Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications

"It became necessary to destroy
Resurrection City to save it."

On the left of Japan...


i

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News Phone: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

TUESDAY, JULY 2, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX


Rock efeller-McCarthy?

By STEVE D'ARAZIEN
College Press Service
rfOKYO - At, a time when
American student radicals are
in a desperate mood, unsure of
how to change America, their
Japanese counterparts are con-
fidently predicting a successful
revolution which will topple the
ruling Sato government in the
early 1970's.
"We are not pacifists," em-
phasized Mr. Kashiwagi, a leader
of the Sempa Ranga faction of
the Zengakuren, the All-Japan
Federation of Students.
The Zengakuren model for
changing Japan is the 1917 Rus-
sian revolution, he added.
"From October to April we had
big demonstrations. Now we have
fierce demonstrations. In the
1970's we will have big fierce dem-
onstrations," added his comrade,
Mr. Kishimoto, with a twinkle in
his eye.
The Zengakuren go to battle
with the police armed with hel-
mets, shields, and clubs. Zenga-
kuren demonstrations frequently
begin with snake dancing and
often end with a rush on police

WHY NOT?r
Two weeks ago the St. Louis Post
Dispatch endorsed its "dream ticket":
Nelson Rockefeller for President with
Eugene McCarthy as his running mate,
arguing that in this year of political
surprises anything is possible.
The editorial was sloughed off as the
day's humor item and even elicited a
chuckle from mild-mannered reporter
Walter Cronkite of CBS News.
But there may be more here than meets
the eye. On Sunday, while speaking to a
closed session of the Michigan delega-
tion to the Democratic National Conven-
tion, candidate McCarthy was quoted as
saying: "I might go to Rockefeller if
his domestic and foreign policy programs
were acceptable."
STATEMENTS such as these are not
bent toward endearing any candidate
sic
THERE IS a worldwide network of those
who crave not only "all the news that's
fit to print," but who also derive deep
sensual satisfaction from the hidden in-
sights they glean from cleverly concealed
clues hidden within the news stories on
the inside pages of the New York Times.
For example, there is a gem of lasting
import on page 39 of Monday's Times
buried beneath the latest thrill-packed
installment of "Nelson, John and the
Senate - Or I Won't Ask You, You Ask
Me."
In their fiendishly clever manner, the
Times ran a brief Associated Press story
reporting that "Communist sources" in
Moscow claim that Communist China had
developed its first Intercontinental Bal-
listics Missile.
NOT SATISFIED with such a straight
forward and mundane account, the
Times combined with the AP story, one
paragraph of their own quoting "military
sources" in Washington that "the Chinese
missile program had not progressed so
far as the Moscow report stated."
It's obvious that "Communist sources"
in Moscow announced the development
of the Chinese ICBM in order to inflate
American fears of the Peking menace.
This strategy - as all the informed know
stems from Russian hopes that some-
day American bombers will solve her
China problems.
However, when one tries to plot the
permutations of possible motivations be-
hind the denial by our "military sources"
In Washington, the mystery deepens. One
could argue that they are trying to foil
the devilish Soviet plot to inflate Ameri-
can fears of China.
IN CONTRADICTION to this possible en-
lightened Pentagon approach, it is dif-
ficult to understand how the military
resisted the temptation to use the Chinese
ICBM's as a new argument for more
anti-Chinese playtoys like a $5 billion
soft anti-ballistics missile system.
From just 28 lines of newsprint, judi-
ciously placed on page 39, there will be
lights burning late in the homes of all
the world's opinion-makers. For enigmas
like this are far more engrossing than the
Times' Sunday crossword could ever be.
-W.S.

