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A jaundiced look at real black power
(That black 'coalition' with Richard Milhous Nixon may be no joke!)

TUESDAY, JULY 9, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX,-


A fourth party

T SAME old double game is being
played. The associates of Mr. Nixon
and Vice President Humphrey -claim pri-
vately that the nominees of each party
have already been chosen, and that any-
one who wants a piece of the action
should stop chasing rainbows. The "nom-
inees" themselves are more modest. They
can hardly say that the * score can be
posted before the game is over; that
world suggest a "fix." Cynicism runs
deep among the players of professional
politics; nevertheless, the voters must not
come to believe that it is not they who
pick the winners.
What is more fascinating, and hopeful,
about 1968 than what Humphrey or Nixon
says is that the two front-running can-
didates may 'not be the ones the voters
want at all. These abandoned, uncounted
but numerous voters may be rescued by
the nominatipn of Eugene McCarthy or
Nelson Rockefeller. However, the bet-
ting is that they will not. In state after
state (most recently in Minnesota, Con-
necticut, Michigan, Missouri and Okla-
homa), administration loyalists ran
roughshod over substantial anti-Humph-
rey forces, raising some question about
who runs the party. At the last Demo-
cratic Convention in 1964, 54.6 per cent
of the delegates were party officials (36.8
per cent public officials), which partly
explains why convention delegates, left
to themselves, are more attentive to par-
ty leaders and functionaries than to vol-
unteers who get into politics for pur-
poses larger than partisan duty or per-
sonal reward.
There is no sign to date of any slack-'
ening on the part of the supporters of
Sen. McCarthy or Gov. Rockefeller. But
it is plainer each day that the new poli-
tics for which they speak cannot be en-
trusted solely to the good keeping of the
delegates to Miami and Chicago. Some-
thing extra is required as a precaution.
Those who perceive the wisdom of not
putting all their eggs in two baskets are
therefore beginning to discuss prepar-
ing the way for a fourth party in '68
(Governor Wallace having made a third).
IF THIS WERE a more settled decade
with fewer and less raw tensions with-
in the United States and between our-
selves and revolutionary movements
abroad, it might be said that convention-
al choices are supportable, that neither
Humphrey nor Nixon would be all that
bad. Is not politics, after all, a choice be-
tween lesser evils? But this is not a
settled decade. The break-up of the com-
munist empire, the discrediting of. an
imperial mission for America, the grow-
ing militance of the blacks, the tough
questioning of our national purposes by
the young - all these have overtaken
and overturned the accepted notions of
conventional politicians. A modern lead-
ership, awake, free to shape the future in
new ways is what we need. That is why,
vithout any diminishing of the cam-
paigns to nominate M c C a r t h y and
Rockefeller as the Democratic and Re-
publican candidates, an alternative
should be prepared in the event they
and their policies are cast aside.
The justification, finally, for a new
party is that it will be one of two par-,
ties, for there is strength and stability
in a two-party system. In other circum-
stances, in 1948, The New Republic op-
posed a third party (the Progressive Par-
ty of Henry Wallace). But that was 20
years ago, and experience here, as in
other areas, is no longer an absolute
guide. The world has radically changed
since then, and as represented by Nixon
and Humphrey, the two major parties

have not changed correspondingly.
A fourth party is both carrot and stick.
It invites politicians to profit from the
depth and breadth of popular disen-
chantment by responding sympatheti-
cally to it in the selection of nominees
and the drafting of platforms. It is a
threat of retaliation if they do not. And
the threat is to each party. (Had Theo-
dore Roosevelt not -bolted the Republican
Party in 1912, the Democratic nominee
would in all probability have been Champ
Clark, not Woodrow Wilson.) The threat
must be credible, however. That means
an alternative in being by November.
THE ORGANIZERS of a new force in
politics this ' year would be underes-

