4 e r A41gan Daily Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan, under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications On the beach with, the GOP 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, AUGUST 6, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX The marketplace of politics: A dilemma for liberals (Continued from Page 1) conservative, with extremely conservative members in the South and parts of the Midwest and West, and with queer liberal cousins in a handful of eastern states. Part of this impression is based on merely visual evidence. For example, the girls who work behind the Rockefeller desks have a certain casual poise of dress and manner; they look like the Mt. Holyoke and Wellesley students they very often are. They are people who but for the more conservative nature of their family backgrounds would be supporting Eugene McCarthy. They have a sense of their own place in the campaign efforts of their can- didate, which the youthful partisans of Ronald Reagan lack. Thus, they work hard and effectively at what they have been assigned by their political elders like leading cheers, and manning information tables. But they shun answering questions, theoriz- ing on the campaign or the nation's problems, or giving the im- pression in any way that they are more important to the Rocke- feller organization than they actually are. Many Rockefeller delegates are equally recognizable. Most of the Negroes, most of the Jews, most of the eastern accents are Rockefeller backers. The Reagan delegate, who was a Nixon man probably two weeks ago and certainly two months ago, is harder to catalogue. THE REAGAN YOUTH, on the other hand, looks for all the world as 'if something extraordinary had slipped into his genetic structure at conception which stamps him thereafter as an unde- niable Reaganite. He is clean-cut and neatly, if not stylishly or dis- tinctively, trimmed. He has evanescent good looks, an adolescent glow. THE QUESTION of the week for G.O.P. delegates and hopefuls is "Will you support whoever the party nominates?" The Republicans are very sensitive to that question in light of the debacle of 1964, when liberals like Governors Rom- ney and Rockefeller and now-Mayor John Lindsay of New York refused to campaign for the party's nominee, Barry Goldwater. The Republicans, like the Democrats, seek a man who will unify their party for the November contest. It is only in such unity that any party can hope to muster the necessary forces for a strong cam- paign fight. And the fruits of victory in a presidential contest are sweet indeed. Po- litical parties thrive on the patronage and power that victory brings, and so they must seek a leader who can bring them that goal. But demands of unity in non-ideologi- cal parties avoid out of necessity the is- sues and paper them over when they can, by issuing a broadly-worded platform that promises everyone roughly what they want. T HEDIRKSEN compromise amendment to the platform report on the Vietnam war is just such a compromise because it leaves the road open to both political compromise or further escalation. But there is another feature to the de- mands of the party's presidential nom- inees that is more threatening than just the avoidance of the issues - the desire of the party for a "party man" to lead them in the next four years. I This is the issue that is most in Nixon's favor. He has spent the last four years tirelessly stumping the country in sup- port of various Republican candidates and fund raising drives. He has, as one NBC commentator put it, "eaten so much chicken and green peas that it's a little surprising he doesn't get up, at sunrise and crow." This long built-up and well-developed collection of political debts, this over- riding devotion to the good of his party, enhances Nixon's standing in the dele- gates' eyes far more than any number of position papers or non-political achieve- ments that pin-point his ideology and ability. DEMOCRATIC Party suffers from a similar syndrome. In a speech before the New Jersey state convention a few weeks ago, a strong pro-Humphrey man argued from the analogy, "Does a foot- ball team let the fans in the bleachers choose their captain, or do the players know best who they want to lead them?" Humphrey has been loyal to the party, and in his cheerful ebullience has vocal- ly seconded all that the President has said and done. The traditional methods of political dealing have their value. But rewarding numerous small favors and single-minded party devotion with the biggest political prize available is a dangerous trade to make. And this very trade comes at a time when the roles of leader of the nation and leader of the party are particularly disjoint, if not contradictory. The men who most appeal to their respective par- ties are not men who appeal to the coun- try - to the independents who hold the balance of votes that will determine the outcome of the election. And these men fail miserably in at- tracting those people who mean the dif- ference between a society of hope and one of despair. It is not polemical to ar- gue in those terms, for emotional and psychological appeal are a very real part of politics and national unity, a unity im- plying trust and devotion of the populace to their political leaders. THE QUESTION of unity, for the Repub- licans at least, most often comes from the middle and near-right side of the party, which is the bulk of their strength. They want the liberal wing to accept their man, be it Reagan or Nixon, for they know they cannot win without it.r But the bulk of the Republican Party represents the status quo. They do not want change, but want the "trouble" stopped. They want America to get back to "the business of business," which is what they believe America is all about. And for the liberals, the question of unity is an embarrassing one -- it is a question they would rather not have to face. Mayor Lindsay, the strangest look- ing Republican of them all, has been asked the question most often, and his answers,hthough politically adroit, only point up his dilemma: Support Nixon? Yes. Support