to the Democratic faithful, and Michigan
has more than its share of party regulars.
What the Minnesota Senator reportedly
said seems to open the door of possibility
to a Rockefeller-McCarthy coalition as
this year's last chance for the "new lib-
eralism."
But could such a ticket win in No-
vember?
Sure, why not? Admittedly there are
obstacles to hurdle but they shouldn't
prove insurmountable in a truly liberal
America. First, both candidates must rec-
ognize that their chances of gaining the
top-spot on their parties' respective na-
tional tickets are preposterous - at best.
Good ol' Hubert has finally gotten the
green light from his master, and the new,
smooth, "Tricky Dick" has been so loyal
and wants the job so badly that he'd run
on a laundry ticket.
O GENE and Nelson had better begin
looking for other outlets for their
f .strations. The trouble here is that the
regular channels make no such provision
for perversion - there is no way to get
on the ballot at this late date.
But could such a ticket - a write-in -
win in November? Sure, why not? If
non-candidate Henry Cabot Lodge could
win the 1964 New Hampshire Republican
primary on write-ins, while he was 9000
miles away in Saigon, anything must be
possible.
Thus the answer lies in a post-conven-
tion coalition,.which would allow for four
major candidates in most states - the
Rockefeller-McCarthy team, N i x o n,
Humphrey, and former governor George
C. Wallace of Alabama.
CRITICS MIGHT argue that this set-up
would be similar to the 1948 presiden-
tial elections in which that year's "new
liberal" Henry Wallace was able to get
only about 10 per cent of the national
vote, and in which Strom Thurmond ran
on a Dixiecrat ticket.
But the similarity is a specious one: in
1948 the United States was caught in a
"cold war," not the "hot war" of today.
Perhaps a better comparison for our
purposes is the 1912 Bullmoose candi-
dacy of Theodore Roosevelt, who actually
made a better showing than incumbent
President Taft. And the potential of a
two-party coalition this year Is height-
ened by the fact that it could cause a
two-party split - it could not only de-
stroy the ambitions of the Republicans,
but theDemocrats as well. Herein lies
the beauty of the masterplan.
SO, FOR THE SAKE of argument, let us
continue, and assume that the coali-
tion could win at least a plurality of the
popular vote. The last remaining prob-
lem lies in the fact that because the
Rockefeller-McCarthy team was not on
the ballot in the first place, it would
have no delegate slate, and hence, no
electoral votes.
But accepting the true liberalism that
has always been peculiar to America, the
moral suasion of the people would force
the politicians to accept the popular vote,
putting the coalition in the White House
next January.
But could all this really happen? Sure,
why not?
--JOHN LOTTIER
Assoc. Editorial Director, 1967-68

Man with the grey flannelmouth

By STUART GANNES
YESTERDAY I met a newly ap-
pointed specialist in the Ad-
ministration Building, Vice Pres-
ident Doublespeak.
"Mr. Doublespeak," I addressed
him, "congratulations on your ap-
pointment. By the way, what is
the official name of your new
position?"
"Well, it's hard td say exactly,
the duties of my office are spread
over a whole wide range of ad-
ministrative jobs and to try and
pin my title down to a short one
or two word definition would cer-
tainly prove an awesome task. The
jurisdiction of my office will, how-
ever, be essential in the light of
the many recent developments at
the University."

"Could you be a little more
specific, sir?"
"CERTAINLY, my boy; we don't
want to mislead any of your read-
ers, do we? As I was saying, al-
though it is too nebulous to place
in a cut and dry definition, my
job is exceedingly important."
"Is it true, sir, that you were
formerly a press secretary for
Governor Romney?"
"Well, yes and no . .,. although
I never held a distinct position in
the Romney machine, I mean ma-
chinery, I was delegated with cer-
tain responsibilities in the public
relations field."
"Will you be a middleman for
the University administration also,
in your position here?"
"Not a middleman, my son, bas-
ically I will try to bring forth the
administration's position and
clarify its activities in relation-
ship to the University community."
"THEN I TAKE it, sir, that you
are willing to answer questions
about administrative affairs?"
"By all means, my boy, go right
ahead."
"Would you mind explaining
where President Fleming and the
Regents stand on the Cutler ques-
tion?"
"Well, the last I heard, they
were sitting on the affair, I mean
question, until an adequate analy-
sis of his office can be conducted."
"DO YOU MEAN the proposed
restructuring of the Office of
Student Affairs?"
"Not specifically. From an ob-
jective standpoint, Dr. Cutler has
performed many outstanding op-
erations in his former capacity
and President Fleming and the
Regents expect him to carry on
these high standards of dedica-
tion wherever he goes . . . with-
in the University, that is."