mired with, them in the certainty that
the election of 1968, for all its early aber-
rations, will settle tidily into the pattern
of institutional and block control they
understand best."
Then too, there is the longer future
to be thought of. Something will replace
the outworn, fragmented Democratic co-
alition that came into being under Frank-
lin Roosevelt: The construction of the
new coalition should begin promptly.
Concern for the future, moreover, in-
cludes within it a good hunk of the pres-
ent. For a fourth party in 1968 would put
forward leaders in whom dissatisfied
millions can have confidence now, a re-
lease for frustration among young people,
the poor, the blacks and the many more
who want an end to the domination of
our thinking and our national budget by
the military. These people want repre-
sentation now, not later, and they can
get it if they take responsibility. Noth-
ing so invigorates the democratic process
as the doing by the citizens of what must
be done.
A fourth party can emerge reasonably
soon, in time for November, if its initia-
tors are numerous and zealous enough.
As of today, a fourth party or an inde-
pendent slate of electors could still get
on the ballot under existing laws in 41
states, including the District of Colum-
bia. There is no uniform pattern among
the 50 states.
f'O ILLUSTRATE, to get on the ballot
in California under present law, an
independent candidate needs nomination
pa ers signed by voters equal in number
to five per cent of the vote cast in the
last gubernatorial election (330,293 sig-
natures). These papers must be filed on
or before Sept. 21. In Arizona, an inde-
pendent candidate can be on the ballot
in the general election if a petition has
been signed by 3,783 voters and been filed
within 10 days after the primary elec-
tion (Sept. 20). In Connecticut, names of
presidential electors for an independent
presidential candidate must be filed be-
fore Aug. 13. In Idaho, a new party may
nominate an electoral slate by a conven-
tion at which there are at least 200 dele-
gates, held on Aug. 6; a certificate of
nomination must then be filed with the
Secretary of State, not later than 20 days
after the regular primary (Aug. 26). In
Minnesota, minor party and independent
presidential elector slates may be placed
on the ballot, provided a nominating peti-
tion signed by 2,000 qualified voters is
filed on or before Sept. 10. In New York,
new parties and independent candidates
can get on the ballot, so long as a nom-
inating petition signed by at least 12,000
voters of whom at least 50 shall reside in
each county, is filed by the fourth Tues-
day before Oct. 8. In the state of Wash-
ington, all that is required is a nominat-
ing convention of at least 100 registered
voters, to be held Sept. 17. The nomina-
tion certificate must be signed by 100
registered voters, and filed no later than
the first Tuesday after Sept. 24.
There are states which, for all practi-
cal purposes, preclude any successful new
party bid this year. Under law, it is too
late to get an independent slate in Alas-
ka, Kentucky, Michigan, New Jersey,
North Carolina, Ohid, Pennsylvania,
Texas or in West Virginia.
BUT IN THESE instances, the laws
themselves need challenging in fed-
eral court. (George Wallace has threat-
ened just such a challenge in Ohio.)
Laws which have the effect of foreclos-
ing one's right to vote in any way other
than Democratic or Republican will not

stand under attack. Twenty years ago,
the courts might have said that they
could not get into this "political thicket."
That is no longer true. The Court has
made it plain, in its one man, one vote,
decision, for example, that you can't fab-
ricate a majority in a legislature by
weighting votes among the electorate.
The analogy from that to the fabricat-
ing of a governing majority by foreclos-
ing access to the ballot is not a distant
analogy. Furthermore, any effective pro-
hibition of the right of independent elec-
tors or a new party to be on the ballot
runs counter to the right of association
guaranteed by the First Amendment.
So who would the candidates of a
.. 'r.., Ian (, A Tn n v. cnr c nnn fi i-t r i

By ANN MUNSTER
JT Is BECOMING. increasingly
obvious that the terror struck
into the hearts of white integra-
tionists by the spectre of "black
power' is more or less . iwar-
ranted,
hut, unfortunately, for the
white radical living in anticipa-
tion of the universal catharsis that
will be the ultimate achievement
of black militancy, his under-
standing of the "black power"
movement is equally ,erroneous.
For as the hysterical outburst
begins to subside and the theore-
ticians come forth in all their
glory, black power is showing signs
of being little more than a black
answer to white' American power
politics and an undisguised4 mani-
festo for flagrant black material-
ism.
A PRIME example of 'this is
the new direction being taken by
CORE, formerly a moderately
militant, biracial group which last
year completed its conversion to
an all-black organization.
The perceived "leftward" swing
by CORE has been chiefly at-
tributed to Roy Innis, who has
been active in the group for the
past six years and has just taken