Reagan? "That isn't going to happen so I'm not worrying about it," he says. But with Reagan's announcement of candidacy yesterday, and the possibility of growing support from the most reac- tionary elements of the party, the prob- lem is one Lindsay and his fellow liberal Republicans must face - not for the good of the party, but for the good of the nation. IN THIS YEAR of crisis at home and abroad, the Democrats and Republicans must face their responsibility to the na- tion and select those who would be best for the country over those who have been best for the party. -RON LANDSMAN Gov. Spiro T. Agnew He is engagingly vivacious, and thoroughly imbued with bour- 'geois values. His concerns in general aren't of a philosophical or intellectual nature; he does not follow art or literature, even as a dillettante. But he is self-consciously and contentiously dialectical when it comes to things political, and often obstreperously articulate as well. And like so many recent nickel-to-a-quarter conservative books and pamphlets, he documents his arguments with an abun- dance of semi-facts. Hence, one pert Reagan lass: "Before Hubert Humphrey ac- cepted the vice presidential nomination, he was a member of Students for a Democratic Society, and ydu know what that is. That's a socialist group." "Where did you learn that?" "I heard him say it on television, and I read it in some books." "Students for a Democratic Society was founded in 1961, and most of its members have been students." "Well, I don't want to argue with you. It was something-for- Democratic-something, I do remember that," "Americans for Democratic Action?" "You could be right." GENERALIZATIONS derived from visual impressions and some conversations like this one can be dangerously misleading. But it is interesting to note that even when the hunches are wrong, they are sometimes right. To wit: One Republican somehow just looked like a Georgian, so we sat down across a coffee table from him and played a wild card: "Well, how is the Georgia delegation going to vote?" "I don't know. I'm from New Jersey." And of the New Jersey Republicans, who are solidly committed to their favorite son, liberal (ADA rating: 100 per cent) Sen. Clif- ford Case, this Union County man who looked like a Georgian was one of the lone secret supporters of Ronald Reagan. The most damning evidence does, indeed, come from the dele- gates themselves. Over and over again, Nixon delegates say, "I could accept (or, would vote for) Ronald Reagan on a later ballot; I just think Richard Nixon has a better chance of winning against Humphrey." FEW NIXON delegates say the same of Rockefeller. And the votes which Rockefeller is counting on to stop Nixon on the first and second ballots are largely votes Reagan has gleaned from the South. Rockefeller himself has been notably unsuccessful during the last few days before and the beginning day of the convention. Thus, should the Rockefeller strategy be partially successful and a Nixon-less' fight develop on the fourth or fifth ballot, there is little reason to think the New Yorker can win it. Reagan, under these circumstances, wouldn't necessarily win it either. Although many of the Republicans are ideologically attuned to Reagan, few think he can win in 1968. More likely eventuality: a compromise candidate who both Rockefeller and the conservatives can live with. That Republican may be Sen. Charles M. Percy of Illinois, who is a Rockefeller supporter. Percy's political opinions and voting record aren't nearly as liberal as they often appear in the glamour- hungry national press (ADA rating: 38 per cent), and he has worked hard in Illinois elections for such far-right Republican candidates as author Phyllis Schlafly. AND IF ROCKEFELLER does not get the nomination, as now seems almost certain, it will be for reasons fundamental to the very nature of the Republican Party. If Rockefeller isn't nominated, it will -be because he is challenging the party to accept a philosophy alien to all of its assumptions. And if a Percy-like moderate is nominated instead, it will outline the leftmost limits to which the Republican Party is capable of moving in those years when it is under heaviest prodding from events. For unlike 1964 this year's convention has a good represen- tation from all of the segments of the party (only 20 per cent of the delegates are returns from the Goldwater convention). The views of the delegates to this convention are likely to compose the work- ings and principles of the Republican Party for many decades to come. 4 A' k' Cov. Ronald Reagan Gov. Nelson Rockefeller VOTER'S GUIDE 44' Congress A. Jerome Dupont Sheriff David M. Copi Precinct delegates All of the following Ann Arbor candidates for Democratic precinct delegate have announced their support for Eugene McCarthy for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency, and are seeking election in districts where there is a contested race. Those with black dots in front of their names have indicated they will not support Hubert Humphrey should he and Richard Nixon be the candidates presented by the two major parties. Richard Nixon greets the delegates Governors Rhodes, Love and Romney i EI FRL Ward 1, Pet. 1 + Ronald R Edmonds Daniel R. Fusfeld f Leonard Greenbaum Donald A. Jones Ward 1, Pet. 4 Eunice L. Burns * Marcia Federbush Gerald E. Faye Glen Waggoner Ward 1, Pet. 5 Donald R. Peacor *Pringle F. Smith Ward II, Pet. 2 0 Mary Coombs A. Jerome Dupont * W. Bede Mitchell Ward I, Pet. 1 Peter R. Darrow " Marc H. Ross Ward IV, Pet. 3 Jean M. Casey Kenneth L. Casey " Raphael S. Ezekiel Ward IV, Pet. 4 9 Marcia W. Barrabee * Richard F. Burlingame Douglas J. White Ward IV, Pet. 7 '0 Joseph L. Falkson Henry Hamburger Solomon G. Jacobson Ward V, Pet. 3 FcCAUScs WAS PK- AM~P M6A&Y' IGS'3EC5$ / A' OF OUR~ 0T041t j ( '0C(6F VMTIU HcCART K67 0OV6HT MC OAC< ovRRU 1 r SAWA TH1AT II)WO 1ONLY 'OXJE TIC'/ FR NJST C C =90 MUS~3TC FIMIMO1TO36'try Fog lI C F3& 66T A 5sROc* FOB' cW6P6ACC PLA)W LU6 KEMJPY, INTwO THU TO IN- FA.M MOPU REAL ISTIC -_ ALLY 10FLV6MC~ K ~LiJI...,6iii: . .tf lti its , 1- WiLu.61 A~t')lT T .', . . I I i E