"I'm afraid I don't understand
you, Mr. Doublespeak."
"Well, my boy, try another
question, maybe we'll reach a
rapport on another subject."
"WHAT DO YOU suggest, sir?"
"Well, before you came in here
I was just thinking about what
a wonderful homecoming festival,
we'll be putting on this fall."
"I thought you were liaison
within the administration, f 1r;
are you implying that your duties
extend into student relations
also?"
"Don't make hasty conjectures,
son, I was just speaking from the
standpoint of an active partici-
pant in University activities. And I
happen to like parades."
"TO CHANGE THE subject, sir,
how do you like your new offices
here at the top of the new Ad-
ministration Bldg.?"
"I'm glad you brought that up
because in our fight for autonomy
we are insisting on our right to
design University buildings. In my
opinion, the Administration Bldg.
is an outstanding example . . .
a triumph in naturalism for ar-
chitecture."
"How do you mean that, sir?"
"LOOK AROUND YOU, my boy.
Where else can a man be at one
with nature if not in my office?
Here I am in direct communion
with the world surrounding me.
To quote an old song, I have the
sun in the morning and the moon
at night, so to speak."
"Yes, but isn't it a, little dan-
gerous being on an unprotected
roof all the time? . . . Why is
your face turning red, sir? We
should watch out for the edge,
sir. Mr. Doublespeak, don't be so
pushy!"
At this point the author's trans-
cript ends.

lines which culminate in bloody
clashes with the brutal Japanese
riot police.
Zengakuren, which claims a
membership of over 1,000,000
Japanese students, began its pro-
tests with the signing of the U.S.-
Japan defense pact in 1960. Since
then the student group has pro-
tested Prime Minister Sato's visit
to the United States and, earlier
this year, fought against the visit
to Japan of the American nuclear-
powered aircraft carrier Enter-
prise.
"THIS TIME THE Enterprise
came, but next time there will be
real trouble," Kashiwagi pre-
dicted.
The Sempa Ranga ("three-fact-
ioned") Zengakuren comprises
about 20 per cent of the total
membership of the Student Fed-
eration. The majority of the
Zengakuren factions are controll-
ed by the Japanese Communist
Party (JCP), which the Sempa
Ranga leadership regards as too
conservative.
Kashiwagi and Kishimoto, who
are Marxists, believe strongly in
anti-imperialism and world rev-
olution. They regard the JCP as
an essentially establishment or-
ganization which has accommo-
dated itself to the Japanese par-
liamentary system.
In reply, they say the JCP ac-
cuses the Sempa Ranga factions
of being a bunch of spoiled rich
kids. But unlike the American left,
all the Zengakuren groups are
primarily composed of working
class students.
THE SEMPA RANGA leaders
said they favor neither Russia nor
China and prefer Trotsky to Sta-
lin although they are not, they
insist, formal Trotskyites.
The Japanese leftists accuse the
Sato governmnt of turning Japan
into an American base. They cite
the case of the Narite civilian air-
port which, they say, is being used
as an American base against
North Vietnam.
The recent crash of an Amer-
ican Phantom fighter into Kyushu
University in Tokyo provided a
dramatic symbol of American mil-
itary invdlvement in Japan and
provoked violent demonstrations..
The Sempa Ranga leaders also
accuse the Ministry of Education
of rewriting history by "prettying-
up" the Russo-Japanese war and
World War II. The Ministry of
Education is the central policy-
making body for all Japanese
schools and for most of the uni-
versities.
UNLIKE THEIR American coun-
terparts, the Japanese leftists re-
ceive no support from the faculty.
"Japanese professors are more
vulnerable than American profes-
sors," Kishimoto said.
As Marxists, they maintain an
economic perspective on the prob-
lems of Japan. Here the burgeo
ing monopoly capitalism is hurting
the peasants and the gap between
the rich and the poor is increas-
ing, Kashiwagi insisted.
While American radicals have
never been able to garner support
from the ranks of labor, the Sem-
pa Ranga leaders claim success.
"In 1960 we didn't have much