over -as acting national director
for Floyd McKissick. McKissick is
currently on a convenient leave of
absence for medical reasons.
When he was named to fill-in
for McKisick, The Ann Arbor News
described \Innis, simply, as a
"black militant." But, when he
spoke here last week, Innis preach-
ed the gospel of sweet reasonable-
ness to an overwhelmingly white
audience.
The real irony of the situation
is not the News' absurd exaggera-
tion of his militancy. Rather, it is
the fact that his audience came
desperately looking for spiritual
sustenance and got a comforting
reassurance that black , militants
are far less interested in destroy-
ing the edifice of white material-
ism than in' furthering the ad-
vancement of what they hope will
be its black counterpart.
NEVER BEFORE in the history
of revolutions has any group ex-
pected to gain as much of a purely
emotional release as many whites
expect from the current black rev-
olution in America. Or, for that
matter, from the social ferment
pervading the underdeveloped
world, of which some white Amer-
ican radicals fondly believe the

black revolution in their own
country to be an integral part.
And never before have they held
the peculiar and paradoxial ex-
pectation that the efforts of an
oppressed minority to better its
own material status would magic-
ally bring about a transformation
in values, so that the spiritual
needs of the reinvigorated misfits
among the oppressors would be
truly satisfied.
But those whites who are await-
ing their own spiritual salvation
from the hands of black revolu-
tionaries will be bitterly disap-
pointed. For perhaps never before
in the long history of social up-
heavals has a movement promised
less of a revolution in values than
the black power movement.
AS INNIS TOLD all the bright,
eager, and interested white faces
gathered around him at the Com-
munity Center-the hard core of
leftist "seekers" who ' can be'
counted on to turn up at every
radical gathering-he was "not
trying to entertain or chastise
whites ,. . or to threaten to burn
down their cities; for if that were
my purpose, I would do it directly.
I came rather to try to reason
with them."
Unfortunately for his spirit-
ually starved white audience, this
is exactly what Innis was trying
to do.
His message was aimed only at
blacks who need moral support in
their struggle to shake off the
psychological fetters with which
white society has for so long bound
the black self-image. And it was
also coldly directed to white prag-
matists rational enough to per-
ceive that their long run self-
interest, in terms of preserving
the foundation of a prosperous
America, lies in an acceptance of
"black power" and of the black
material advancement which is
one of its foremost goals.
What Innis is 'demanding-com-
plete community control of the
busineses and social institutions in
the ghetto-is probably the sim-
plest demand the blacks have ever
made upon white society..
RATHER THAN expending a
great deal of money to rehabili-
tate city slums and reinvigorate
ghetto business, and rather than
continuing to suffer a great deal
of emotional torment trying to
solve the social problems of the
ghetto residents, the white could
save both themselves and the
blacks a great deal of trouble by
simple unilateral withdrawal from
the ghetto.
Innis would undoubtedly appre-

ciate having the money which is
currently pouring into the ghetto'
to play with, were whites to keep
up their generosity. But the mag-
nitude of the crisis in white values'
should be sufficient to absorb any
excess psychic energy of an af-
fluent white America, if it could
wrest itself free of the emotional
escape provided by the more tan-
gible problems of the ghetto.
The, alternative which Innis
proposed to the "present ' dis-
astrous course which this country
seems to be on" is really an in-
credibly simple one.
And the white man, if he didn't
happen just now to be overwhelm-
ed with emotional problems and
intellectual problems far more
complex then Innis', would surely
perceive this.
For Innis is contending that the
widespread urban riots-or, if you,
will, rebellions-have given the

relevant to the needs of blacks"
and generally a fraud.
INNIS CHEERFULLY points out
that segregation differs from in-
tegration only in that blacks are
geographically cut off from the
rest of society, as well as denied
any control over the social institu-
tions which intimately affect their
destinies and, he says, they are
denied any power over"the dis- V
tribution of goods and services.
,Separateness, on the other hand,
is simply "black contrpl of the in-
stitutions which give them goods
and services."
It is all very simple. And Innis
even has the experience of the
previous American minority
groups, and the political philo-
sophy of the founding fathers, and
the experience of the Nineteenth
Century nationalists to support
his contention that there is noth-

