pointed out, have cost the state some headaches and a bit of money to adopt, but which would have proved of infinite value in the long run.. Hopefully, other states in search of constitutional reform will adopt some of the provisions of the defeated document, and voters of those states will have the sense and the responsibility to approve them.,, 04 Ep Letters:* Sterile knolde To the Editor: THIS IS A REPLY to Lucy Ken- nedy's letter-editorial (Daily, May 14): I read your letter to Mrs. King with mixed feelings. I certainly share your concern with the prob- lems of poverty in America, but I disagree with your views on the Poor People's Campaign and I don't understand how you can .be at loss for something to do when there is so much crying out to be done. The Campaign, as I see it, is not just "sound and fury" driven by highsounding rhetoric and slo- gans. It has a specific objective to meet the needs of a specific group of people: a guaranteed an- nual income for people who can't work and a decent job for all those who ban. You suspect that the Campaign is merely a front with the real action going on behind Congressional doors. But it is pre- cisely because that action in Con- gress will not take place at all un- les's there is a.direct confronta- tion, and hopefully, of the mili- tant nonviolent kind. When social injustice is so deep- ly institutionalized, and the in- equitable distribution of wealth and power so profoundly en- trenched as it is in this country, I think one can say with a dog- matism backed by all history, that the wielders of power and! wealth are not going to share their privileges voluntarily. So the di- rect action component of this Campaign is not just a front-it is, the culmination of a struggle which began with rational per- suasion, lobbying, legal appeals, and with all other avenues sealed, the poor people have turned to the only other (other than violence) means at their disposal: civil dis- obedience. I AM ALSO puzzled by your re- quest to Mrs. King that she tell you specifically how you can channel your concern into doing something, given the manifold and - tiL. 1 In Cold Blood vidual conscience, I don't think that I, or Mrs. King, or anyone else, has the privilege or respon- sibility to tell someone else exactly how he should translate his con- cern into action, even when re- quested to do so. The available possibilities are evident enough, but to channel someone to spe- cific alternatives would be ethic- ally questionable, and for him to accept it uncritically would be irresponsible, However, I do sympathize with your position. I interpret your plea for something to do as an unhap- py commentary on the tendency of our university education to aca- demicize all knowledge, and to sterilize it of its moral impulse, such that many students (myself included) are seldom touched by courage to serve' carried into practice. But I do trust, Miss Kennedy, that out of your deep concern with the evils of poverty, and from the articulateness of your writing and your imagination, you will find ways of action that you personally feel are best to make freedom and economic justice, not just Cam- paign slogans, but realities. -Wallace D. Loh Kirkism To the Editor; AT THE Tuesday evening meet- ing (May 14) of Voice-SDS, the following resolution was passed: "We are appalled by the "Kirk- like" 'tactics of the University of Alin irr -n * f r i c ro i 7. .3... 1