labor support. Now many of the
young workers support us," Kashi-
wagi said.
Marxism dictates that the Ja-
panese revolution will be the prod-
uct of a student-worker coali-
tion, these leaders insist. To co-
ordinate the. effort the Anti-War
Youth Committee has been form-
ed, and is comprised of Zenga-
kuren members and union mem-
bers. Zengakuren has begun an
intensive program of organizing
in the factories.
AS IN AMERICA, the Japanese
movement finds younger high
school students being drawn into
the ranks, becoming more polit-
ically aware and more radical.
One of the problems faced by
the Zengakuren membership, aside
from busted heads, is general po-
lice harassment. Over 500 Japanese
students are facing two year sen-
tences arising from the recent
clashes with the police.
Unlike the American student
left-which comprises many and
often conflicting tendencies such
as democratic socialism, anarch-
ism, pacifism, and Marxism, both
orthodox and revisionist - the
leaders of the Zengakuren operate
from the singular ideological
starting point of Marxism.
LATER I TALKED with some
younger members of the Sempa
Ranga faction and I found them
to be much more like the undog-
matic leftists I know at home.
Wakimoto knows Marxism is
the driving force of his leaders,
but he described himself as "un-
convinced" He was certain of one
thing-"I want to be free." The
freedom he seeks is spiritual.
"Many people take drugs, LSD,
and make love. They are impo-
tent," he said.
Less influenced by Marxism
than by existentialism, Wakimoto
believes a revolution-"Don't you
want a revolution?," he asked-
is necessary to break the spiritual
malaise that many Japanese stu-
dents feel.
Materialism has a stranglehold
on Japan much as It does in
America. The materialism of the
orthodox Marxist student leaders
bothers many of the young mem-
bers of the Zengakuren. They are
looking for other-often psycho-
logical-explanations for Japan's
problems.
THE ZENGAKUREN is organ-
ized in traditional communist
fashion. At the top is the Central
Committee which passes on direc-
tives to the membership, which
is organized into small cells
Kishimoto and Kashiwagi agree
that this type of formal structure
is responsible for the remarkable
success of the Japanese left-
which may soon succeed in expel-
ling the United States from Japan
and whose threat to the Japanese
establishment is formidable.
Though the two leaders com-
pliment last October's antiwar
demonstaration at the Pentagon,
calling it "a real encouragement,
they believe the American left
needs a form of organization sim-
ilar to theirs. In view of their suc-
cess, the suggestion deserves seri-
ous consideration back home.

SI


Er

Mr. Doublespeak

Letters: Law School notions

for LSA


To the Editor:
AT A SPECIAL faculty meeting
held on June 28 the Law Fac-
ulty amended its substantive rules
to provide that the Law School
Judiciary Council may impose
sanctions on law students for
engaging in conduct which is both
(1) in violation of valid federal,
state, or local law, and (2) inter-
feres with the functioning of the
University. Previously these rules
had prohibited illegal conduct
which interfered with the func-
tioning of the Law School or its
recognized organizations. The
previous version of the Law School
rules, still in effect, authorizes the
Law School Judiciary Council to
impose sanctions "in cases in-
volving an alleged breach of . . .
general University non-academic
regulations or rules . . ." At the
time the Law Faculty and the

Board of Directors of the Lawyers
Club (the law students' official
organization) approved the Law
School regulatory set-up in April
1967, it appeared to be the case
that there were "general Univer-
sity non-academic regulations or
rules" forbidding illegal inter-
ference with the functioning of
the University. The faculty action
of June 28, 1968, was taken be-
cause it now appears there are no
such rules applicable to law stu-
dents and the failure to pass some
such rule would leave the campus
devoid of regulatory power (other
than turning to the police) should
law students disrupt functions of
parts of the University other than
the Law School.
Before acting, the Law School
Faculty consulted the President
of the Board of Directors of the
Lawyers Club, who approved the