"... Black power is showing unmistakeable
signs of being little more than a black answer to
white American power politics, a undisguised
manifesto for flagrant black materialism.
%%##%005$25%%16%2550%$@$&%N#M3MkW0E4

white community a choice. Either
they can begin the expensive pro-
cess of exterminatingthee blacks
or they can take the relatively in-
expensive course of simple justice
and simple practicality and' give
the ghettos complete autonomy.,
INNIS MAKES a strong appeal
to the revered American tradition,
of pragmatism, which optimistic
ally asserts that most disputes
can be settled through a clear
definition of the terms at issue.
He patiently explains that be-
cause the terms segregation and
separateness have never been
clearly defined (they have always
been carelessly equated), the white
man has been under the totally
erroneous impression that he can-
not live 'with the black man and
that the black man does not want
to live with him.
Just define these knotty terms
and-presto!-we all live together
in harmonious competition among
the duly represented factions and
the political process goes on mer-
rily, taking care of the contending
interest groups.
The involved concept of integra-
tion, painstakingly devised by
white liberals to create the illusion
that blacks could be accommo
dated within the white society
while the control. of social insti-
tutions remained completely in
white hands, is shown tol be "ir

ing unusual about black national-
ism or black power, which is just
the method of. implementing black
nationalist aspirations.

-I

CORE's Roy Innis

INNIS' DISCOURSE on the
experience of American immi-
grants seems peculiar to those who
are under the impression that the
whole point of black power is that
blacks are differentfrom previous
minority groups in this country-
that one of their greatest needs
is tot develop a culture of their
own, to replace both the values of
the dominant white society (irrele-
vant to the blacks) and African 4
culture (lost on the journey to the
slave shores of the American
colonies).
But the interesting thing about
Innis' attempts to justify black
power on the grounds that the
Negroes are the most recent in a
legitimate succession of ethnic im- *
,migrant groups is that he takes
his parallels almost entirely from
the experience of the American
Jewish community, hardly the
typical immigrant group.
For the self-ghettoization of the
Jews has been the most extreme
and certainly the longest in dura-
tion. No other group of immi-
grants maintained its separateness
down to the third and fourth gen-
eration in the same self-imposed
manner as have many Jews.
AND THE Jewish. "ghetto of
excellence"' upon which Innis
dwells the most--the Grand Con-
course in the Bronx, which is the
lower middle class Jew's image of
having "made it"-shows in an
almost comic way the grotesque
limitations of Innis' vision. He
spends a great deal of time con-
juring up the mystical imagery ,
which surrounds ancient Jewish
history and the-amiliar references
to the astonishing, achievements'
of the modern Jews in America,
while he asks white American so-
ciety to buy him off by giving
him control of Harlem.
And the very fact that 'Innis '
harps on the tactics most pain-
stakingly, contrived by the most
separatist ethnic groups reveals
that Innis is really all too aware
of the artificiality of what he
advocates.
Black separateness -~would be
basically unnatural pattern. For, 4
persistent as cultural distinctions
have sometimes proven to be, it is
becoming more and more evident
that their preservation has been
deliberate (if not irrational) and
that no ethnic or ethno-religious
group has devised a set of values
wholly competent to deal with the *
pressures our society places on all
of its members.

Lete Some more on the barricades

To the Editor:
SIX WEEKS ago Robert Ken-
nedy was assassinated. Twelve
weeks ago Martin Luther King
died under the assassin's gun.
There were "riots" in 164 Amer-
ican cities . . . Dr. Spock and
three others were recently con-
victed of conspiracy. What w as
the response of the public? How
did the government reply? The
questions are rhetorical. The
President called for a "Day of
prayer," another commission was
formed to study violence.
What will they get us?
These brave actions will provide
employment for a number of so-
cial scientists. A mountain of
paper will be utilized and employ
some government printers. A few
interested parties will read the
reports and shake their heads in
dismay. But the real value of the
reports will be to future histori-
ans. For, we will possibly have
chronicled the demise of the
American experiment.
Those future historians will be
truly dismayed. They will say,
"They had everything . . and
they failed. They wvoke from the
American dream to find it a real
nightmare."
THAT FAILURE could come
this summer. Detroit sits quietly,
quietly arming itself to the teeth
It could, and probably will ex-
plode this summer with a violence
hitherto unknown. What the press
has generally called a "riot" will
be recognized for what it really
is, an insurrection .An ultimate
denial of the fiction we call Amer-
ican Democracy.r
In a larger sense, the nature of
the American experiment in dem-
ocracy is being violently (yet
without force) exploded in our
midst. Kennedy anddMcCarthy
consistently out-polled Humphrey
in the state primaries. McCarthy,
standing alone, received 52 per
cent of the New York state pri-
mary vote. Yet it is generally con-
ceded that Humphrey will get the
Democratic nomination in Chi-
cago. His chance of election
against a Hawkish Quaker, Rich-
ard Nixon, is, as evidenced by
Chief Justice Warren's early re-
signation, in doubt by the party
pros.
Sen. Kennedy's death extin-
guished the last flicker of hope ...

THIS PAST autumn, accord-
ing to Time magazine, students
shedtheir apathy along with their
beards, beads, and/or black
stockings, and disgust with Es-
tablishment politics, to campaign
for Sen. McCarthy. Today, the
fickle finger of fate not withstand-
ing, it appears that these same
students will be turned away by
the political pros. The choice of
several millions of voters, who
even in the nation's second largest
city, voted decidedly AGAINST
Humphrey, will be negated. What
happened to the democratic spirit?
It very possibly died one night
a few weeks ago in a Los Angeles
hospital.
What will happen to these stu-
dents if Humphrey is nominated
to face Nixon in the coming pres-
idential election? Apathy? Well,
maybe for the readers of Time.
Disgust with a system filled with
inertia that the people can no
longer affect or effect. I think
that it will go beyond disaffection,
to overt rejection of that "sys-
tem." Not for all . . . maybe 5 per
cent, maybe 20 per cent.
THIS REJECTION of the sys-
tem will be acted out withhforce.
It won't only be the leaders of the
left (Kennedy, Schwerner, Good-
man, Cheney, Evers, King, and
Kennedy) who will face the as-
sassin's gun. America hasn't seen
the end of political murder, only
the beginning, and soon it will
be the fence-sitters and Rightists
who will also live in fear.
If this happens, and it could
occur this summer; and if the
ghetto's revolt spreads to the
white suburbs, America might see
the enforcement of the McCarran
Act (Internal Security Act of
1950) as well as the Riot Control
Act of 1968 . . . called by some,
"The Fair Housing Act."
The ghettos will be sealed by
armed cordons . . . Maybe Na-
tional Identification Cards will be
issued. Maybe the paranoia of
SDS will become reality as we who
have signed various anti-war (or
anti-government) petitions are
charged with conspiracy, and
marched off to "detention cen-
ters." The Establishment press
will call them Fifth columnists.
Very likely, many will be, or will
become Fifth columnists after
their experience in the camps.
or maybe they will simply become
"Them". So many subjects

.And more,
To the ,Editor:
IT IS INDEED unfortunate that
we must once again, in this
election year, yield to political
bosses and back room politics in
this would be democratic society
of ours. The once enchanted youth
has again been disillusioned by the
ideals this country was built on.
We have tried to change the di-
rection of this nation through the
existing system. We did not fail
entirely, for we were heard by a
few sensitive individuals who stood
apart from the establishment, but
they in turn,"were ignored by it,
or destroyed by its sympathizers!
My country has betrayed me, and
all of us once again with its in-
sidious machine.
We can no longer sit back, or
work in the background and let
the machinery determine our fate.
If this electorate will not change
the establishment for us, then we
must become the new electorate.
Fifty-two per cent of our popula-
tion is under 25. In another dec-

ade, this group will make up 80
per cent. We, in the university
community, can change the sys-
tem and we should. We are Amer-
ican citizens. We are better ed-
ucated and have a greater interest
in our destiny than the average
American. It is up to us; the fu-
ture is ours.
OUR LAST chance to change
the system, within the system, lies
in the reduction of the voting age,
a move closer to universal suf-
frge. This must be attempted be-
fore the barricades go up, before
the system is torn down. Destruc-
tion must be the last resort, for we
cannot ignore the ideals of dem-
ocracy that we stand for, less we
refute that which we seek: a true
democracy.
It is time for change, but not
revolution. In the words of Alfred
Lord Tennyson, "Tis not too late
to seek a newer world." Should it
become so,' then; and only then,
will I join those on the barricades.
-Wallace G. Long
President Bursley Hall

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