general idea of an interim change
in the rules to cover this hiatus.
In accord with his strong sug-
gestion, the Law Faculty took
steps to make sure that its uni-
laterally proclaimed new rule will
not endure beyond the time when
the bulk of law students return
and can consider the matter. The
rule is in effect only until Octo-
ber 1.
MANY MEMBERS of the fac-
ulty were concerned about alter-
ing rules concerning student con-
duct without more student par-
ticipation in the process than just
described, but the faculty was
unable to come up with any mean-
ingful way to achieve student par-
ticipation during the summer,
when the bulk of students and all
but one non-officer member of
the Board of Directors of the
Lawyers Club are out of town. The
faculty voted to inform all mem-
bers of the Board of Directors
promptly of the faculty action
taken, the Dean's conversation
with the President of the Board,
and the faculty's regret at being
unable to come up with better
consultative methods during the
summer.
The rule just adopted grants
enforcement power to the same
tribunal that handles all other
law school matters of non-aca-
demic discipline-the Law School
Judiciary Council. This Council
was created jointly by the stu-
dents and faculty after prolonged
joint deliberations. Its three mem-
bers are named jointly by the
Dean and the President of the
Board of Directors of the Law-
yers Club subject to the approval
of the Board of Directors. They
must include at least one student
and one faculty member. The re-
quired procedures of this tribunal
include guarantees of notice, right
to present evidence, right to con-
front witnesses, right to cross ex-
amine, and right to be represented
h , n,,, ,.a .i ( maa inr. .a a.

the substance of the rules adopted
was borrowed from recent SGC
legislation, but the tribunal is to
be the Administrative Board. The
procedures do not appear to per-
mit a student to be represented
by an attorney; they do not guar-
antee cross-examination rights;
and they would prevent a public
hearing even if the student should
demand it. I do not know the ex-
tent to which student leadership
was or was not consulted in the
adoption of these provisions.
IT STRIKES me as unfortunate,
to say the least, that rules and
machinery for the regulation of
student conduct must be adopted
in the summer, when the normal
channels for student participation
in the making of such decisions
is at a minimum. I grudgingly ac-
cept the argument that interim
regulations on this topic are need-
ed and that we cannot wait the
remaining months until the Pres-
ident's Commission presents final
proposals and their implementa-
tion by yet-to-be-created groups.
However, if parts of the University
are to engage in summer legis-
lation on this topic, I think they
should take pains (1) to obtain
maximum student participation
feasible given the summer situ-
ation; (2) to provide that the
rules will expire of their own force,
shortly after students return in
the fall and joint rule-making be-
comes possible once again; (3)
that the content of the rules in-
trudes no more than is necessary
upon political conduct-prefer-
ably limiting the scope of the
rules to that which is both illegal
and disruptive; (4) that the
procedures for applying the rules
guarantee procedural fairness to
greatest extent feasible; and (5)
that the tribunals adopted or
created for application of the rules
be, to the maximum extent feasi-
ble, tribunals in which students
participate in a meaningful way.

L.O.TE.
To the Editor:
I WRITE THIS letter in critical
response to the editorial state-
ments of the Daily staff who last
Thursday (June 27) threatened to
"resign from the system." I will
not belabor the question of what
your resignation would include. I
assume that resignation will not
include withdrawal from $he sys-
tem's universities, or a refusal to
enjoy its local, state and national
services. Yet the threat to meet
behind the barricades as a last re-
sort is so naive and irresponsible
a proclamation that it deserves
challenge.
Rushing to the barricades is
naive because is erroneously as-
sumes that the ideals which the
signatories hold can best be
furthered in this way. At the out-
set you have not recognized that
many of us who bitterly oppose
the war and who are also deeply
dissatisfied with domestic in-
justices will not join you there.
Rather many of us will partici- A
pate in storming those same bar-
ricades to preserve the essential
order for which no tenable alter-
native has yet been offered.
Further, rebellion in reaction to
the nomination of Hubert Hum-
pherey is also naive because It
suggests that there can be no dis-
tinction drawn between the Vice-
President and Richard Nixon. Ap-
parently you would advise ardent
critics of current policy to join
you behind those barricades, thus
destroying their ability to effect
society's' trend, and, denying
Humphrey your support, assist the
election of Richard Nixon. In-
deed, if you act quickly enough,
as Mr. Shapiro suggests, you might
possibly aggravate such public re-
action that theF nomination of
Reagan would be possible-a real
boon to the country's needs.

FEIFFEIK

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